Department of Economics
Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore
Reading the American System of Political Economy in Italy
The case of Henry C. Carey
(preliminary and incomplete: please do not quote)
At the beginning of the 1990s while studying the Archives1 of the Historical Society of
Pennsylvania I came across some correspondence between Francesco Ferrara and Henry
That was the point of departure of a, by now, long research path, by which I have
tracked down documents that testify to contacts, meetings, and mutual citation between
Italian and American economists. Thus, I have become part of those historians who study
the spreading of scholarly thought, reciprocal influences and minglings, which may take
place by means of personal contacts, translations, exchanges, and emigration and
immigration experiences, topics that in the last decades have been appropriately
investigated in works far more significant than mine.
Economic thought from Europe to North America began circulating in the XVIII
century through such a variety of channels and continuous currents of opinion that
historians tend to admit that also 19th-century American theoretical debates mainly
developed according to the ways and times required for the circulation of the classics.
This means that a network connecting intellectuals from both continents quickly
developed as a result of knowledge spread by specialised press and personal meetings,
both official and unofficial, as well as by the activity of scientific associations. This enabled
wider participation in the debates on economics.
1 Edward Carey Gardiner Collection, Series 5, Carey section, b. Henry C. Carey.
2 For the main bibliography on Carey, the Careys, and their circle see: Green, 1985; Carey-
Bairtl, 1885; Morrison, 1965, 1968, 1986; Wills, 1925; Barber, 1988; Eiselen, 1932; Phlimey,
Cultural exchange among the United States, France and England dates back to the
traditional bonds of nationality3; exchange with German speaking economists began in the
years 1820-30: it became increasingly more deeply rooted and developed incessantly
throughout the century4.
With regard to the overseas acquaintance with works by Italian thinkers, there is
no doubt as to the great interest aroused by Latin classics and any Italian authors in the
XXVIII century. In this respect, The roots of the political and constitutional debate on
emancipation and republicanism can be traced back to the Neo-Roman theory of liberty,
the republican “libertas” of the Romans, intended as the absence of forms of domination,
on which Philip Pettit5 and Quentin Skinner have masterfully written6.
The debate centred on the link between the freedom of individuals — intended as
non-interference or non slavery — and democracy in a political system. It was essentially a
political debate rooted in the “Roman” understanding of Republic, resumed by Machiavelli,
and afterwards by English constitutionalists and Montesquieu; this line, later shared by
American constitutionalists, does neither refer to, nor link up with, the field of economic
research, even if it was a key topic in the XVIII century7.
3 On the means of circulation of French economic thought, which among other things found
rich possibilities of development in the parallel revolutionary aspirations, see in particular
Rosengarten, 1907; Spurlin, 1984; Mott and Zinke, 1987. In addition to this, it should be
mentioned that in the first half of the 19th century J.B. Say’s work was a university text book in as
many as 14 universities.
For the connection with English thought we must refer to the knowledge of the works of the
Scottish moral philosophers, W. Petty and J. Steuart, and, naturally, A. Smith, and in the 19th
century to the Malthus-Ricardian rent theory, up to the adoption of the Principles of J.S.Mill as the
most widely used text book for the teaching of political economy at university level.
In the first half of the 19th century Friedrich List and Francis Lieber were fundamental in
helping to understand these links. References to this situation for Italian readers are included in
Parisi, 1990. See the recent work by Carlson, 1999.
5 Pettit, 1997. On this American idea of liberty, its meanings, the pre-conditions that make it
possibile and the limits to the enjoyment of rights, see Elliott and Cownie, 1975; Foner, 2000.
6 Skinner, 1998. Einaudi is currently preparing the publication of the Italian edition.
7 It may be interesting to point out that the editions of the Encyclopaedia Britannica at the
beginning of the 19th century – the 1810, 1817 and 1823 editions – include only two system
theorists that can be connected to the Italian tradition, Nicolò Machiavelli and Ludovico Antonio
Muratori. The Edinburgh edition was certainly to be found in the libraries of American intellectuals,
alongside the Enciclopédie, before Americans were offered their own encyclopaedia through an
autochthonous initiative (infra, note 82).
The fact that contacts between Americans and Italians were fragmentary, and due
more to the will of some individuals than to a tissue of continuative relations, accounts for
the fact that it is specially difficult to find documents on such reciprocal acquaintance8.
