Violencia de género en tanzania english (def)


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Violencia de género en tanzania english (def)

  1. 1. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”Can we understand genderviolence?A study of individual, community, socialand cultural factors to help focus ouractions against gender violenceSingida region, Tanzania2012MEDICOS DEL MUNDO 0
  2. 2. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania” CONTENTS 1. Introduction 4 2. Methodology 6 3. The extent of gender violence in the Singida region. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 3.1. Physical violence 3.1.1. Female genital mutilation 3.1.2. Different forms of physical maltreatment 3.2. Emotional abuse 3.3. Sexual violence 3.4. Economic violence 3.4.1. Labour exploitation of women 3.4.2. Lack of access to and control of resources: inheritance and dowry 4. The Ecological Model of Heise 17 5. Individual level 18 5.1. Sex, age, religion and ethnicity… an influence on gender violence? 5.2. Are low levels of education a risk factor? 5.3. Use and abuse of alcohol and marijuana 5.4. Income and economic insecurity 6. Relationship level 21 6.1. Marriage of convenience and young pregnancy due to economic status The Dowry or price of the betrothed 6.2. The patrilocal system 6.3. Living with your aggressor and normalizing the violence 6.4. Only the men make decisions 7. Community level ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 7.1 Briefings on Tanzanian legislation on gender violence 7.2 Poverty and limited economic resources 7.3 Mechanisms and routes taken by women against gender violence 1
  3. 3. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania” 7.3.1 Formal mechanisms 7.3.2 Informal mechanisms 7.3.3 Faith in and effectiveness of these mechanisms 8. Socio-cultural level 36 8.1 Masculinity and Femininity – being a man or a woman 8.2 Female genital mutilation and its meaning within the feminine stereotype 8.3 Gender roles and division of work 8.4 Sexual and behavioural control of women in patriarchal societies 8.5 Witchcraft (“Uchawi”) as a strategy to control women 9. Recommendations 46 9.1. Individual level/family level – Informal Plan 9.2. Individual/family level – Formal Plan 9.3. Community level – Formal Plan 9.4. Community level – Informal Plan 10. Conclusions ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 11. Annexes ¡Error! Marcador no definido. ANNEX I. Tables and Graphics ANNEX II. Analysis and Tools ANNEX III. Bibliography 2
  4. 4. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”SynopsisGender violence is a widespread issue in Tanzania. It consists of various types of violencecaused by diverse factors. Civil society in Tanzania and the Tanzanian government have alreadytaken some measures to put an end to this gender violence, by getting involved withinternational campaigns in the fight against violence as well as by pushing for changes withinTanzania’s legislation.This report has been produced with the objective of identifying which types of gender violenceoccur within the intervention zones of Médicos del Mundo, in order to analyse the factors andthe perceptions which may have an influence on this violence, and also to find out whichmechanisms (either formal or informal) are used by the survivors of gender violence.The investigation has been qualitative in nature, and was carried out in four villages belongingto two of the sectors in which Médicos del Mundo worked over the course of 2011. 350people participated in the study. Quantitative and qualitative tools have been used.Médicos del Mundo considers it important to understand the antrhopological contexts withinwhich we work in order to take into account the working hours of the titleholders of theprogram, in this case with the Nyaturu people, the majority ethnic group in the interventionzone. Each ethnic group lives in its specific context where cultural, social and economicparameters influence their understanding the world.The results of studies such is this can prove useful, not only for Médicos del Mundo(indispensible to enhance outcomes of theprogram in this region and country), but also forother organizations, especially local, regional and national authorities. The results provide aregional and national context for the impact of gender violence and thus will allow efforts toachieve gender equality to be better targetted. 3
  5. 5. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”Cards resulting during the design of the research1. IntroductionThere is increasing evidence and awareness of the negative impact on health caused by genderviolence amongst healthcare providers and policy-makers. Gender violence has beenassociated with increased risks to and problems with reproductive health, chronic disorders,psychological effects, injuries and death. Maltreated by the partner Sexual Aggression Child sexual abuseLethal Effects Non-lethal Effects - Homicide - Suicide - Maternal mortality - AIDS related effects PHYSICAL CHRONIC MENTAL HEALTH CONDITIONS HEALTH Injuries Symptoms of chronic Post-traumatic illness Stress Disorder Functional changes Irritable bowel Depression syndrome Physical symptoms Gastrointestinal Anxiety disorders diseases including phobia and panic attacks Deficient subjective health Fibromyalgia Eating disorders Permanent disability Sexual dysfunction Severe obesity Poor self-esteem Psychotropic substance abuse NEGATIVE BEHAVIOUR REPRODUCTIVE AFFECTING HEALTH HEALTH Smoking Unwanted pregnancy Alcohol and drug abuse HIV/STDs High risk sexual behaviour Gynaecological diseases Physical inactivity Dangerous abortions Excessive eating Pregnancy complications Miscarriage/ Low birth weight babies Pelvic Inflammatory Disorder 4
