Apéndice AInformación histórica:The Salvadoran Civil War (1980–1992) was a conflict in El Salvador between themilitary-led government of El Salvador and the FarabundoMartí National LiberationFront (FMLN), a coalition or umbrella organization of five left-wing militias. Significanttensions and violence had already existed, before the civil wars full outbreak, over thecourse of the 1970s. El Salvadors Civil War was the third longest civil war in LatinAmerica after the Guatemalan Civil War and the Armed conflict in Peru. The UnitedStates supported the Salvadorian military government.The conflict ended in the early1990s. Some 75,000 people were killed.El Salvador is a small country located in Central America bordered by Honduras,Guatemala and the Pacific Ocean. In recent years, it has been plagued by violence andpoverty due to over-population and class struggles. The conflict between the rich and thepoor of the country has existed for more than a century.In the late 1880s, coffee became a major cash crop for El Salvador. It brought in 95% ofthe countrys income. Unfortunately, this wealth was confined within only 2% of thepopulation. Tensions between the classes grew, and in 1932 AugustínFarabundo Martiformed the Central American Socialist Party and led peasants and indigenous peopleagainst the government. In response, the government supported military death squadswhich killed anyone who even looked Indian or may have been supporting the uprising.The killing became known as La Matanza (the Massacre) and left more than 30,000people dead. Marti was eventually arrested and put to death.The struggle continued through the years. Both sides continued to fight back and forth inan endless string of assassinations and coups. As the presence of guerillas existed, themilitary reinstated the death squads in order to combat the rebel forces. In 1979, yetanother military junta overthrew the government. When the Junta made promises toimprove living standards in the country but failed to do so, discontent with thegovernment provoked the five main guerrilla groups in the country to unite in theFarabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN).In 1980, El Salvadors civil war officially began. The government-supported militarytargeted anyone they suspected of supporting social and economic reform. Often thevictims were unionists, clergy, independent farmers and university officials. Over theensuing twelve years, thousands of victims perished. Some of the most notable wereArchbishop Oscar Romero (shot to death 1980), four US church workers (raped andmurdered 1980) and six Jesuit priests, their housekeeper and her daughter (shot to deathat home 1989). The military death squads wiped-out entire villages believed to beassisting the guerrilla efforts. In 1981, the military killed over 1,000 people in the villageof El Mozote. The first reports of the attacks were denied by both El Salvador and theUnited States, but after the mass graves were uncovered, it was hard to deny what hadtaken place.As the military defended their stand of killing any alleged rebels, the FMLN also workedto blow-up bridges, cut power lines, destroy coffee plantations and anything else to
damage the economy that supported the government. The FMLN also murdered andkidnapped government officials. As time passed, guerrilla efforts became more advanced.The FMLN progressed from using machetes and small pistols to using grenade launchersand other imported arms. Their advances became more strategic and better planned.The war persisted despite efforts from both sides to bring an end to the fighting. TheFMLN refused to participate in presidential elections, feeling that any election resultswould be adjusted in favor of right-wing parties. The government refused to attend peacetalks organized by the FMLN.In the end about 75,000 people died as result of the civil war between 1980 and 1992.With the passage of time, more evidence of war crimes emerges and more formergovernment officials are prosecuted.Apéndice BInformación del autor:Roque Dalton García (San Salvador, El Salvador, 14 May 1935 – Quezaltepeque, ElSalvador, 10 May 1975) was a leftistSalvadoranpoet and journalist. He is considered oneof Latin Americas most compelling poets. He wrote emotionally strong, sometimessarcastic, and image-loaded works dealing with life, death, love, and politics.In 1970 Roque Dalton had become a recognized figure in the Salvadoran left. He triedhard to become a revolutionary soldier, for which reason he participated in militarytraining camps in Cuba several times. He once wrote "Politics are taken up at the risk oflife, or else you dont talk about it".Roque Dalton (1937–75) was the major literary figure and an important political architectof the revolutionary movement in El Salvador. Dalton represents a new type of LatinAmerican writer: no longer the genial fellow traveler of the revolution, like PabloNeruda, but rather the rank and file revolutionary activist for whom the intricate cabbalaof clandestine struggle-pass- words, safe houses, escape routes, forged documents,sectarian squabbles- was as familiar as Parisian surrealism. A dangerous and difficultprofession, in which the event that seals a writers reputation is often precociousmartyrdom.Apéndice CInformación geográfica:El Salvador:http://maps.google.com/maps?client=safari&rls=en&q=map+of+el+salvador&oe=UTF-8&um=1&ie=UTF-
