Human Terrain Analysis at George Mason University (DAY 1)


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First lecture in a three day class on Human Terrain Analysis. The lecture is a state of the discipline talk with historical and contemporary examples of HTA.

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  • Human Terrain Definition, as defined by GEOINT.You cannot predict if no explanation has taken place. Too much of HTA has been in defining a place with detail with moderately successful attempts to describe, or give some characteristics of the item defined. Explanation however gives reasons for why the item is what it is or does what it does and where; ultimately provides more complete information about why.
  • You cannot predict if no explanation has taken place. Too much of HTA has been in defining a place with detail with moderately successful attempts to describe, or give some characteristics of the item defined. Explanation however gives reasons for why the item is what it is or does what it does and where; ultimately provides more complete information about why.Please also note that human behavior is a very tricky thing. The only law of social science is that some do and some don’t. This course however does provide some compelling theory to support the analysis, explanation, and prediction of human behavior. The course will also highlight the pitfalls, which occur too frequently in making inference about human behavior. Of note in this very definition is the connection between predicting human behavior using group (aggregate) data. The course will delve into spatial and neighborhood effects. It is difficult, if not impossible to analyze groups or individuals in the context of their environment without including neighboring environments. It becomes an issue of making inferences off of your sample. Finally, human geography has been reduced in role. This is not to diminish the accomplishments of human geography, but to acknowledge that the singular attempt by the HTA community to makes ties to academia and a robust framework is sadly with one, which has historically been qualitative.
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  • These are all some, not all of the type of data often used in explaining patterns. These data can best be thought of as explanatory variables, or independent variables for the purposes of analysis. Later in the course we will use these types of data to explain patterns.
  • The sentiment here by GEN Petraeus is a that winning physical terrain is no longer the objective in asymmetric warfare.
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  • Human Terrain System is the forward elements collecting socio-cultural data. These data are designed to support humanitarian efforts and reduce the both civilian casualties and the amount of kinetic effort on the part of the DoD. There has however been a great deal of controversy on whether the data is used as part of the so called, “kill chain.” There are few, if any organizations/agencies who have openly stated the use of HTS collected data in analysis. It is true that the integration of human terrain type data has been recently integrated the HTS association has either been denied, underplayed, or ignored. HTA, for the purpose of this class can be considered a new methodology, which the government, primarily the IC is implementing, while HTS is a DoD endeavor that supports OCONUS operations. [S]
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  • [1] Gottmann 1982 said the elimination of Geography at Harvard 'terrible American geography' one which 'has never completely recovered‘[2] Division existed really in the approach - Qualitative (human geography) v. Quantitative (physical geography). The math as it turns out is different…However, in reality the principles that apply to one, applies to the other. [3] Geography still remains largely descriptive but advances in spatial modeling have added an explanatory element. [4] The ‘Classic debate in Geography’ – nomothetic v. idiographic. ((e.g. geographic determinism (nomothetic)) & (idiographic (place-based analysis))
  • Nomothetic refers to "law seeking" or the formulation of general concepts-idiographic refers to the study or description of unique things. The common ground holds the greatest promise for geographers. The common middle ground acknowledgment that we can describe a spatial process but allow it to change over space.
  • Jean Gottmann, a French geographer (1915-1994) studied the northeastern United States during the 1950s
  • Benjamin Barber:
  • Bill James: Baseball Statistician. Even Human Geography, which is decidedly qualitative and rightfully criticized for being so uses, however feebly quantitative methods. The point being that all analytical methods have a quantitative component, even qualitative methodology regardless of the merits of the numbers. Those trained in quantitative methods have a decided advantage however.
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  • Foucault, Michel (1991, orig. 1967), »Andere Räume«, in: Wentz, Martin (Hg.), Stadt-Räume, Frankfurt a. M./New York, S. 65–72
  • …ultimately interested in spatial thinking in the social science. Notice that the Spatial Turn and the support for Spatial Social Science predates the advent of Human Terrain Analysis and the primary reason for conflating Spatial Social Science and Human Terrain Analysis.
  • Evidence of a need and gap in social science
  • The Center for Geographic Analysis (CGA) at Harvard University was founded in 2006 as a university-wide technology platform housed at IQSS, building on the foundation already created by the Harvard Geospatial Library and the Harvard Map Collection. CGA has permanent, professional staff that administer Harvard-wide GIS infrastructure, collect and disseminate spatial datasets, and provide training and consultation in the use of geospatial technologies. CGA also supports research projects and courses needing spatial analysis.
  • This program designed around the application of geographic information science, spatial statistics, spatial econometrics and spatial analysis to study the spatial dimension of human and social dynamics, including interaction of individuals and society, government, and market participants. 
  • S4, as it is known on campus, is one of several initiatives through which Brown University is building new strengths as a research university. Brown has a core group of outstanding faculty who are taking seriously the impacts of spatial relations and contextual effects on social science issues. Through new faculty recruitments, investments in the research and teaching infrastructure, and outreach to researchers in such areas as community health and environmental change, the mission of S4 is to stimulate and support new work in this emerging interdisciplinary arena.
  • GeoDa
  • The database includes 2329 demography articles from 1956 through 2004 drawn from the CSISS database and from nearly one thousand articles from journals and online databases that specialize in demography and population studies. See
  • CSISS Residential Workshops GIS and Spatial Analysis (2000 –2007)NON GEOGRAPHY Portion Geography Portion553129269.2115143960.48689
  • A historic example by Lewis and Clark mapping the Human Terrain. Though rudimentary and decidedly qualitative it is an early example of HTA.