  6. 6. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania” Gender violence is an omnipresent public health problem,Type of violence Domestic which threatens human rights worldwide. The instigators and Community prevalence of gender violence vary according to location. In Collective general terms, at least one in three woman has beenType of aggression Physical Emotional or psychological maltreated, coerced into forced sex or has suffered abuse, at Economic some moment of her life. These facts highlight the negative consequences of gender violence on the health and wellbeing ofRelationship Partner the women involved, as well as that of her children andto the aggressor Family members or friends ultimately on the wellbeing and development of communities The State and societies. The extent of gender violence and its Employers, superiors (at work consequences, justifies the need for intervention and, as such, or in school) investment in programs focussing on health and sexual and reproductive rights. The term “gender” reflects a basis of social organization, referring to specific social roles which individuals are given according to their sex, by a community or culture. As such, we find in each society certain rules, as implicit as they are explicit, which define the role and status of each of their members according to their sex. These rules determine what is acceptable, convenient and appropriate depending on whether the individual is a man or a woman. Within the community one learns to be a man or a woman with each sex assigned their own rights and responsibilities. Violence is the reflection of the construction of these relationships. Within a society, inequality of power and authority between men and women is determined by historical, cultural and other social determinants. Therefore, violence is not an isolated phenomenon, but is closely related to the socio-cultural norms, which reoccur in the family and the group1. Following this premise, we align ourselves with the definition of violence against women set out by the United Nations: “any act of violence based on belonging to the feminine sex which has or may have as a result, harm or physical, sexual or psychological suffering for the woman, as well as any threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary withdrawing of liberty, whether it occurs in public or private life”2. Médicos del Mundo initiated the TUNU programme (Tutambue Uzazi na Ujinsia or Recognising our sexual and reproductive rights) in the Singida and Same districts in 2009. In the PRA carried for the groundwork of both missions, gender inequality was affirmed, as well as the impact of gender violence on women’s health. For this reason, a qualitative investigation was included for both areas of intervention. This report summarizes the investigation undertaken in the Singida District. Médicos del Mundo have applied the WHO (World Health Organization) recommendations in designing this investigation, by utilizaing a multidisciplinary approach. We at Médicos del Mundo believe that there is still a long way to go in creating awareness of 1 Pg. 15 “Violence against women. Gender, culture and society. A practical approach” Médicos del Mundo. 2 General Assembly of the United Nations, 1993 5
  7. 7. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”gender violence, and in forming and integrating a system of management that understandsgender violence within medical institutions, health centres and welfare offices. Thedevelopment departments of the respective districts (specifically the Ward Executive Officers[WEO], Village Executive Officers [VEO] and police stations) are still not adequately preparedto tackle cases of gender violence. We at Médicos del Mundo pledge to work in this area ofgender violence, to build awareness amongst various stakeholders at a district level, as well asto work with the affected communities, looking for ways to introduce ways to prevent, detect,take action and report this violence.The communities in which this investigation was carried out, were selected from within theintervention area of Médicos del Mundo. In 95% of the communities the predominant ethnicgroup is the Nyaturu. The Nyatura population is made up primarily of crop growing andfarming societies, where 74% of the population live off their gains from the cultivation of theirland and from their livestock. Due to this way of life, 56% of the population live on less than100, 000 TZS (approximately 50 euro) a month. Only a very small percentage have smallbusinesses or jobs that bring in a monthly salary.2. Methodology The following sequence shows the development strategy used to shape the report: PASOS EN LA FORMULACIÓN DE LA MATRIZ Paso 1. PROBLEMA del ESTUDIO Paso 2. OBJETIVOS del ESTUDIO Paso 3. Selección de: PREGUNTAS del ESTUDIO • UNIDADES de ANÁLISIS •VARIABLES Paso 4. HIPÓTESIS 4 6