In a 1970 article, which would mark a turning point between previous and
succeeding (albeit scarce) historiography, a historian in Italian history was astonished to
observe that no handbook on the history of economic thought ever published in Italy had a
chapter on American economists or economic theories; this, with the exception of Veblen
who had been (little) studied as a “flying satellite”, an entity in the vacuum of a continent.
The historian, Aurelio Macchioro, a living, authoritative scholar, traced thus some
new research paths9; in the last forty years those in Italy committed to the study of
economic thought couldn't but consider the impact of such insights.
As a matter of fact, in the mosaic of scholarly scientific thought, the Americans first
emerged between the tesserae representing famous economists and schools and in the
interface nodes between theoretical and historiographical strands of thought; only later did
their (the Americans') presence gain independent dignity.
How could it be, that no investigation of the overseas reception of European
classics, and of its feedback to Europe, had been ever completed? How could it be, that
what had happened in Philadelphia, as well as in other big US cities and cultural centres,
had not aroused any interest? How could it be, that events such as the establishment of
private libraries, the quotation of European works, the spreading of European books and
encyclopedias, the printing of American editions of volumes originally published in Europe,
and the opening of university courses, had spurred so little an interest, or none at all?10.
2. Francesco Ferrara 'discovers' Henry Charles Carey
Henry Charles Carey had the same destiny. He was 'discovered' by Francesco Ferrara in
1851. He must have been struck by the interest shown in Carey by John Stuart Mill in his
8 The subject of The Italian Contribution to American Democracy is interestingly analysed in
a Ph.D. thesis published in Boston in 1921, and drawn up by Mariano: the theme is the
“americanization”, the “synthetization” between natives and Americans of Italian origin. The study
clearly shows that very few Italian “scholars” — as far as the proportion of Italians of various
generations making contributions — took part in the melting pot phenomenon.
9 A. Macchioro, 1970.
10 D. Parisi, 2001.
Principles of Political Economy (1848)11, but he may also have taken information from the
work of Antoine-Elysée Cherbuliez, Riche ou pauvre, exposition des acuses et des affets de
la distribution actuelle des richesses sociales (Paris 1940), which mentions Carey.
Ferrara addressed a letter to his American colleague, from Turin on December 15th
1851: «I want to know all that was written in America about your method on rent», he
wrote. He also asked him to «skim through the booklet» he was sending him the
Introduction to his Bastiat’s Harmonies translation into Italian -- and to send him «remarks
so that I can use them in my preface to your Principii»12.
On May 20th 1853 Ferrara sent Carey the volume of the Biblioteca dell’Economista
with the translation of his Principii. The parcel contained a letter where Ferrara renewed
«the compliments I believe you deserve», confirming that his «theories are taken in the
greatest consideration in Italy at the moment and are greatly favoured», and that he
considered «new and fertile the perspective under which you placed the theories on Rent
and on the Distribution of Wealth». In his reply Carey thanked his colleague whom, he
believed, could master the subject.
In particular, their relation mostly developed upon exchanges of a few letters and
on writings by Carey translated by Ferrara, especially on the famous Prefazioni to the
Biblioteca dell’Economista that Ferrara used to spread Carey's vision and his
interpretation of the economic phenomena and of “Americanism in economics”13.
These contacts highlight that between the two scholars there were methodological
differences and also a strong dissonance in the definition of economics: the science of
wealth and utility for Ferrara, and the science of society (often unclearly defined) for Carey;
they also held distant positions with reference to the debate on the system of tariffs.
Yet, their relationship was also built on a deep consonance about some theoretical
ties. They came together in trying to give an answer to the eternal issue of the value of
commodities which would indicate the origin of the economic ad in the subject performing
that same ad; because everywhere it is “demand that originates supply” as the individual
finds the utilities for the satisfaction of his needs in specific commodities and resolves to
11 It must be remembered that the debate between Carey and Mill exerted itself a direct impact on
the development of Mill's theoretical system. In effect, it has been observed that Carey's criticism of
John Stuart Mill's position on decreasing returns led the latter to realize that his theory could not be
validated by confrontation with history; thus, Mill later approached the issue by deductive reasoning, a
methodological framework which he was never to abandon.