  • John Snow (1813–1858) was educated at a private school until, at the age of fourteen, he was apprenticed to a surgeon living at Newcastle-on-Tyne. After serving as a colliery surgeon and unqualified assistant during the London Cholera epidemic of 1831–1832, he became a student at the Huntierian School of Medicine in Great Windmill Street, London. After two years of schooling, he was accepted a member of the Royal College of Surgeons of England. He graduated M.D. of the University of London in 1844. In 1849 Snow published a small pamphlet "On the Mode of Communication of Cholera" where he proposed that the "Cholera Poison" reproduced in the human body and was spread through the contamination of food or water. This theory was opposed to the more commonly accepted idea that Cholera, like all diseases, was transmitted through inhalation of contaminated vapors. Although he was awarded for this work, without the technology and knowledge that we have today, Snow had no way to prove his theory. Snow is now often referred to as the Father of Epidemiology. His use of mapping and statistical methods not to mention application of his modes of communication were revolution and the birth of modern epidemiology and even spatial epidemiology. If today you were to take an average of the X’s and an average of the Y’s you would get a location that is approximately on top of the Broad Street Pump.
  • Friedrich Ratzel, Clark Wissler, and Carl Sauer: Culture Area Research and Mapping A culture area is a region of the world in which people share similar cultural traits. Researchers may define a culture area by plotting the distribution of a single cultural trait, such as maize agriculture, and uniting all the communities that share this trait into a single cultural area. Alternatively, researchers sometimes choose to group communities into a culture area because the communities share several distinctive cultural traits, known as having a common cultural complex. Culture area analysis has been used widely in both anthropology and cultural geography because it facilitates comparisons between regions, assists in the historical reconstruction of cultural development, and lends itself to questions about the impact of the natural environment on the form of human cultures.Although distinctions between regions based on culture are as old as mankind, the roots of the culture area concept can be traced to Europe, where the work of the German geographer Friedrich Ratzel (1844–1904) inspired the development of the Kulturkreise (cultural circles) school. Kulturkreise, which attempted to reconstruct the diffusion, or spread, of cultural traits from a few dominant cultural clusters, was associated with the German anthropologists Leo Frobenius (1873–1938) and Fritz Graebner (1877–1934). In the early 19th century, French geographer Paul Vidal de la Blache (1845–1918) developed a related concept, genre de vie (way of life), which he defined as the pattern of living characteristic of certain cultures or livelihoods. It was not in Europe, however, but in the United States that the concept of culture area gained real social scientific cohesion. One impetus for this development was the need to make sense of the growing body of ethnographic data produced by early anthropological expeditions in the American West. In 1917 Clark Wissler (1870–1947), an anthropologist with the American Museum of Natural History, used the culture area concept to integrate what was known about Native American communities. Wissler gathered together ethnographic data from a variety of sources and used these data to group Native American tribes based on similarities and differences in their subsistence systems, modes of transport, textiles, artwork and religious practice. As a result of this effort, he discerned a distinct geographic pattern, with groups living in proximity, or in similar natural environments, sharing many cultural traits. Wissler eventually defined nine distinct Native American culture areas, grouping tribes that shared significant traits. He authored several maps [see illustration] showing the geographic dispersal of particular Native American cultural traits. His work laid the foundation for subsequent research on Native American cultural ecology.In the mid-20th century, geographer Carl Sauer (1889–1975) reinvigorated the culture area concept within the field of geography by synthesizing the ideas of the European Kulturkreise school with the anthropological approaches to culture area introduced to him by his colleagues at the University of California, Berkeley, anthropologists Alfred Kroeber and Robert Lowie. Sauer argued that the diffusion of ideas from a few "cultural hearths," or cultural centers, had been the driving force in human history (Sauer 1952). His work inspired further research on the origin and spread of cultures within human geography (Meinig 1965).The classification of human groups into culture areas has been critiqued on the grounds that the basis for these classifications, such as similar farming systems or pottery styles, are always arbitrary. Despite this limitation, the organization of human communities into cultural areas remains a common practice throughout the social sciences. Today, the definition of culture areas is enjoying a resurgence of practical and theoretical interest as social scientists conduct research on processes of cultural globalization (Gupta and Ferguson 1997). Image: Tlingit House with Painting and Totem Pole, Deserted Cape Fox Village, Alaska, (1899) by Curtis S. Edwards. Courtesy of the University of Washington Libraries.