  8. 8. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”It is important to combine quantitative and qualitative methods as both methods contribute tothe overall objective of the study. The quantitative method provides socio-demographicinformation on each participant and adds relevant data to the analysis.The qualitative method provides us with detailed information on the context and perceptionsof a small number of participants. One of the objectives of the report has been to obtain adeeper look at the Nyatura population and their attitudes, motivations and practices. Thequalitative study aims to identify what people say and do. For Médicos del Mundo, it hasbeen very important to learn about the attitudes of the aggressors of gender violence, howthey perceive their mistreated partners and how they justify and interpret their behaviour.The Discussion Group (DG) has been very useful in order to explore norms, beliefs, practicesand behaviours of individuals in the community. We are interested in what they consider asthe “norm” within the community and what the culture tells them that they should “do” or“say. The information derived from the DG has also been compared with other sources ofinformation.Another tool has been the in-depth Interview, which has revealed social representations whichhave either confirmed or disproved our hypotheses and which have enriched the results of theDG. The interviews introduce personal opinions and different types of practices. In selectinginterviewees, we have prioritized the voice of female victims of gender violence, who in theirdaily lives would not normally have the opportunity to speak openly about this violence andabout their own situation.Observation was a premise for the collection of data through observing and documentingmannerisms and reactions to certain questions. The non-verbal communication of eachperson in their interaction with other participants in the discussion groups and when theystarted and stopped speaking were considered to be important factors to add to the datacollected. For the quantitative analysis, a selection was made of 241 participants – male andfemale – between 15 and 70 years of age. Selection criteria were established in collaborationwith the Singida District to help decide which villages to select. These criteria were: Villages identified by the Social Welfare office of the district, with the highest numberof reported cases of gender violence. Villages from the two divisions (Ilongero and Mungaa) in which Médicos del Mundowork. The total population and number of families in each village Geographic distance from the following infrastructures: primary and secondaryschools, healthcare centres and police stations.On the basis of these criteria, the following villages were selected: Ilongero and Kinyeto(llongero Division) and Msule and Ntewa B (Mungaa Division). The total population of the 4villages is 11,176 people and 2,086 households. For the selection of people to interview, weuse the method of a simple sampling based on the total number of households per village to 7
  9. 9. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”achieve a 95% confidence interval (325 households in proportion to the size of the selectedvillages). The following table summarizes these figures. Total Total Number of surveys Village Percentage inhabitants households completed Ilongero 3.912 630 30% 97 Kinyeto 3.195 790 37% 120 Ntewa B 2.314 312 15% 58 Msule 1.755 354 18% 50 TOTALES 11.176 2.086 100% 325The questions were organized based on the socio-economic data available and other questionsrelated to the objective of the study. Information was collected on the nature of the types ofviolence as well as the timing and frequency of violence. We have also collected informationon the perpetrator of the violence and in which environment this violence occurred (family,school, etc.). The questionnaire was not designed solely for participants who were victims ofgender violence. Anonymity has been a fundamental factor for all the participants and wehave avoided interviewing or carrying out the questionnaire to men and women from thesame household, in order to maintain privacy and possible negative consequences.To choose people for each of the techniques used (interview, discussion group and survey) 20different units of analysis will be taken into account, dispersed between gender and village.Details of these units can be found in Annex II, Units of Analysis by village and tools utilised.The selection of the analysis units was dependant on the study theme and we have taken intoaccount individuals, population groups, social structures, social positions and civil andfundamental organisations among others. The criteria were used to collect the highestpossible number of perceptions within the same community. 8
  10. 10. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”Focus Group with out school young, girls and boys. Ntewa B village3. Uncovering the extent of gender violence in theSingida regionThe aim of the use of violence is submission and control by force. It is believed that thosewho exercise violence do not wish harm to the victim (although this is inevitable) but rather toconsolidate their power and control. Therefore, in order for violence to exist there must be animbalance of power (either symbolic or real) and this is usually present in complementaryroles: for example between father and son or man and women, where each role has a socialand cultural legitimacy. After an act of violence, the asymmetry of power is consolidated. As aresult, violence only occurs as a mark of inequality between these roles.Differentiation between types of violence is more theoretical than practical. Distinguishingtypes of violence helps our analysis, however in reality in most cases, each maltreated womanhas suffered multiple types of violence concurrently.The great majority (90.7%) of participants identify gender violence in their village. Of maleparticipants, 89% report that they have not suffered any type of violence. Of those who have,7% report this to be emotional violence. In the case of the women, 60% of those interviewed,have been victims of gender violence at some point or throughout their lives (Table 1, Annex 1,page 54). PHYSICAL EMOTIONAL OR PSYCHOLOGICAL SEXUAL VIOLENCE VIOLENCE VIOLENCE FGM Sexual abuse or rape Abusive language, threats, 9