12 The translation of these paragraphs from the Italian letters are by the A.
13 Some aspects of this story emerge from studies which I have already published (1989; 1990a;
1990b) or prepared for private circulation.
procure himself those commodities through exchanges where expected utility and cost are
Ferrara considered Carey in line with the French followers of Smith, and supported
his denial of Ricardo's interpretation of the latter. In particular, Ferrara believed they found
common ground in strongly opposing Ricardo's “system of discord”14 in which social
classes clashed, thus opening the way to Socialist ideas and movements; furthermore, by
considering rent as usurping income, not resulting from work and thus not earned, Ricardo
had unintentionally contributed to the demolition of the natural principle of private
Carey believed that economic operators and nations should be allowed to trade
internationally and freely, and that protecting national activities did not mean returning to
a mercantilist past but rather enabling industries to grow stronger and face competition, a
notion which expanded on Smith's findings in the ‘Wealth of Nations’. Thus, Ferrara
believed Carey's works should be studied and spread, as they expressed the views of the
middle-class of specific North American areas, and because they also embodied a 'middle-
class' notion of a market of free industrious and industrial initiative.
Ferrara 'embodied' his interpretation of the two different versions of the Smithian
legacy in 'his own' collection of economic works in translation he published his edition of
the work of Bastiat in 185115, and it became well-known in North America; in 1853 he
also published the Principles by Carey and addressed the controversy on the conception of
utility, a topic he was to resume in 1856, in the introductory notes to the volume which
contains the translation of the work of John Rae16, and in 1873, referring to the Manual of
Political Economy (New York, 1853) by Peshine Smith17.
Finally, even if in the Fifties Ferrara began thinking that Carey was sometimes too
verbose and repetitive, and that his notions were at times odd and out of the ordinary18,
he recognized the historical value of some of his writings which appropriately entered, and
still figure in, the history of economics. Furthermore, Ferrara valued Carey's attempt to
finding an answer to the questions posed by the tangible system, pursuing the realization
14 F.Ferrara, BE, II, vol. 1, p. 357.
15 F. Ferrara, BE, 1-XII, 1851.
16 Id., 1-XI, 1856.
17 Id., 1-IX, 1873, p. 927.
18 F. Ferrara, BE, Prefazione, vol. 11 ,series 2 (now in: F.Ferrara, Opere Complete, vol. V).
of happiness and common wealth which in Europe and North America had spurred the in-
depth investigation of human economic activity in society.
3. The misunderstanding between Ferrara and Carey on the meaning of
Within the above-sketched perspective, Carey is considered as the emblem of the
particular form taken by ‘economic liberism’ for the greater part of the XIX century in the
United States, where, right from the days of the Constitution, the principle of personal
freedom tried to find some sort of mediation with national feeling and the promotion of
general welfare and regulation of commerce. Carey is the emblem of this approach both
when, with particularly impressive insights, he identified unexplored characteristics of the
economic system, and when he gave a broad definition of social science strongly clashing
with both laissez-faire and a wish for «harmony».
These are the years of the founding of the American Social Science Association
(1865); Carey embraced its traditional approach to science, by which social phenomena
are studied as the set of responsible human acts undertaken with the aim of promoting
activities which may enable to reach predetermined goals.
These are also the years in which Carey himself 'founded' his school, whose
students, sent on study-stays to Germany, familiarized with data collection and
quantitative analysis. Although his eclectic production and commitment to contacts with
the international scientific milieu seem to emphasise Carey's «vanity» and concern for his
role as a «leading figure», those students who developed their scientific competence under
his lead, among others, constitute the generation of American economists who, strong of
their European experiences, were to lead to the professionalization of North American
political economy19 between the Eighties and the Nineties.
Finally, it is not surprising that Carey's thought configures itself more as a «militant
and coherent» doctrinal corpus than as an exclusively theoretical system, as this is a
typical feature of 19th century economic-social thought. Thus, Carey's protectionism is to
be seen as one of the manifold expressions of liberal thought; actually, it is the US
economists' answer to the request for the reduction of internal governmental force and for
19 M.O. Furner, Advocacy and Objectivity: a crisis in the Professionalization of American
Social Sciences 1865-905, University of Kentuky Press, Lexington 1975; T.L. Haskell, The
emergence of Professional Social Science, University of Illinois Press, Urbana-Chicago-London,
the strengthening of foreign-policy governmental presence, itself an aspect that has been
defined «paradoxical» but is actually persistently present in liberal thought.