  • Henry Mayhew: London Labor and the London Poor, 1861BackgroundHenry Mayhew (1812–1887) was born into a wealthy London family, one of seventeen siblings. As a youth Mayhew was rebellious and ran away from boarding school, causing his father to enlist him involuntarily in the East India Company as a means of instilling discipline. After returning from this service Mayhew briefly tried a law career, but found it distasteful, quickly abandoning the profession to become a freelance journalist. Unable to support himself through this work, Mayhew moved to Paris to escape his creditors. In Paris he became part of a circle of young expatriate novelists and writers and in 1841 Mayhew collaborated with his friends to found the satirical weekly serial Punch. In 1849 Mayhew accepted the journalistic assignment that would define his career, agreeing to become the London correspondent for a large-scale survey of Britain's working poor, sponsored by the Morning Chronicle newspaper. His unflinching treatment of the life of the poor was shocking and controversial and his contributions were often censored by the editors. By 1850 Mayhew either quit or was fired from the project, but continued to publish articles on the London poor independently until 1852. These articles were later collected and published in four volumes titled London Labor and the London Poor (1861). InnovationMayhew approached his work on London Labor and the London Poor ethnographically, venturing directly into the poorest parts of London to interview his subjects directly. The first three volumes contain biographical sketches of the flower girls, cat and dog meat dealers, pickpockets, prostitutes, and others who struggled to eke out a living in Victorian London. His writing captured the conditions of their daily life and recorded their utterances in a form that many have described as the best oral history of the period. The fourth volume, which Mayhew wrote only a portion of, departed from this format to analyze the characteristics and activities of criminals in Britain and Wales. Mayhew completed a series of choropleth maps for this volume to illustrate the criminal statistics of each county. The maps, rendered in simple black and white, addressed a variety of topics including the overall intensity of criminality in each county, the intensity of "ignorance" (illiteracy), the number of illegitimate children, rates of teenage marriage, and the number of crimes committed by women. In each case, counties below the average were represented in white and counties above the average were shaded in black. Mayhew also printed the county average within the county boundaries and included detailed data tables along with each map. Mayhew's maps were an important innovation in the study of crime, providing easy to read evidence of the spatial concentration of crime and suggesting that crime would be found in relationship to other variables, such as illiteracy. Mayhew's maps were among the earliest attempts to study crime using cartographic techniques. Along with other early criminologists, such as Joseph Fletcher, Mayhew was part of the "cartographic" or "geographic" school that flourished in criminology between 1830 and 1880 (Phillips 1972). His work laid the foundation for 20th century efforts to understand the relationship between criminal activity and such "ecological" variables as urbanization, poverty, and disease. Several criminologists working in the mid-20th century, such as Clifford Shaw and Henry McKay, also used maps to explore the spatial relationship between criminal activity and these ecological variables, constructing detailed maps of crime in major cities like Chicago (Shaw and McKay 1942). Today, law enforcement officials also make use of geographic techniques to understand the causes and spatial organization of crime. Many American cities have implemented sophisticated computerized crime mapping systems to improve crime prevention efforts (Cho 1998).Mayhew portrait from London Labor and the London Poor, (Vol 1). New York: Augustus M. Kelley.
  • André-Michel Guerry’s (1833) Essai sur la Statistique Morale dela France was one of the foundation studies of modern social science. Guerryassembled data on crimes, suicides, literacy and other “moral statistics,” andused tables and maps to analyze a variety of social issues in perhaps thefirst comprehensive study relating such variables. Indeed, the Essai may beconsidered the book that launched modern empirical social science, for thequestions raised and the methods Guerry developed to try to answer them.Guerry’s data consist of a large number of variables recorded for eachof the départments of France in the 1820–1830s and therefore involve bothmultivariate and geographical aspects. In addition to historical interest, thesedata provide the opportunity to ask how modern methods of statistics, graphics,thematic cartography and geovisualization can shed further light on thequestions he raised. We present a variety of methods attempting to addressGuerry’s challenge for multivariate spatial statistics.
  • Background"It may well be the best statistical graphic ever drawn." Charles Joseph Minard's 1861 thematic map of Napoleon's ill-fated march on Moscow was thus described by Edward Tufte in his acclaimed 1983 book, The Visual Display of Quantitative Information.Of all the attempts to convey the futility of Napoleon's attempt to invade Russia and the utter destruction of his Grande Armee in the last months of 1812, no written work or painting presents such a compelling picture as does Minard's graphic.Charles Joseph Minard's Napoleon map, along with several dozen others that he published during his lifetime, set the standard for excellence in graphically depicting flows of people and goods in space, yet his role in the development of modern thematic mapping techniques is all too often overlooked.Minard was born in Dijon in 1781, and quickly gained a reputation as one of the leading French canal and harbor engineers of his time. In 1810, he was one of the first engineers to empty water trapped by cofferdams using relatively new steam-powered technology. In 1830 Minard began a long association with the prestigious École des Ponts et Chatussées, first as superintendent, and later as a professor and inspector. His studies and activities, much as they always did, centered around the construction of canals, ports and, later, railroads when they were in their infancy.Minard first began to publish cartes figuratives (figurative maps) during the mid-1840s, when he was nearly sixty-five years old. Most of his early maps dealt with flows of goods and passengers along railroad, river and oceangoing routes of commerce. Minard's maps became renowned around France not so much for their statistical or cartographic merits (Minard was known to fudge geographic features to make a graphic point), but for the style he used in visualizing the numerical and relational aspects of flows. Whether he used innovative techniques in pie charts, flow maps, or choropleth maps, he always employed some form of proportional sizing of his symbols to express relationships. As Minard himself conceded, "The aim of my carte figurative is less to express statistical results, better done by numbers, than to convey promptly to the eye the relation not given quickly by numbers requiring mental calculation.