8&hq=&hnear=El+Salvador&gl=us&ei=gILHTbONAYTAsAPZxLiVAQ&sa=X&oi=geocode_result&ct=title&resnum=1&ved=0CBoQ8gEwAAApéndice DInformación cultural:Before the Spanish conquest, the area that is now El Salvador was made up of two largeIndian states and several principalities. Most of the area was inhabited by the Pipil.Spains first attempt to conquer the area failed as the Pipil forced Spanish troops toretreat. In 1525, the district fell under the control of the Captaincy General of Guatemala,a colony of Spain, which retained authority until independence in 1821. During thecolonial period, the Spaniards replaced the communal property of the indigenouspopulation with a system of private property. The encomiendasystem obliged Indians towork for the Spanish in order to pay a large tax. At the top of the colonial hierarchy werethe Peninsulares, Spaniards born in Spain. Under them were the criollos, Spaniards bornin the Americas. The mestizos were people of mixed Spanishand indigenous descent, whohad some rights but could not hold private property. The indigenous peoples wereexploited and mistreated.The first decades of independence saw uprisings by poor mestizos and Indians to protesttheir impoverishment and marginalization. Before the cultivation of coffee was
introduced in the late nineteenth century, indigo was the principal export crop. In 1833,an Indian rebellion of indigo sowers and cutters led by Anastasio Aquino demandeddistribution of land to the poor and the just application of the penal laws, the only lawsapplied to the poor. The rebellion was crushed by the government. Thousands of ruralpeasants were displaced as new laws incorporated their lands into large "modern" coffeeplantations where peasants were forced to work for very low wages. This created a coffeeoligarchy made up of fourteen families. The economy is still controlled by a wealthylandowning caste (1 percent of the population still owns 40 percent of the arable land).The civil war in the 1980s led to a huge population upheaval, with up to 40 percent of thepopulation relocating and close to 20 percent leaving the country. Estimates of deaths inthe twelve years of civil war have reached 80,000, including twelve thousand civilianskilled in 1981. In 1982, mutilation killings, particularly decapitations, of adults andchildren were used as mechanisms of terror.Much of that repression was in response to the political organization of the people in the1960s and 1970s as workers, peasants, women, students, and shanty town dwellersdeveloped organizations to demand political and economic rights. Many political activistsfelt that "legal" political organizing would not lead to political change and beganorganizing the clandestine guerrilla units that formed the nucleus of the FMLN in 1980.By 1979 the FMLN was perceived as a threat by the military dictatorship.A new spirit of activism emerged within the Catholic Church. Rural peasants and churchworkers formed Christian "base communities" and agricultural cooperatives in the 1960sand 1970s. Progressive priests and nuns formed Bible study groups in which peasantsreflected on local conditions in light of biblical texts. This organizing was consideredcommunist and subversive and became a target of government repression.A group of young officers staged a military coup and formed a cabinet consisting ofcivilians from a wide spectrum of political parties. However, the military and theoligarchy frustrated attempts at change. Three more juntas followed, but each wasincapable of implementing reform and stopping atrocities.In 1980, the archbishop of San Salvador, Oscar Romero, who had become a forcefulcritic of military oppression, was assassinated while saying Mass. This led many peoplein the base Christian communities and political organizations to turn to armed resistance.Five revolutionary armies joined together to form the FMLN.In November 1989, the FMLN launched a bloody nationwide offensive, taking parts ofthe capital. International coverage of the offensive increased the pressure for a negotiatedsettlement to the conflict. On 31 December 1991, the government and the FMLN signedan agreement under the auspices of the United Nations, and a cease-fire took effect in1992. The peace accords called for military reforms including a reduction in the size ofthe military, a new armed forces doctrine stressing democratic values and prohibiting aninternal security role, and the banning of paramilitary groups. The National CivilianPolice was established to replace the repressive National Police. Judicial, electoral, andsocial reforms included land reform and government-financed loans for land purchases.Ideological polarization between the two sides in the conflict has made reconciliationdifficult, and the government has failed to prosecute human rights abusers, or address thesocial injustices. Many Salvadorans, especially rural peasants, do not trust the nations