  11. 11. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania” humiliation and insults Physical Early and forced marriages Unwanted touching maltreatment Murder Restriction of education Marital rape Control of behaviour Women being Youth pregnancy overworked No say in family planning decisions Different forms of violence noted during the studyIn general terms, this table shows the different manifestations of violence discovered duringthe investigation.The analysis of the information suggests a general presence of violence among the Nyaturucommunities, as much physical and psychological as sexual. This violence is present in allaspects of day-to-day life (public and private). Women are the victims and men theperpetrators. 3.1. Physical violence The WHO describes physical abuse as: “The intentional use of physical force in order to cause potential death, to harm or injure. Physical violence includes, but is not limited to, scratching, pushing, throwing, beating, strangling, use of force on another person and the use of threats with weapons (pistols, blades or other objects3).”The most widespread type of violence is physical maltreatment between partners. In 49% ofcases physical maltreatment had occurred within the last 3 months (Graphic 1, p.55). Amongsttypes of physical violence the most common violence is perpetual physical maltreatment andfemale genital mutilation (FGM). 3 Source: WHO, 2005. “Researching women against violence. A practical guideline for researchers and activists” 10
  12. 12. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania” 3.1.1. Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)“I was mutilated at the age of 15 in order to respect the Nyaturu traditions. My mother diedwhen I was a child and my grandmother could not save enough money to pay for theceremony. This meant my mutilation was worse” (Interview with a survivor of genderviolence)FGM is one of the most practiced forms of gender violence in the Nyaturu communities,though it was one of the forms of violence that the participants found most difficult to discussopenly. Then men in particular, who are excluded and are not permitted to know about theceremonial processes and the preparation for ceremony, were less open in their discussion,because it is an exclusively female issue. Despite this, men are important players in thecontinuity of this practice.The participants say that it is due to governmental restrictions (from the illegalisation enactedby the SOSPA in 1998 which created committees in each village to stop the perpetrators)together with anti-MGF campaigns on the part of the government and other organisations, thepractice has gone underground and become hidden and secret. This has also resulted in girlsbeing mutilated at increasingly younger ages. Explanations for this younger age vary; eachparticipant provided a different explanation for the young age at which the girl was mutilated.Some said that the process was carried out on the baby girl during her delivery; others reportthe practice in children younger than five years old to avoid having to explain the act toanyone who did not want to be mutilated etc.“As a school teacher (primary school in Msule), on occasions a little girl is absent from schoolfor a few days. If I question her about it, I am told she is sick; when I ask if she has been takento the doctor, the parents tell me that it isn`t necessary because it is an illness related totraditional matters” (Interview with a primary school teacher, not a Nyaturu)Regarding the procedure of the practice, it is the parents who contact the person who is tocarry out the mutilation.“In 2009 five girls from this school went through FGM; the person who carried out themutilation came from another village and it was dealt with in a very secretive way. Each familypaid the person between 7,000 and 10,000 TZS per child” (Interview with a pregnant mother,Msule) 3.1.2. Different forms of physical abuseIntimate partner abuse is the form of physical violence most mentioned by men and women inall of the villages. We have observed that this abuse is commonplace, and that anything canprovoke a man to respond with violence. Things such as not completing household chores,disobeying her husband or not bearing children can elicit a violent response. Not meeting thecommunity’s expectations of what it means to be a woman is in many cases punished withphysical violence. 11