“InnovationAlthough Minard's thematic map of Napoleon's march is perhaps the single best-known statistical graphic of the nineteenth century, hailed today by statisticians, geographers, historians and the like, it started out relatively obscure. Unlike prominent social scientists or cartographers of his day, Minard was an engineer by trade with little or no formal training in map-making techniques, and was not affiliated with any of the major academic bodies or journals that followed cartographic innovations. As was noted above, Minard's work has frequently been criticized for its indifference to cartographic accuracy, which occasionally bordered on stylized or symbolic depictions of landmasses and waterways. Virtually all of his maps were published privately, and made their way into the public domain haphazardly.As Minard's map output grew, his topics began to change. By the early 1860s, when he was approaching eighty years old, his interests began to turn from economic phenomena to historical subjects that could be documented in space in a similar graphical style. Minard's two most famous works from this period both deal with the movements of famous armies, which readily lent themselves to his established technique. The first was a map showing the fate of the army of the famous Carthaginian general Hannibal, as he made his way into the Italian Peninsula during the Second Punic War. Minard represented Hannibal's army in two ways at the same time. First, he traced the general route of Hannibal and his men as they worked their way from the Mediterranean coastline of Spain, over the Alps and toward the ultimate destination of archenemy Rome. Second, he used the decreasing thickness of the line to indicate the dwindling numbers of troops left in Hannibal's campaign. The line narrows markedly as it makes its way over the summit of the Alps, where even a pack of elephants couldn't help many of his men make it through the cold and unforgiving mountain passes. By the time it reaches Turin, the trace of Hannibal's vaunted army looks more like a delicate and vulnerable thread than a thick line. As Minard's map make painfully obvious, Hannibal was not able to reach Rome with what little troops remained.The second dealt with an event closer to his heart, the devastating loss of Napoleon's army in the fields of Russia during the winter of 1812–1813, when Minard was thirty-one. Here he uses the same proportional line to track Napoleon's Grand Armee as it made its was across the Russian plains toward Moscow. We see a fraction of the troops splitting off from the main group and pausing at Polotzk (known in English as Polotsk in the modern country of Belarus). Although the thickness of Napoleon's army diminished somewhat by the time it arrived at Moscow, it was still formidable. Unfortunately for Napoleon and his troops, Czar Alexander I and the residents of Moscow had fled and burned the city, leaving little for Napoleon to conquer. Up to this point, Minard's map bears many of the same qualities as the Hannibal map. But an additional, tragic chapter of the campaign enabled Minard to add even more depth to his already incredible map.Like a scorned groom whose bride never showed up at the altar, a frustrated Napoleon had little choice but to return back to the part of Europe he controlled for food, shelter, and supplies. Minard now traces the remnants of the Grande Armee as it makes its way back toward the Neiman River. In doing so, the parallel tracks of the advancing and retreating army are set next to one another, making the continuing deterioration of the army all the more visible and heart wrenching. As the army slowly made its way across barren earth (the Russians had burned food along this path while blocking other escape paths), one of the worst winters in recent memory set in. Minard tracks the plummeting temperature against this trek on a horizontal axis at the bottom of the page, even more profoundly capturing the dire straits that the retreating army found itself in. Not surprisingly, the pitiful band of troops that returned from Russia marked the onset of the collapse of Napoleon's Continental Empire.Edward Tufte, in his praise of Minard's map, identified six separate variables that were captured within it. First, the line width continuously marked the size of the army. Second and third, the line itself showed the latitude and longitude of the army as it moved. Fourth, the lines themselves showed the direction that the army was traveling, both in advance and retreat. Fifth, the location of the army with respect to certain dates was marked. Finally, the temperature along the path of retreat was displayed. Few, if any, maps before or since have been able to coherently and so compellingly weave so many variables into a captivating whole. (See Edward Tufte's 1983 work, The Visual Display of Quantitative Information.)
  • The Maps Descriptive of London Poverty are perhaps the most distinctive product of Charles Booth's Inquiry into Life and Labor in London (1886-1903). An early example of social cartography, each street is colored to indicate the income and social class of its inhabitants.“No. 34 is occupied by the widow of a boatman. He committed suicide and left her with eleven children. Some have died, and she has five here now, two of whom go to work, and three to school. She makes sailor jackets, but is nearly blind. Struggles hard for her children. There are also living in this house, in one room, Coleman and his wife, and two children. Coleman was a porter but does nothing, preferring to smoke his pipe. His wife takes in washing and keeps him. In another room there lives Brough, a maker of dolls, Chapter Two – Introducing Geodemographics and Area Classification 18 working for his father who keeps a shop in Drumlow Road. He has a wife and two children. A third room is occupied by Owen, a laborer, often out of work, with wife and three children. They are nearly starving. The children are always ill.”
  • Kelley, Florence (1859–1932)Florence Kelley, the daughter of Congressman William D. Kelley, was one of the most dedicated social activists of the Progressive Era. A graduate of Cornell University and Northwestern University Law School, Florence Kelley was drawn into social activism after studying for a short period at the University of Zurich. In Europe she read the work of Karl Marx (1818–1881) and Friedrich Engels (1820–1895) and became an ardent socialist. She later translated into English Engels' The Condition of the Working Class in London (1887) and corresponded with Engels for the remainder of his life. When Kelley returned to the United States she married a socialist labor leader, but the marriage was short lived.In 1891 Kelley divorced and moved to Chicago, where she became a resident of Hull House, the activist organization led by Jane Addams. In a community filled with impoverished families, many of them recent immigrants from Italy, Poland, Russia, Ireland and the American south, Hull House provided essential education, employment, health and child care services. Hull House was also a base for radical political activities including union organizing, antiwar protests and woman's suffrage. Although she was involved in many of the activities of Hull House, Kelley is best known for her tireless efforts to improve industrial working conditions and to eradicate child labor. InnovationHull House was a natural launching point for investigations into Chicago's social problems and many such projects were carried out by the residents between 1892 and 1920. These social survey studies, which typically consisted of door-to-door canvassing of residents and the administration of extensive interview schedules, represented some of the earliest projects in American sociology. The data collected from these efforts were published in numerous reports designed to inform government leaders about the plight of the poor. Kelley, Jane Addams and the other Hull House activists were convinced that once the overwhelming suffering of the poor was publicized, meaningful reforms would be quickly put into place. Although this optimistic assumption turned out to be inaccurate, the residents of Hull House quickly established a reputation as dedicated investigators who were not afraid to venture into some of Chicago's worst neighborhoods. In 1893 the U.S. Congress commissioned a nationwide survey, A Special Investigation of the Slums of Great Cities, to assess the extent of poverty in urban areas. Florence Kelley was selected to lead the survey effort in Chicago.Kelley and the other residents of Hull House saw an opportunity to extend this project, creating for Chicago a series of maps similar to Charles Booth's (1840–1916) maps of poverty in London. They believed these maps would provide the most graphic evidence of the social problems they were trying to eliminate. During the spring and summer of 1893 they administered an extensive survey to every house, tenement and room in the district surrounding Hull House. The completed survey forms were returned to the Commissioner of Labor in Washington D.C., but Hull House residents retained a copy of this information. Later, Kelley and other workers at Hull House transferred the records onto outline