political leaders.Salvadoran national identity is comprised of a mix of indigenous and Spanish influencesexpressed in food, language, customs, and religious beliefs.Indians were at the bottom ofthe social hierarchy in colonial times and subject to massacre and exploitation well intothe twentieth century. Ninety-seven percent of the population in El Salvador is now"mestizo." However, those who have more indigenous features suffer somediscrimination and are referred to by the derogatory terms "indios" (Indians) or "negros"(blacks).About half the population lives below the national poverty line, able to buy food but notclothing and medicine. Over half of these families live in a situation of extreme poverty.Forty-seven percent of the population does not have access to clean water.The difference between the incomes of the most wealthy and the poorest are extreme andincreasing. The poorest 20 percent receive only 2 percent of the national income, whereasthe richest 20 percent receive 66 percent. The distinction between the rich and poor is nolonger ethnic, as the vast majority of the population is now mestizo (about 97 percent).The rich have more access to American goods and typically dress like Americans. Theyalso have access to education at home and abroad and often speak English, as well as amore grammatical form of Spanish.Read more: Culture of El Salvador - traditional, history, people, clothing, women, beliefs,food, customs, familyhttp://www.everyculture.com/Cr-Ga/El-Salvador.html#ixzz1LpoirRjtTambién, los estudiantes pueden buscar más información sobre la cultura salvadoreña poreste sitio: http://www.salvaide.ca/salvadoranculture.htmlApéndice EInformación sobre la Guerra Civil en los Estados Unidos:The American Civil War (1861–1865), also less commonly known as the War Betweenthe States (among other names), was a civil war in the United States of America. ElevenSouthernslave states declared their secession from the United States and formed theConfederate States of America, also known as "the Confederacy". Led by JeffersonDavis, the Confederacy fought for its independence from the United States. The U.S.federal government was supported by twenty mostly-Northern free states in whichslavery already had been abolished, and by five slave states that became known as theborder states. These twenty-five states, referred to as the Union, had a much larger baseof population and industry than the South. After four years of bloody, devastating warfare(mostly within the Southern states), the Confederacy surrendered and slavery was
outlawed everywhere in the nation. The restoration of the Union, and the ReconstructionEra that followed, dealt with issues that remained unresolved for generations.Apéndice FComo TúPor Roque DaltonYo como túamo el amorla vida,el dulce1 encanto de las cosasel paisaje celeste2 de los días de enero.También mi sangre bulle3y río por los ojosque han conocido el brote de las lágrimas4creo que el mundo es belloque la poesía es como el pande todosY que mis venas5 no terminan en mísino en la sangre unánimede los que luchan por la vidael amor,las cosas,el paisaje y el pan,la poesía de todosApéndice GPreguntas de comprensión:1.) ¿Cómo es la poesía similar al pan?2.) ¿Cuál es un símil en este poema?1sweet2heavenlylandscape3bloodboils4thathaveknowntheburst of tears5veins
3.) Escribe tres adjetivos que describen el tono del poema?4.) ¿Qué puede simbolizar “enero” en el poema?5.) Explica la cita: “Y que mis venas no terminan en mí, sino en la sangre unánime delos que luchan por la vida…”6.) ¿Dónde está el apóstrofe? ¿Por qué usa un apóstrofe?7.) ¿Dónde están los imágenes en el poema? ¿Qué representan?8.) ¿Qué es el mensaje del poema?Apéndice H¿Cuáles símbolos están en esta foto? ¿Cuáles conexiones puedes hacer entre la foto yel poema?
Apéndice IHaga un dibujo de cómo interpretas el poema:
Apéndice JHaga tu propio poema sobre un tema que te interesa. Puede ser un poema sobre untema político, un tema social, o un tema cultural.Apéndice KHaga un resumen sobre las diferencias y las semejanzas entre la película, VocesInocentes y el poema, “Como Tú”.