  13. 13. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”“A husband can beat his wife because she gets home later than him, regardless of the cause, or becauseshe hasn’t taken care of all of her household responsibilities, or because dinner isn’t good, or because shetakes too long to open the door to greet him, or because she asked him why he got home late...”(Interview with a pregnant woman).Through these interviews we have found that there are times when this physical abuse can be verysevere and lead to the hospitalization of the woman as well as causing psychological effects. Theseverity of the abuse is important, as even tools and weapons can be used. Unless it results in murder(as we were able to document in one instance, though the facts were covered up) it is difficult to discernthe actual magnitude of the abuse, as it is considered a familial issue and is resolved at that level.“One day during my pregnancy, my husband hit me very hard and my brother-in-law and the leader ofthe hamlet at the time had to take me to the health center. They had to lie to the doctor, and told himthat I had fallen off the roof of our house. I was very ill and was taken to the hospital of Makingu, whereI remained for several weeks with a ruptured pancreas. When I finally explained to the doctors what hadhappened, they told me that it was too late and that they could do nothing about it” (Interview with asurvivor of gender-based violence, Kinyeto).“Last year a man killed his pregnant wife because she was tired of the ongoing abuse and asked for adivorce. In the end he suffocated her, and the case was never reported to the police” (FGD with marriedwomen, Ntewa B). Abusive language is the most commonly occurring type of emotional violence. Drawing done by a boy during a focus group representing the most common type of violence in his community. Msule. 3.2. Emotional violence 12
  14. 14. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”“A woman always runs the risk of being humiliated or insulted” (Interview with a pregnant woman). The World Health Organization defines psychological abuse as: “Any act or omission that damages the self-esteem, identity, or development of the individual. It includes, but is not limited to, humiliation, threatening loss of custody of children, forced isolation from family or friends, threatening to harm the individual or someone they care about, repeated yelling or degradation, inducing fear through intimidating words or gestures, controlling behavior, and the destruction of possessions.”4According to the questionnaire, 46% of men and 41% of women interviewed believe that theuse of abusive language is the most common form of psychological abuse. It often occurs inconjunction with other forms such as humiliation, controlling behavior, threats or the lack of awoman’s ability to make decisions about family planning. Eighty per cent recognize theexistence of psychological abuse in their communities and 54% indicated that there have beenoccurrences of it in the last three months.Within marital sexual relations, the wife’s status is vulnerable. She can easily be humiliated orplaced in high-risk health situations.“My husband has sexual relations with another woman, and I’m afraid because I don’t know if he hassafe sex with her. He seems to have symptoms of tuberculosis and also some kind of skin disease. Isuspect that he is HIV positive, but he doesn’t want to go to the VCT (Voluntary Council Centre) for acheckup” (Interview with a survivor of gender-based violence). 3.3. Sexual violence 4 WHO, 2005. “Researching violence against women: a practical guideline for researchers and activists,” p. 93. 13
  15. 15. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania” The World Health Organization defines abusive sexual contact as “Any act in which one person in a power relationship uses force, coercion, or psychological intimidation to force another to carry out a sexual act against her or his will or participate in unwanted sexual relations from which the offender obtains gratification. Abusive When did the sexual aggression take sexual contact occurs in a place? variety of situations, including within marriage, at school, and in families (i.e. incest). Other 74% of men and 62% of manifestations include undesired touching; oral, anal women interviewed or vaginal penetration with the acknowledge the existence penis or other objects; and of sexual violence in their obligatory exposure to pornographic material.”5 communities. Rape is the most common.A greater percentage of male interviewees than female interviewees recognized the existenceof sexual violence in their communities (74% versus 62% respectively). Both men and women(18% and 19%, respectively) indicated that rape is the most common form of sexual abuse,although undesired touching, childhood and forced marriage and unwanted sexual relationswere also mentioned (Table 2, p. 54). 28% of such acts had taken place at some point in thelast three months.During our field study we documented many instances of women being raped in a variety ofsituations by different types of aggressors. The majority of these cases occurred within thesphere of the immediate family or that of close relatives.“Often the students who rent rooms in order to live near their school are forced to have sex with thelandlord because he helps them by allowing them to rent the house or with whatever they may need”(Interview with the leader of a community-based association).Participants in the study explained that young girls, particularly students, tend to be the rapevictims as they are the most vulnerable. As will be discussed further on, rapes and youthpregnancies are closely related. This along with the girls’ vulnerable economic situations playsa role in their exposure to situations in which they are forced to have sex. Students are not theonly ones at risk of being raped - young, adult, or elderly women may be sexually abused aswell. The perpetrators are often members of the woman’s social circle, and may be her family,acquaintances, or close neighbors. Generally these girls are assaulted when they are the mostvulnerable (usually when they are returning home alone, especially at dusk or after nightfall). 5 WHO, 2005. “Researching violence against women: a practical guideline for researchers and activists,” p. 93. 14