maps of Chicago streets, recording the nationality, wages, and employment history of each resident. The resulting maps show each street in the district and each house is colored to reflect the birthplace of the head of the household and the family's wages [see illustration]. In instances where multiple families with different nationalities or wages occupied the same housing unit, the group created cartograms, allocating space on the map in proportion to the number of individuals in each nationality or wage group. The completed maps were published in 1895 as Hull-House Maps and Papers. They provided much greater detail about the demographics of Chicago than the official U.S. government report on the survey. Significantly, the Hull House book offered no explanation for the causes of poverty and social disorder, but sought only to record statistics in as much detail as possible in order to prompt a humanitarian response from the government. In the 1920s this kind of social survey approach to sociology was eclipsed by more theoretically sophisticated techniques that sought to identify the causes as well as the effects of social problems. However, the Chicago maps produced at Hull House represent an important early effort to supplement social research with maps showing the spatial patterns of demographic phenomena. In addition, the Hull House maps presented a model for social activists in the use of maps as persuasive tools. Today, many activist organizations, including the National Center for Child Poverty and Greenpeace International, make extensive use of maps to present their causes graphically and to convince others to take action.  A section of the Hull House Wage Map of Chicago. The original maps were published in color and the map key appears below.PublicationsHull-House Maps and Papers. By the residents of Hull-House. New York: Arno Press, 1970 [c1895]. Some Ethical Gains Through Legislation. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1905. Modern Industry in Relation to the Family, Health, Education, Morality. New York: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1914. The Autobiography of Florence Kelley: Notes of Sixty Years. Illinois: C.H. Kerr Pub. Co., 1986.Related WorksBooth, Charles, ed. Life and Labor of the People in London. New York: Macmillan, 1892–1897. Philpott, Thomas Lee. The Slum and the Ghetto: Immigrants, Blacks, and Reformers in Chicago, 1880–1930. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing, 1991. Sklar, Kathryn Kish. Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work: The Rise of Women's Political Culture, 1830–1900. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995. Links 
  • BackgroundEllen Churchill Semple (1863–1932) a student at Vassar College, majored in history, graduating with a BA at the age of 19 and later continuing on to complete an M.A. in history there. Her introduction to geography came after graduation during a family trip to London where she was introduced to the work of German geographer, Friedrich Ratzel. Semple read Ratzel's landmark book Anthropogeographie (1882–1891) several times, eventually resolving to seek further education in geography from Ratzel at the University of Leipzig. This was by no means an easy task since the university did not permit women to matriculate. However, Semple was permitted to attend Ratzel's lectures, sitting alone in the front of the lecture hall separate from 500 male students, and eventually studying directly with Ratzel, but receiving no degree. Although she published numerous well-received articles in European and American journals, Semple did not receive a permanent academic appointment until the middle of her career when in 1921 she became the first female faculty member hired at Clark University. She taught in the graduate program in geography there until her death. Semple received numerous honors during her career, including an honorary doctorate from the University of Kentucky (1923), the Cullum Medal from the American Geographical Society (1914), and the Helen Culver Gold Medal from the Geographic Society of Chicago (1931). She was one of the founding members of the Association of American Geographers and served as President of the Association in 1921. Despite these honors, Semple was paid significantly less than her male colleagues at Clark, a slight that eventually provoked her to retract a planned donation to Clark in a codicil to her will (Bladen and Karan 1983).InnovationWhen Semple began her career geography was a young field in the United States, and early researchers, heavily influenced by the earth sciences, emphasized physical geography in their work. Semple developed a new program of research into the human aspects of geography, an innovative orientation that spanned the disciplines of geography, history, and anthropology. "The Anglo-Saxons of the Kentucky Mountains" (1901) exemplified this new approach. To complete research for the article, Semple traveled to the Kentucky mountains and recorded observations about aspects of mountain life, such as housing, food, crafts, and religion. This trip was itself an innovation since fieldwork was an uncommon practice in geography at the time. From her observations, Semple documented the importance human-environment interactions in character of places and regions. She concluded that the geographic isolation imposed by the mountainous Kentucky terrain had retarded the cultural development of the region and helped to preserve archaic patterns of life:"In one of the most progressive and productive countries of the world, and in that section of the country which has had its civilization and wealth longest, we find a large area where the people are still living the frontier life of the backwoods, where the civilization is that of the eighteenth century, where the people speak the English of Shakespeare's time..." (Semple in McNeil 1989: 146).This conclusion demonstrated Semple's strong belief in environmental determinism, a theoretical orientation that reflected her training with Ratzel. Her first book, American History and Its Geographic Conditions (1903), expanded Semple's inquiry into the historical development of American society. In this sweeping book Semple described the ways that the natural environment of the United States had conditioned the course of American history from the 17th through 19th centuries. The book reviewed numerous developments in American history, including the settlement of the Atlantic seaboard colonies, westward migration, the development of cities, and the expansion of road and rail systems. Semple argued that each of these developments was structured by the natural features of the land. Westward migration in the 19th century, for instance, followed the course of rivers and older 17th century trade routes while avoiding dense forest, mountainous terrain, and Native American settlements [see illustration].These two publications, together with Semple'ssubsequent books, Influences of Geographic Environment (1911) and The Geography of the Mediterranean Region (1931), stimulated a great deal of debate about the connection between geography and history, leading to the formation of several interdisciplinary conferences and study groups (Bladen and Karan 1983). In subsequent years, however, Semple's research was subject to a great deal of critique and ceased to be influential within both geography and history. This was a result of Semple's strong environmental determinism, a viewpoint that later scholars rejected as overly simplistic. However, in recent years Semple has been recognized as a pioneer in the study of human-environment interaction. Because Semple was among the first to detail the ways that the natural environment impacted the course of human history, some suggest that Semple was the first location theorist (Bladen and Karan 1983). Her research also foreshadowed contemporary concerns with cultural and political ecology in the social sciences. In addition, Semple is remembered as an accomplished teacher whose students, including Preston E. James, Edwin J. Foscue, and William Van Royen, went on to have prestigious careers. Semple also encouraged several women to pursue careers in geography, including Millicent Todd Bingham, Zonia Baber, and Mabel Crompton (Bladen and Karan 1983). 
