Vol. 10, No. 35   7 April 2011                          An Iranian Intelligence Failure:           Arms Ship in Nigeria Re...
   Sayyed Akbar Tabatabaei, the Africa commander of the Quds Force (the branch of Iran’s       Revolutionary Guards charg...
established an Islamic Center in Dakar in 1978 after spending a period as a student of Khomeiniwhen the Ayatollah lived in...
Iran has also closely followed the ongoing violent tensions in Nigeria between radical Muslimand Christian groups and espe...
An Iranian Weapons Ship Docks in NigeriaIn April-May 2010, Iran decided to send a weapons ship to Nigeria. Two members of ...
2. He was well aware of the international significance of breaking the Iranian embargo,      especially as far as the Unit...
Iranian intelligence and someone will have to pay the price for the lack of understanding ofinter-African realities, for t...
This Jerusalem Issue Brief is available online at:                                            http://www.jcpa.orgDore Gold...
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Iranian intelligence

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An Iranian Intelligence Failure: Arms Ship in Nigeria Reveals Iran's Penetration of West Africa

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Iranian intelligence

  1. 1. Vol. 10, No. 35 7 April 2011 An Iranian Intelligence Failure: Arms Ship in Nigeria Reveals Iran’s Penetration of West Africa Jacques Neriah  Since the Khomeini revolution, Iran has invested heavily in strengthening its diplomatic, economic, and security ties with Western African countries, especially with Senegal, Mauritania, Gambia, and Nigeria.  Traditionally, Senegal had been a Sunni Muslim nation from the Sufi tradition. But in the wake of Senegal’s openness toward Iran, scores of Shiite clergy from Lebanon entered the country to spread Shiism. President Wade even allowed the establishment of a Persian-language school at Senegal University in 2003 and a Shiite hawza (traditional Islamic seminary) at the University of Dakar.  In Nigeria, more than half of the population practices Islam. During his last visit to Nigeria in July 2009, Iranian President Ahmadinejad met with Nigerian ulema (Muslim religious scholars), and welcoming crowds in the streets of the capital, Abuja, cheered his convoy.  A weapons ship departed from the Iranian port of Bandar-Abbas and arrived in the Apapa port of Lagos, Nigeria, in July 2010. On October 26, 2010, the shipping containers were opened and the weapons were discovered.  Iranian Foreign Minister Mottaki was then sent to Nigeria, where he told authorities there had been a mistake and that the weapons’ destination was actually Gambia. Senegal has accused Gambia of providing arms for anti-government forces, especially for the Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance in South Senegal.
  2. 2.  Sayyed Akbar Tabatabaei, the Africa commander of the Quds Force (the branch of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards charged with exporting the revolution overseas), found refuge on Mottaki’s plane and flew with him to Iran. On February 23, 2011, Senegal cut diplomatic ties with Iran. The whole affair was a failure on the part of Iranian intelligence.Iran Invests in African TiesSince the Khomeini revolution, Iran has invested heavily in strengthening its diplomatic,economic, and security ties with Western African countries, especially with Senegal, Mauritania,Gambia, and Nigeria. Iran’s goal is clear: to obtain African support for Tehran’s policies, andmost recently for its nuclear program, in international forums.1SenegalWhile Mauritania has over the years become Iran’s closest ally in the sub-Saharan Sahel regionof Africa, its relations with Senegal were the warmest in Western Africa. Senegalese PresidentAbdoulaye Wade visited Iran at least six times from 2003 to 2009, while President MahmoudAhmadinejad went to Senegal on at least three occasions.A no-less-important visitor was Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi who visited Senegal inJuly 2007. Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei had appointed Shahroudi to head the Iranianlegal system for the decade from 1999 to 2009. Given the closeness between the two,Shahroudi’s mission to Senegal reflected the importance of that country in the eyes of decision-makers in Tehran.On July 22, 2007, after meeting with the president and prime minister of Senegal, Shahroudistated, “We believe it is our duty to expand relations with Islamic nations and to make use ofthe ability and potential of these states in order to spread Islam.” 2These political and security ties were also naturally supported by economic projects in Senegal,such as doubling the capacity of the country’s oil refinery and the establishment of an assemblyfacility for Iranian cars.Shiite Missionaries in AfricaThe Senegalese-Iranian alliance also included a cultural-religious aspect. Traditionally andhistorically, Senegal had been a Sunni Muslim nation from the Sufi tradition. But in the wake ofSenegal’s openness toward Iran, scores of Shiite clergy from Lebanon entered the country tospread Shiism, the most prominent of whom was Sheikh Abdul-Mun’am Az-zain, who had 2