Ferrara, himself «militant and coherent» in expressing his own «liberism», became a
protagonist in the Italian dispute on these issues. His general system of thought led him to
identify tariff policies with the denial of liberism, while shunning, unlike the Americans, the
notion that the expansion of a world free market would trigger the denial of freedom for
many countries. With regard to this aspect, in one of his lessons Ferrara was to affirm that
after exquisite demostrations the works by American scholars all conclude against
freedom of trade, a position they embrace mostly for fear of British trade.
Simultaneously, however, Ferrara kept his limpid scientific judgement and
appreciated Carey's theoretical contributions: documentary research proves that Ferrara,
like Carey, considered the findings of the American economists as tesserae of «classicism»,
and evaluated them according to their position within the wider European debate on the
This interest in Carey was induced in Ferrara – as already said - upon the
reputation the American author enjoyed in Europe for his opposition to Ricardo’s rent
theory. Several moments in Ferrara’s life prove this interest: his course at University in
1851-52 dedicated to the distribution theory; the publication of Carey’s work and a
number of pages on the comparison between Federico Bastiat and H.C. Carey20; the book
written by Cherbuliez21; the Lesson VIII on rent by Pellegrino Rossi, and the book on
industry (1848) where Banfield — the “great inventor” with reference to the issue of value
and the “importer of continental and American feelings and ideas” — resumes the terms of
the controversy between Ricardo and Carey22.
20 Biblioteca dell’Economista, 1-XIII, 1853.
21 BE, 1-XII, 1864. The volume includes a part of the Corso di economia politica of Chevalier;
in the Introduction to the volume, Ferrara refers to the “strange rent theory”, which Ricardo “held
on to” (p.LXXXVII) and to Cherbuliez (Paris, 1862), who in the chapter Della Rendita mentions the
“third school” – namely Carey, Bastiat and Banfield.
22 BE, 1-IX, 1873. The same criticism is shared and explained to students in Italy and in other
University classes in that same period. See Francesco Corbani’s lectures from le course of Social
Economics in the University of Siena in 1852-1853. In the second part of the first volume, par.
105, he analyses Carey, Bastiat, Rossi, Banfield and mentions Ferrara. Information may have been
taken by him also from the work of Antoine-Elysée Cherbuliez, Riche ou pauvre, exposition des
acuses et des affets de la distribution actuelle des richesses sociales (Paris 1940), which he
4. Limits in Ferrara's approach to Carey
No doubt the relationship between these two economists gives relevance to critical
reflection on some ‘classical’ theoretical ties, a reflection that brings to the foreground
some contributions that are typical of traditions other than the Anglo-Saxon. For the
Americans this coincides with the maturing of contacts with German speaking economists,
which constitutes a distinctive feature of the period we are examining, but in particular
brings about future developments for economic science in the United States.
Many elements account for his reputation as the leader of an intellectual
movement active towards the middle of the century: among others, the sue of his eclectic
scientific production, and the ability with which he set up his network of contacts with the
international scientific circle.
Ferrara's approach to Carey undoubtedly shows its limitations. Just to mention a
few examples, Ferrara found it irrelevant — or even negative for the development of
political economy — that from the second half of the 18th century in the American colonies
a «style» evolved which had some specifically autonomous traits. Furthermore, Ferrara
chose not to include in his translations any American contributions which might prove the
peculiarity of the US economic development model, even if Carey himself, in his Essay on
the Rate of Wage (1835), had dealt with the wage differences between England and the
United States, the efficient employment of available workforce, and the substitution of the
capital factor with the labour factor in the productive process.
Finally, Ferrara is not even interested in the works of the few European economists
– like Chevalier and List – who are enthusiastic about the «American spirit» and the
American System of Manufacturing, the production of «machines to produce machines»
which was already applying the «system of standardization of products and the
interchangeability of parts»23. As a matter of fact, neither American nor European
economists were particularly concerned about this innovation of the industrial system at a
theoretical level24; in fact, they shunned such innovation, as they believed that the State
with its organization would irreparably hinder the free development of the economic
enterprise within a liberal-individualistic system, and that – according to Mill's perspective
23 Toninelli, 1986.
24 W. Barber 1988, p. 10.
-- pro-innovation interventions would lead to an employment natural resources which
would endanger the development of the system as a whole.