  • John Snow (1813–1858) was educated at a private school until, at the age of fourteen, he was apprenticed to a surgeon living at Newcastle-on-Tyne. After serving as a colliery surgeon and unqualified assistant during the London Cholera epidemic of 1831–1832, he became a student at the Huntierian School of Medicine in Great Windmill Street, London. After two years of schooling, he was accepted a member of the Royal College of Surgeons of England. He graduated M.D. of the University of London in 1844. In 1849 Snow published a small pamphlet "On the Mode of Communication of Cholera" where he proposed that the "Cholera Poison" reproduced in the human body and was spread through the contamination of food or water. This theory was opposed to the more commonly accepted idea that Cholera, like all diseases, was transmitted through inhalation of contaminated vapors. Although he was awarded for this work, without the technology and knowledge that we have today, Snow had no way to prove his theory. Snow is now often referred to as the Father of Epidemiology. His use of mapping and statistical methods not to mention application of his modes of communication were revolution and the birth of modern epidemiology and even spatial epidemiology. If today you were to take an average of the X’s and an average of the Y’s you would get a location that is approximately on top of the Broad Street Pump.
  • LISA Maps for St. Louis Region Homicide Rates, 1984-88 (left) and 1988-93 (right). Counties with significant Local Moran statistics are highlighted by the type of spatial association.
  • Maps 1 to 4 are modified Moran scatterplot maps of the homicide rates for 1960, 1970, 1980, and 1990. There is a slight modification in format relative to the usual approach, necessitated by the use of black-and-white maps. Instead of highlighting four categories, the “High-Low” and “Low- High” categories are whited out. The clustering of high homicide rates is mostly in the South (as indicated by darker gray shading and the label “High-High”). The clustering of low rates is found throughout the Northeast, Midwest, and parts of the West (as indicated by lighter gray shading and the label “LOW-Low”). From these maps, we conclude that consistent with the prior literature, the two most important spatial regimes in the United States are the Southern and non-Southern regions. These spatial regimes will be incorporated into the multivariate analyses that adjust for spatial heterogeneity.
  • Krugman's most-cited academic paper: by early 2009, it had 857 citations, more than double his second-ranked paper.[23] Krugman called the paper "the love of my life in academic work.“Krugman is Professor of Economics and International Affairs at Princeton University and a New York Times columnist. He was awarded the Nobel Prize for Economics in 2008.Krugman reflects on the New Economics Geography:
  • BackgroundGeorg Simmel (1858–1918) was a major contributor to social science thought whose work offers important insights on the social construction of space. Born in Berlin, he studied history and philosophy at the University of Berlin, but also studied with some of the preeminent professors in psychology, anthropology, and sociology. After receiving his Ph.D. in 1881, Simmel decided to remain at the university as an unpaid lecturer, living on student fees and a substantial inheritance. During his 15 years, his courses in sociology, philosophy, history, ethics, and cultural criticism were popular with students and were respected in academic circles. His own university, however, refused to promote him to an academic post. His status as an outsider may have contributed to his wide range of interests and innovative thought. He published more than 200 articles and over a dozen books in several social science fields. As a generalist, Simmel did not inspire a particular school of thought or methodology. Many social scientists, however, looked to Simmel as a source of insight for their work. His writings on the sociology of space are a case study of Simmel's contributions to social science concepts.InnovationMuch of Simmel's writing on space appears in two articles, first published in 1903, "The Sociology of Space" and "On the Spatial Projections of Social Forms." He revised and expanded these for a single chapter in his major 1908 book, Soziologie, adding three essays on "The Social Boundary," "The Sociology of the Senses," and "The Stranger" (c.f., Simmel 1997 for recent translations).The chapter centers around spatial themes including (a) the socially relevant aspects of space, (b) the effect of spatial conditions upon social interaction, and (c) upon forms of social, physical, and psychological distance. As typical of his writing, however, Simmel did not present an organized theory of space. Rather, his interweaving of concepts, historically oriented examples and context, and occasional tangential discussions, provide heuristic tools for a sociological approach to space.Simmel's approach to spatial analysis, especially In "The Sociology of Space" was, in part, a continuation of his uncompleted project to express the preconditions of human association by formal categories of time, mass, and number, which he called "social geometry." What the philosopher Kant had approached in the abstract, Simmel would attempt to catalog as the spatial reality of social life. He focuses on five basic properties of space:Exclusivity or uniqueness space: While no two bodies can occupy the same space, social space varies by the configuration and exclusivity of the groups