  3. 3. established an Islamic Center in Dakar in 1978 after spending a period as a student of Khomeiniwhen the Ayatollah lived in exile in Najaf.Despite the opposition of the Senegalese regime to Shiite missionary activities (PresidentAbdou Diof ordered the closure of the Iranian Embassy in 1984), the current leadership did notdeal with the issue. President Wade even allowed the establishment of a Persian-languageschool at Senegal University in 2003 and a Shiite hawza (traditional Islamic seminary) at theUniversity of Dakar, known as the Hawza ul Rasul al Akram.3GambiaAs opposed to Senegal, which plays a central role among French-speaking African countries andenjoys significant standing at international forums, the situation in Gambia is different inIranian eyes. Gambia spreads over 11,000 square kilometers, a tenth of which is covered by thewater of the Gambia River, and has 1.7 million inhabitants. Its importance lies in its location andprobably in the fact that the Iranians consider the country beneficial for their regional needs.Iranian ties with Gambia developed after the 1994 military coup led by Yahya Jammeh, who hasserved as president, with an iron fist, ever since. (The Gambian president became known earlierwhen he claimed he’d found a cure for HIV/AIDS using natural herbs.) Relations with Iranquickly became pivotal for Gambia as a major $2 billion deal was signed for the export ofIranian vehicles. President Ahmadinejad was Jammeh’s guest of honor at the 2006 AfricanUnion summit which took place in Gambia.4At the same time, relations between Gambia and Senegal have been problematic for quitesome time because Gambia is suspected of providing funds and weapons for anti-governmentmilitary groups in Senegal.NigeriaYears before Ahmadinejad’s presidency, Iran became interested in Nigeria, the most populouscountry in Africa and the fifth largest provider of oil to the U.S., where more than half of thepopulation practices Islam. Iran identified Nigeria as a regional power that could serve itsinterests in Africa and provide support at international forums. Economic ties between thecountries were forged in the late 1990s and were accelerated after Iranian President Khatami’svisit there in 2005. The main topic during the Iranian visits was Nigeria’s energy shortage. Iranurged Nigeria to adopt nuclear technology, which greatly worried the United States. During hislast visit to Nigeria in July 2009, President Ahmadinejad promoted nuclear energy as a cheapenergy source.Nonetheless, Ahmadinejad’s visit will be remembered first and foremost for his meeting withNigerian ulema (Muslim religious scholars), and for the welcoming crowds in the streets of thecapital, Abuja, cheering his convoy. 3
  4. 4. Iran has also closely followed the ongoing violent tensions in Nigeria between radical Muslimand Christian groups and especially between Muslim radicals and the government, whichdeclared an all-out war on them.Islamist activity is not a new phenomenon in Nigeria but dates back to the 1960s. At the time,Saudi Arabia stood behind the financing and instruction of the different Islamic groups. It isestimated that there were over two hundred organizations involved in activities aimed atstrengthening Nigeria’s Islamic character. Sheikh Abubakar Gumi, a student of the Saudi school,established The Society for the Eradication of Evil and the Establishment of the Sunna, betterknown as Ian Izala, which flourished during the military rule in Nigeria and was committed tosupporting Islamic education.In the ‘80s and ‘90s, graduates of this movement established additional radical movements likethe Muslim Brothers and the Movement for Islamic Revival, whose leader, Abubakar Mujahid,proclaimed after 9/11 that the destruction of the Twin Towers was an appropriate and justresponse to American provocation. Mujahid was earlier a student of Sheikh Ibrahim Alzakzaky,the undisputed leader of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria. Alzakzaky, born in 1953, is aNigerian Shiite from Kaduna state. A protégé of Iran, he is involved in disseminating Shiitetheology and creating a radical socio-economic and military system that resembles that ofHizbullah in Lebanon. According to estimates, the sheikh has a supporter base numbering overa million people. His organization has been involved in many confrontations with the army andthe Christian population. Reports claim that they are responsible for thousands of deaths inNorthern Nigeria in the last decade. The sheikh himself ended up in almost every prison inNigeria in the ‘80s and ‘90s, but he has kept up his activities.5In the new millennium, there are many armed Islamist