  16. 16. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”“Boys who are no longer studying as well as teachers try to convince the girls to have sexual relationswith them. If the girls refuse, the men can follow them until they find the right moment to assault them.This normally happens when they are walking alone in the woods on their way home from school” (FGDwith high-school students).“One day when I was home alone, my uncle’s son came to the house. He threatened me with a knife andtold me to not make a sound or he’d hurt me. He forced me to have sexual relations with him. I was 19and a virgin; it hurt a lot” (Interview with a female victim of gender-based violence).Marital rape is another frequently occurring and documented form of sexual abuse. Both menand women see sex as a married man’s right and sex within marriage is understood to be anobligation. As such, the woman has no right to refuse her husband.“If my husband comes home drunk at a late hour, he becomes more aggressive and often asks me forsex. If I refuse, he hits me and forces me. I believe he acts this way toward me because I’ve given himonly sons and no daughters” (Interview with a woman victim of gender-based violence). 3.4. Economic violenceEconomic violence is understood as the economic control exerted by men over women. Thisincludes control over the money she earns as well as preventing her from having access to andcontrol over the home’s financial resources. As we have seen, a woman is considered herhusband’s property as soon as the marriage takes place. The role of the bride price facilitatessuch a conceptualization. Other practices, though currently falling into disuse, still carrysignificant weight in these communities. Practices such as the widow’s inheritance, forexample, serve to further demonstrate this notion of a woman as her husband’s privateproperty. The fact that these women are excluded from land inheritance also illustrates of thisform of gender-based violence. 3.4.1. Exploitation of Women’s LaborThe direct consequences of the overworking of Nyaturu women include a vulnerability andsusceptibility to health risks and violent situations. This situation was acknowledged by manyparticipants.“I’m seven months pregnant. While my husband sleeps or listens to the radio, I’m the one that has totake the cattle to pastures far from home,” one of the participants complained (Interview with apregnant woman, Ntewa B.).The bride price that the husband paid for his wife determines their economic relationship. Thismajor economic transaction between him and his wife’s family generates a “debt” that leavesthe wife in a position of vulnerability and economic inequality in relation to her husband. Asstated before, this inequality leads to violence. For this reason, many women believe the brideprice to be one of the causes of physical abuse, as women are seen as obligated to take on the 15
  17. 17. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”all reproductive (and, if necessary, productive) responsibilities. The resources they earn end upbeing managed by the husband.“I think the bride price is the driving force behind gender-based violence because the wife has to workhard for her husband. The husband worked hard to be able to pay the bride price, so after marriage, sheis the one who has to work while he relaxes. For this reason, if the wife doesn’t complete the tasksassigned to her, her husband can mistreat her” (Interview with a boy who left school). 3.4.2. Lack of inheritance and bride priceWhen it comes to the family’s economic situation, the fact that a woman’s work (reproductive andproductive) is not valued makes her vulnerable to violence. Women have no property or possessions.Traditionally, they did not inherit the most important resources in Nyaturu society: livestock and land.Patrilineal societies such as the Nyaturu transfer resources from fathers to sons since women come fromone clan and once married, go to another (that of their husbands). The system of inheritance is onemethod of controlling and maintaining property so that it is not dispersed. Thus women arediscriminated against, leading to an economic inequality between genders within Nyaturu society.Although this tradition has undergone changes and women have begun to inherit certain resources(such as livestock and some material resources), women still do not have access to the land whichremains in the hands of the men. Our findings show that while 72% of men have access to and control oftheir lands, only 41% of women have this right. However, only 17% of men indicate that they haveaccess to but no control over their land, in comparison with 43% of women (Table 3, p. 56).“In our Nyaturu tradition resources are inherited by men, while smaller things like money or tools canbe inherited by women. The reasoning behind this is that the male child will remain on his ancestral landand continue his family line, whereas the female child will marry another man and go live in his home”(Interview with the leader of a community-based association).This same reason allows the husband to feel that he has the right to appropriate the labor of his wifeand any income that she may earn.“I started making “mandasis” in order to sell them and earn some money to buy things for the house.My husband told me I was a prostitute and made me stop doing it. He never gives me money to buy thethings we need for our home. I would like to leave him, but what would I do with my children? Whowould care for them?“ (Interview with a survivor of gender-based violence). 16