occupying it, such as the exclusive nation-state, or the universal Catholic church. Space may be subdivided for social purposes and framed in boundaries. In contrast to natural boundaries, the social boundary is "not a spatial fact with sociological consequences, but a sociological fact that is formed spatially," meaning boundaries provide special configurations for experience and interaction. For example, by reinforcing social order within political boundaries (e.g., as a basis for nationalism) and highlighting relations across boundaries, these human inventions acquire a sense of concreteness. American Sociologists, especially Robert Park, picked up on the idea of social boundaries, applying it, which Simmel did not, to issues of race and social class. The localizing or fixing of social interaction in space also influences social formations. The church, for example brings together otherwise independent elements. Urban development relies on the fixing and individualizing of place, such as the numbering of houses and naming of streets, and its fluidity. Modernization of transportation and communication technologies, however, allow more flexible and brief interactions or no physical co presence of individuals. All social interactions could be characterized by their relative degree of proximity and distance among individuals and groups. These dimensions were central to Simmel's writings on the experience of social life in the metropolis. With increasing physical proximity, "personal space" must be managed, and may lead to emotional extremes. Idealizations and stereotypes of groups can begin to break down with physical nearness. However, with the concentration of population in cities, individuals may become "overstimulated" from the frequency and pace of interactions. Citizens therefore adopt a stance of social distance from others by taking on a reserved, detached, or blasé; attitude. They may also conform to the latest fads and fashions of dress as a way to preserve anonymity. Simmel's 1896 essay "Money in Modern Culture" discusses more fully the "urban personality." The fifth dimension of special relations surround the changing of locations, such as by whole groups (e.g., nomadic tribes), individuals with particular functions (e.g., traveling salesmen) or travelers. Simmel's popular essay on "The Stranger" takes up the confluence in such individuals of spatial proximity with others from whom one is also socially distant, who is both outside a group and confronting it. Park, in the urban ecology work, cast the stranger as the migrants and marginal members of a society. Simmel, however, emphasized "strangeness" as an element of social interaction that all social relationships hold to some degree. The stranger is a case in which "spatial relations are not only determining conditions of relationships among people, but are also symbolic of those relationships." In the 1903 article, and later 1908 chapter section, "On the Spatial Projection of Social Forms," Simmel focuses upon how social interaction produces various spatial effects and forms. He discusses four domains of spatial formation. First, social organization requires organization of space, especially at the level of political and economic institutions. For example, individuals can be treated differently by their national location. Second, authority and domination take on various spatial dimensions, such as territorial control. Third, there are spatial dimensions to social solidarity. A group's communal bonds may be stronger if they have a "home" or physical center; however, he notes that the Jewish people, post-Diaspora (and pre-Israel), find social unity without a central location. Similarly, modern society is developing toward greater abstractness, without a center. A money economy is an example, in which objects can be thought of abstractly as pure expression of value. Also, communication technologies allow concrete spatial settings to be less important in many transactions, with today's Internet society a case in point.Overall, Simmel's thoughts on the relation of space to the social world did not, at first, leave a legacy. This was in part because he offered mainly a collection of ideas and insights, rather than a theory or method that others might adopt. Simmel, however, clearly showed his readers the relevance of space to sociological thinking and analysis, which has only recently been rediscovered.PublicationsSimmel, Georg, David Frisby, and Mike Featherstone. Simmel on Culture: Selected Writings. London; Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1997.Simmel, Georg. Soziologie: Untersuchungen Uber Die Formen Der Vergesellschaftung. Berlin: Duncket and Humbolt, 1958.Simmel, Georg. The Philosophy of Money. Translated by T. Bottomore and D. Frisby. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 1990.Simmel, Georg, and Kurt H. Wolff. The Sociology of Georg Simmel. Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1950.Related WorksAllen, John. "On Georg Simmel: Proximity, Distance and Movement." In Thinking Space, edited by Mike Crang and N. J. Thrift, 54–70. London; New York: Routledge, 2000.Lechner, Frank J. "Simmel on Social Space." Theory, Culture, and Society 8, no. 3 (1991): 195–201.Frisby, David. Simmel and Since: Essays on Georg Simmel's Social Theory. New York, NY: Routledge, 1992.LinksGeorg Simmel Online: presented by Sociology in SwitzerlandPhilip J. Ethington: The Intellectual Construction of Social DistanceGeorg Simmel
  • As well as Lab Data. I also encourage you to sign-up for the GeoDa mailing list.