groups fighting the Nigerian governmentwith the aim of undermining stability and seeking to force the state to adopt an Islamist regime.Twelve out of the 36 states that make up the Nigerian Federation have already introducedSharia law. Northern Nigerian Muslim states have been turned into a battleground between thearmy and armed groups, many of whose fighters come from Chad, Algeria, and evenAfghanistan.One of the most deadly organizations calls itself Boko Haram, which in the local Hausa dialectmeans “non-Islamic education is a sin.” Its leader, Ustaz Mohammad Youssouf, born in 1970and married to four wives with 12 children, established the organization in Kanamma village inYobe state, not far from the Niger border. He named his training camp “Afghanistan” andreferred to his men as “Taliban.” Youssouf was killed after being taken into custody on July 30,2009. His financier, Buji Foi, was also executed a few days later.6 After Youssouf’s death, theorganization continued to operate under the leadership of Moallem Sanni Umaru, 7 and isfinanced by a Saudi, Al-Muntada al-Islami. 4
  5. 5. An Iranian Weapons Ship Docks in NigeriaIn April-May 2010, Iran decided to send a weapons ship to Nigeria. Two members of theRevolutionary Guards were selected for the mission, posing as businessmen. The MarshallIslands-based M/V Everest, which belongs to the world’s third largest shipping company, theFrench CMA CGM owned by Lebanese businessman Jacques R. Saade, transported the cargo,disguised as “packages of glass wool and pallets of stone.” The sender was the Iranian companyInternational Trading and General Construction (ITGC).The ship departed from the Iranian port of Bandar-Abbas and arrived in the Apapa port of Lagosin July 2010. Those familiar with the port know that unloading the cargo can take three months,sometimes even more. In the meantime, it became known that the original documents listedthe “port of Abuja” as the destination, which shows a lack of knowledge of Nigerian geographysince the capital, Abuja, is located 500 kilometers from the sea. Because of this mistake, thesender was forced to change the destination on the travel documents, which raised thesuspicion of customs officials. It later became known that the Nigerian intelligence services(SSS) had already begun to follow the cargo while it was in Bandar-Abbas.9 The SSS, whichanswers directly to the president, was convinced that the weapons were to be sent to theaddress listed in Abuja.10 WikiLeaks documents also revealed that the intelligence services arewell aware that Iran supports terrorism in Nigeria.11On October 26, 2010, the shipping containers were opened and the weapons were discovered.The thirteen containers of weaponry clearly violated UN Security Council Resolution 1929 (ofJune 9, 2010), imposing additional sanctions on Iran. In addition to Iranian embarrassment overthe weapons, $10 million worth of heroin hidden in engine parts shipped from Iran was seizedat Lagos Airport as well.12Iran: Weapons Were for GambiaWhen Nigerian authorities requested information from Tehran about the identity of the cargo’srecipient, they were rebuffed. Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki was then sent to Nigeriato solve the problem. Mottaki met with Nigerian authorities and explained that there had beena mistake and that the weapons’ destination was actually Gambia. Meanwhile, new shippingdocuments were produced for the cargo, which listed the private address of Gambian PresidentJammeh as the destination.13As soon as President Jammeh heard of this, he hastily cut diplomatic relations with Iran, frozeall economic projects, and ordered Iranian diplomats to leave Gambia within forty-eight hours.The Gambian president had good reasons for all this: 1. He wanted to avoid being seen as someone the Iranians could use as an agent to whitewash their deeds. 5
  6. 6. 2. He was well aware of the international significance of breaking the Iranian embargo, especially as far as the United States is concerned. 3. Most important, he feared a Senegalese response. Senegal has accused Gambia of providing arms for anti-government forces, especially for the Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance in South Senegal. A Senegalese parliamentarian even declared that Jammeh “has been caught red-handed!”14Nigeria RespondsThe Nigerians were not convinced by Mottaki’s explanations and demanded the arrest of thetwo Iranians responsible for the shipment. One of them, Azim Aghajani, was arrested (andreleased on $260,000 bail), but his trial was postponed and the location of the trial was movedfrom the capital Abuja to Lagos “for convenience.” It turned out that Aghajani received hisNigerian visa on the recommendation of Sheikh Ali Abbas Usman, better known as Abbas Jega,who used to work at Radio Tehran’s Hausa-language service and studied in Iran. Abbas Jega wasalso arrested, along with two customs officers, and they all are