5. Innovation in Ferrara's approach to Carey
Yet, the limits in Ferrara's approach to overseas political economy do not overshadow a
key merit in his commitment to spread and provide commentary on Carey's thought, as
also proven by the fact that Ferrara was the first Italian scholar to study the works of US
intellectuals held to be integral representatives of political economy.
Ferrara assessed Carey's works at a theoretical level, which is itself significantly
innovative. Ever since the 18th century the North American scientific milieu had been
closely observed for the novelty of its political «model» in particular. This interest had been
fuelled by the works of Muratori, Genovesi, Algarotti, Galiani, Ortes, Verri, Carli, Filangieri,
and Frisi; by specific contributions in «Politecnico», «Annali Universali di Statistica», and in
Viesseux's «Antologia»; finally, by correspondence drafted by diplomats, like Raimondo
Niccoli, or travellers, such as Mazzei and Castiglioni25.
Ferrara's anti-Ricardian investigation of Carey's theoretical foundations, and his
bitter anti-industrialist dispute in Italy, undoubtedly contributed to stirring the attention of
the Italian scientific milieu to North American economic thought, which in the second half
of the 19th century pursued two main paths:
a – Alessandro Rossi's «industrialist» path: from the pages of «Nuova Antologia» Rossi
praised Carey as an «eminent» figure and the celebrations of the centenary of the
Declaration of American Independence; the latter he juxtaposed to the «funeral of
economics» which was taking place in Great Britain during the scientific celebrations for
b - Salvatore Cognetti de Martiis's «socialist» path, which developed with his first articles in
the Seventies and with the translation of works by the «US socialists» in «Biblioteca dell’
A discordant note on Ferrara's appraisal of Carey was expressed by Luigi Cossa –
one of the most influential economists and historians of the second half of the 19th
century –, who in 1878 railed against Carey's “theoretical allucinations” as spread by
Ferrara. On the dispute between Ferrara and Cossa (who died respectively in ... and ...)
little was left, and for decades little was said in Italian historiography. This long 'silence'
25 D. Parisi, 1989.
was due, in my opinion, to the fact that a proper analysis of Carey's thought required to be
contextualized and connected to another European figure, Friedrich List, who in Italy was a
little esteemed economist.
It was only after several years, in the above mentioned lessons by Bertolino in 19…
and in John Kenneth Galbraith's 1988 book26, that Carey and List began to be studied as
the first theoreticians of national productive forces27. Galbraith in particular has clearly
sketched Carey's role in the history of political economy by observing that the group of
American economists stemming from the activity of Friedrich List in Pennsylvania «was the
earliest manifestation of American influence on European economic thought», and that
Carey's contribution was remarkable in the debate on Rent as well as -- in line with the
tradition which has characterised Northern States' economic thought from Hamilton
onwards – for his attempt to attach to the issue of protectionism an «intellectual
respectability in face of the logically powerful and theologically passionate case for free
6. Carey in his proper scenario
I am furthermore convinced that the real novelty in the first decades of the XIX century, in
which Carey is embedded, was the publication of the first encyclopedia by an American
publisher: the Encyclopaedia Americana. A Popular Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, Literature,
History, Politics and Biography brought down to the Present Time, Including a Copious
Collection of Original Articles in American Biography. With Francis Lieber as editor, aided
by E. Wigglesworth and T.G. Bradford, it was published between 1829 and 1833 by Carey
and Lea of Philadelphia29.
In order to understand the atmosphere in which this publication was conceived, we
must at least remember that in the course of these few decades American economists
26 J.K. Galbraith, 1988, Economics in Perspectives – A critical History, Houghton Mifflin Co,
27 In this perspective Carey's theoretical contribution can be held to be the basis of the anti-
English protectionist policy which Carey himself championed (an issue which will be perhaps soon
touched upon by our colleague S. Meardon).
28 Galbraith, 1988, p. 101.
29 Since 1831 (Vol.V) T.G. Bradford was added to Wiggleworth. Blanchard became a member of
the Philadelphia publishers in 1835. Vol. IX and XII were published in 1832; vol. XIII in 1833; vol. XIV
was edited by Henry Vethake in 1847.
drew closer, on the one hand, to the line of classicism represented by Jean Baptiste Say
which tended to stress the subjective sides of the economic act and the vision of the
phenomena as an “equilibrium system”; on the other, to the setting out of German
The 1821 Boston edition (Wells and Lily) of the English translation of Say’s work30
and its fourteen later editions, are single events which reveal the original maturing of
economic thought in North America in the first part of the XIX century.