  • Human Terrain Analysis at George Mason University (DAY 1)

    1. 1. Richard Heimann © 2011 Human Terrain Analysis GIS270 George Mason University ! Richard Heimann
    2. 2. Richard Heimann © 2011 This three day elective course will increase awareness of Human Terrain Analysis (HTA) and the spatially referenced social layer - focusing on both methods of exploring and modeling such data. Additionally, students will gain an appreciation for the complexities of data manipulation, analysis, and mapping of different scales of space, time, and complexity. The course will further promote critical thinking about how different forms of spatial data can be integrated in research and human inquiry. Lastly, this course provides an introduction into the tools available for exploratory analyses of spatially referenced social data; the variety of models for representing spatial variation; and learning to strike a balance between theoretical approaches to spatial data and how to practically solve complex human problems.   Course objectives: 1) Increase awareness of HTA & Computational Spatial Social Science. 2) To gain a better understanding of the potentials and pitfalls of using geodemographic data. 3) To enhance spatial thinking as applied to demographic, social, and behavioral research. 4) To develop skills and understanding of exploratory spatial data analysis and spatial econometric approaches (testing for the presence of spatial dependence and estimating models with spatial dependence and spatial heterogeneity) and Geographically Weighted Regression. 5) To develop understanding of central issues in geographic science (modified areal unit problem, complete spatial randomness, spatial autocorrelation among other topics). Course Outline: GIS270
    3. 3. Richard Heimann © 2011 Methods Data Theory -Visual Data Analysis -Spatial Analysis -ESDA -Spatial Analysis -Geographic Knowledge Discovery -Spatial Econometrics -Spatial Modeling -First Law of Geography -Spatial Heterogeneity -Spatially Explicit Theory Traditional Social Data (e.g. Census), Inference and Inferential Pitfalls (Ecological Fallacy, Atomistic Fallacy), Pattern Paradoxes (e.g. MAUP), etc. Course Outline: GIS270
    4. 4. Richard Heimann © 2011 I have not designed this as a GIS course ! …but throughout the class you will have plenty of opportunity to learn software, both ArcGIS & GeoDa©. Geoda© is a program that facilitates exploratory spatial data analysis, spatial autocorrelation, and spatial modeling, specifically spatial error & spatial lag models.   Expectations: GIS270
    5. 5. Richard Heimann © 2011 GIS270: Common Problems in GIS
    6. 6. Richard Heimann © 2011 Why (or even what) GeoDa? Open GeoDa is a cross-platform, open source version. ! PySAL is the underlying open source library with extended functionality. ! R is open source domain specific statistical language. Free and Open Source: you can think of it as “free” as in “free speech,” and “free” as in “free beer.” !  
    7. 7. Richard Heimann © 2011 GeoDa with more than 89,026 downloads (May 2013) Why (or even what) GeoDa?
    8. 8. Richard Heimann © 2011 Why (or even what) GeoDa? Not a GIS, but… o Complements all major GIS packages o Windows based, so familiar interface and shortcut buttons o Relies on same programming/math as the R package spdep o Incorporates more sophisticated statistical routines into spatial analysis than a GIS o Developed by Dr Luc Anselin, Arizona State U. o FREE!  
    9. 9. Richard Heimann © 2011 What can I do in GeoDa? o Generate descriptive statistics for your data o Conduct exploratory data analysis o Powerful geo-visualisation o Dynamic linking o Basic [Advanced] thematic maps o Tests for spatial autocorrelation i.e. Moran’s I, LISA o Generate spatial weights matrices o Run basic OLS and spatial regression models   Why (or even what) GeoDa?
    10. 10. Richard Heimann © 2011 Training
    11. 11. Richard Heimann © 2011 Education
    12. 12. Richard Heimann © 2011 What is a human terrain analyst?
    13. 13. Richard Heimann © 2011 What is a human terrain analyst?
    14. 14. Richard Heimann © 2011 Lab 1; Installing GeoDa. ! Human Terrain Analysis: Conceptual Framework & brief history (Lecture) Introduction to GeoDa (Lab: GeoDa Workbook (Chp. 1 – 3)) ! The Laws of the Spatial Social Sciences (Lecture) Spatial Thinking in Social Science (Lab 1: Spatial Thinking in the Social Sciences) ! What is ‘Special about Spatial Social Data’ & Potentials and Pitfalls of Social Spatial Data (Lecture) Online Mapping for Spatial Demography (Lab: 2 Downloading Census data from FactFinder) Day 1 at a glance…
    15. 15. Richard Heimann © 2011 Exploratory Spatial Data Analysis (ESDA) I (Lecture) Introduction to ESDA using GeoDa I (Lab: Workbook (Chp. 7 – 10)) ! Defining & Operationalizing Neighborhoods and variables (Lecture) Operationalizing Neighborhoods & Spatial Weights (Lab: Workbook (Chp 15-17)) ! Exploratory Spatial Data Analysis (ESDA) II (Lecture) Global SA using GeoDa I (Lab: Workbook (Chp. 18)) ! Local & Bivariate Indicators of Spatial Association (LISA) (Lecture) Local SA using GeoDa I (Lab: Workbook (Chp. 19 -21)) Day 2 at a glance…
    16. 16. Richard Heimann © 2011 ! Regression Basics (OLS) & LAB ! Spatial Regression Modeling (Spatial Error & Lag Models) (Lecture) Spatial Regression Modeling using GeoDa I (Lab: Workbook (Chp. 22 - 25)) ! Geographically Weighted Regression & GWR Lab in ArcGIS Desktop Day 3 at a glance…
    17. 17. Richard Heimann © 2011 GIS 270: QUESTIONS?!
    18. 18. Richard Heimann © 2011 GIS 270: ME! Name: Richard Heimann, Washington DC ! Background: Geography, GIS, Statistics, Data Science & Big Data ! L-3 NSS Fellow and Chief Data Scientist, EMC Certified Data Scientist, Instructor of GES673 & (Formerly) GES 659, Instructor of Human Terrain Analysis at George Mason University, most recently supported DARPA, Human Terrain Systems and the Pentagon and now DHS. Author of Social Media Mining in R, Selection Committee Member AAAS Big Data & Analytics Fellowship Program, and Council Member for Big Data WashingtonExecs. ! Experience w/ Spatial Analysis: Extensive! ! Recently watched movie or book read… Troll 2
    19. 19. Richard Heimann © 2011 Name and where you live: ! Background: ??? ! Experience w/ Human Terrain Analysis ! Expectations… ! Recently watched movie or book read… GIS 270: Introductions
    20. 20. Richard Heimann © 2011 Install Geoda: GES 673: Lab 1