awaiting sentencing.15The second Iranian, Sayyed Akbar Tabatabaei, the Africa commander of the Quds Force (thebranch of the Revolutionary Guards charged with exporting the revolution overseas), hadreceived his entry permit to Nigeria to “provide administrative support” to the Iranian Embassy,as per the request of the Iranian Foreign Ministry. Holding diplomatic immunity, Tabatabaeifound refuge on Mottaki’s plane and flew with him to Iran. Subsequently, according to reports,he was sent to Venezuela to oversee the Quds Force’s recruitment in Latin America.16 Mottakiwas replaced as foreign minister during a later visit to Senegal, as Tehran was dissatisfied withhis failure.Nigeria reported Iran to the UN Security Council, of which it is a member, where all the knowndetails were disclosed. Nigeria is likely to take practical decisions regarding Iran only after thecourt rules in the case of Aghajani. Nevertheless, on February 23, 2011, after having beenconvinced that the weapons were meant for the rebels of Casamance, Senegal cut diplomaticties with Iran.An Iranian Intelligence FailureThis is a very strange story with the end not yet in sight. The affair bears witness to Iranianthoughtlessness and most of all to a lack of learning from the experiences of others who wereburned by their arrogance and lack of understanding of the realities of contemporary Africa.The failure of Iranian intelligence in Western Africa is also striking, especially of those who areaffiliated with the Revolutionary Guards.No doubt the whole affair hurt Iran’s standing in Western Africa and its efforts to build a frontagainst the United States and the international community. It is indeed a failure on the part of 6
  7. 7. Iranian intelligence and someone will have to pay the price for the lack of understanding ofinter-African realities, for the disrespect of leaders, who were perceived as obvious supportersbecause of their corruption, and for the erroneous evaluation of U.S. and other foreignintelligence services regarding their ability to know what is taking place in Iran.In mid-March 2011, Israeli naval commandos took over the weapons ship Victoria, which wason its way to El-Arish carrying weapons from Iran to Hamas in Gaza. This ship also belonged toCMA CGM, the same shipping company involved in the weapons shipment discovered inNigeria. This raises some fundamental questions about the possible association of some of itspeople with the Iranian Revolutionary Guards. * * * Notes1. Michael Rubin, “Irans Global Ambition,” Middle Eastern Outlook, American Enterprise Institute, March 17,2008.2. Ibid.3. Charlie Szrom, “Ahmadinejad in West Africa, What Iranian Outreach to the Region Reveals about Irans ForeignPolicy,” American Enterprise Institute, August 3, 2010.4. Ibid.5. J. Peter Pham, “Militant Islamisms Shadow Rises over Sub-Saharan Africa,” World Defense Review,www.worlddefensereview.com/pham/050406.6. “Profile: Boko Haram,” February 9, 2010, www. mwcnews.net/news/Africa; Steve Coll, “Boko Haram,” New Yorker, August 3, 2009,http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/stevecoll/2009/08/boko-haram.html.7. Terrorism Monitor, vol. 8, no. 12, March 26, 2010, p. 4.8. AP, January 12, 2011.9. Al-Jazeerah, November 16, 2010.10. “Nigeria, Iran & Weapons Cache,” www.nigeriancuriosity.com.11. Ibid.12. Robert Tait, “Iran Dealt Losing Hand in Gambia Gambit,” Radio Free Europe-Radio Liberty, November 24, 2010;Los Angeles Times, November 19, 2010.13. The Sun, January 12, 2011.14. Ibid.15. AP.16. Maseh Zarif, “Qods Operation in Africa,” March 7, 2011, www.irantracker.org. * * *Col. (ret.) Dr. Jacques Neriah, a special analyst for the Middle East at the Jerusalem Center forPublic Affairs, was formerly Foreign Policy Advisor to Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and DeputyHead for Assessment of Israeli Military Intelligence. 7
  8. 8. This Jerusalem Issue Brief is available online at: http://www.jcpa.orgDore Gold, Publisher; Yaacov Amidror, ICA Chairman; Alan Baker, ICA Director; Mark Ami -El, ManagingEditor. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs (Registered Amuta), 13 Tel-Hai St., Jerusalem, Israel; Tel. 972-2-561-9281, Fax. 972-2-561-9112, Email: jcpa@netvision.net.il. In U.S.A.: Center for Jewish CommunityStudies, 7 Church Lane, Suite 9, Baltimore, MD 21208; Tel. 410 -653-7779; Fax 410-653-8889. Website:www.jcpa.org. © Copyright. The opinions expressed herein do not necessarily reflect those of the Board ofFellows of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. The Institute for Contemporary Affairs (ICA) is dedicated to providing a forum for Israeli policy discussion and debate. To subscribe to the Jerusalem Issue Brief list, please go to link: http://www.list-jcpa.org/brief-sub.html To unsubscribe from the Jerusalem Issue Brief list, go to link: http://www.list-jcpa.org/mail-brief/forms/optoutform.asp 8

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