This episode is part of a scenario where other events that give a distinctive
character to the overall picture on economic thought fit in. Among these, the 1817
publication of Say’s Catechism of Political Economy on behalf of Carey in Philadelphia,
who a few years later was to publish the American edition of the writings by Alexis de
Tocqueville; also in 1817, the publication of the Treatise on Political Economy by Antoine
Destutt de Tracy in Georgetown DC.; the close relations among Destutt de Tracy, Jefferson,
and the University of Virginia, where in 1825 Say’s Treatise was adopted, as was to
happen later at Harvard University in Cambridge, at Yale as from 1827 and at Brown
University in 1828-1829; the critical notes by Biddle and Ricardo, the meetings between
Say and Alexander Everett and Jacob Newton Cardozo, and the unexpected flop of the
works by Ricardo, Malthus and James Mill, allowing for a few exceptions31.
In this context the American pride for their acquired independence clearly emerges;
the identity of the American nation is no longer sought in connection with its European
roots, but rather coalescing around an “original” vision of the world32. Pace (1946; 1950)
believes that while in the age of Franklin relations with Europe were on an equal basis and
from Jefferson onwards Europe is looked upon with the interest of an antiquarian, in the
XIX century the first proud detachment from these origins takes place.
This proud detachment took the form of an attack to what were held to be
erroneous theoretical developments in Europe. This was accompanied by cutting criticism
of the arrogance of those who studied political economy in Europe; these scholars were
attacked for both thinking of possessing scientific truths, and for putting on a mysterious,
almost mystical, and pompous attitude when unable to validate their 'truths' by
30 It is in fact the re-edition of the English translation published in London that same year, with
additional notes by C.C. Biddle. Its headings are of particular interest: Americanism, Capital,
Consumption and, obviously, Political Economy, Smith, Ricardo and Say.
31 On this topic see: Teylac, 1936; Whitaker in Barber, 1988, pp. 15-41; Parisi, 1990.
32 The analysis of the unique features of the intellectual life of the inhabitants of the North
American continent is the central topic of the fundamental works by Wolff, 1944 and Curti, 1964.
confrontation with reality. The A.E.'s entry for Political Economy concludes with the
following statement: « A large proportion of treatises, from that of Adam Smith downwards,
by the disciples of this school, seem to bear the same relation to an intelligibile practical
development of the causes and phenomena of national growth, wealth and decline, that
alchemy does to modern chemistry».
From the point of view of political economy this new attitude led the different
political groups on the American scene to converge on the famous “Compromise of
Revenue Tariff” of 1833, the famous compromise on tariffs that was mainly conceived in
the defence of the individual’s safety and property.
The two figures who can be considered pioneers from this particular point of view
are Francis Lieber and Friedrich List33. The latter, who arrived in the United States in
1825, proved to be able to express brilliantly and effectively the ideas of the circle – the
“around the margins” group in the opinion of Galbraith - of the protectionists of
Philadelphia, a reference point also for the publisher Carey, the city where in 1827 List
published his Outlines of American Political Economy.
This is the environment in which the Encyclopaedia Americana came to light, which
was actually based on the seventh edition of the Deutsche Real-Encyklopaedie fùr die
Gebildeten Stande German Conversation-Lexicon, published in Lipsia by Brockhaus
between 1827 and 1829.
This source proves to be particularly useful to place “American” thought within the
scenario of political economy, since Francis Lieber much extended the descriptions under
the headings of political economy, a discipline whose «definition has been a subject of
some discussion (...) has had its stages of progress, and some of its professors consider it
now to be placed upon as firm a basis, and reduced to a system of rules as completely
demonstrated, as that of astronomy since the time of Newton; while others consider the
present state of political economy as far below a full development and demonstration of
Henry Charles Carey was the son of the publisher of the American version of the
Encyclopaedia. Till the mid-Thirties he was responsible for the selection of books for
publication; later, after retiring from business in 1835, he concentrated exclusively on
33 Historiography is particularly exhaustive on the subject.
34 Entry Political Economy, E.A., vol. X, 1835, pp. 217-224.
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