  18. 18. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”Weekly market in Kinyeto. Basically are the women who bringtheir products to sell them in this local market4. HEISESS ecological modelThe different types of violence have several risk factors in common such as individual, family,economic, social, cultural and community factors, which coexist in an interactive manner.HEISES ecological model explores the relationship between the individual and the contextualfactors that may generate violence, conceiving it as the product of multiple levels of influencein the forms of behavior.The following chapters are based on the ecological model. The following diagram, devised byHEISE, shows the different levels and the different types of violence generated in each level.This model is a heuristic tool and gives us a reference framework to establish the factors thatcause or give rise to violence in each level of social ecology. Therefore, it serves as an analysisto "prevent" or predict when there is greater risk of gender violence at different levels of socialinteraction. SOCIETY COMMUNITY RELATIONS INDIVIDUAL AGGRESSOR 17
  19. 19. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”-Rules that grant men -Poverty, low socioeconomical -Marital conflicts -Being malecontrol over women’s position, unemployment -Male control the -Witness maritalbehavior -Association with criminal patrimony and violence during-Accepting violence as a partners decisions in the childhoodway of solving problems -Isolation of women and family -Father who is-Idea of masculinity related to family absent or rejectsdominance, honor or aggression them-Rigid roles for each sex -Suffering abuse during childhood -Alcohol consumptionFollowing Heises ecological model, Bronfenbrenner4 speaks about the four spheres wheredifferent types of gender violence are manifested: The Macro system is the largest system where gender stereotypes can be identified, as well as other features of the patriarchal system. Ecosystem: the institutions that mediate between culture and individual spaces like school, churches or mosques, mass-media, NGOs, etc. Microsystems, the families. Individual sphere.These spheres influence each other, and in every act different factors combine, even thoughthey may appear as isolated acts. Violence filters in every sphere and becomes normalized.Due to their interactions, female and male children learn and internalize the ideal models formen and women from their socialization and their corresponding behaviours. In patriarchalsystems (the vast majority, depending on their own evolution), men learn to exercise powerand women learn to submit.Although some factors may involve only one type of violence, several kinds of violence mayshare several risk factors that contibute to it. For this reason, people at high risk of sufferingviolence are exposed to different kinds of violence. It has been demonstrated, for instance,that women at risk of being victims of their partners physical violence, also face the risk ofsuffering sexual abuse. Being exposed to a violent family environment during childhood hasbeen associated with becoming victims or perpetrators of violence as adults.Violence in patriarchal systems is immersed in a symbolic order, understanding symbol as avehicle of meaning. Every culture gives a series of meanings to things, in order to classify andhierarchize them. Gender is also a symbolic order, since it classifies, distinguishes andprovideshierachies. These symbolic constructions filter the social structures which determine behaviorpatterns and shape the individuals subjectivity.4 BRONFRENBRENNER, U. (1994) “Ecological Models of Human Development” In “International Encyclopedia ofEducation” Vol. BRONFRENBRENNER, U. (1994) “Ecological Models of Human Development” In “InternationalEncyclopedia of Education” Vol. See bibliography. 18
  20. 20. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”In order to work on violence and gender violence, and especially to "donormalize" it, we haveto take into account such symbolic order and the way it invades everyday and communityspheres.The ecological model gives us a study framework to clearly identify the factors that determineviolence. This framework aims to allow us to later positively impactefforts against genderviolence, having an influence on all players: those who are responsible and those who areinvolved.5. Risky situations at the individual level 5.1. Do gender, age, religion and ethnic group influence gender violence?Of 242 people, 152 (62 per cent) were women, and 90 (38 per cent) were men. This disparitywas due to our desire to prioritize female voices because of the prevalence of violence amongwomen. In regards to age, we have observed that gender violence occurs in both young andelder women. We have not been able to examine violence in minors as it has not been the aimof this study. However, we have observed a greater risk of gender violence, especially sexualviolence in female teenage high school students, although their vulnerability is not related toage, but rather with their dissociation from their family and their economic deprivation. 91.3% of participants belong to the ethnic group of Age * Gender Nyaturu. The remaining 0.7% belongs to other groups, like Nyaramba, Mbulu (or Iraq), Sukuma Gender and Rangi, neighbours of the region. We cannot, Age Total therefore, establish a comparison as regards to Male Female gender violence according to ethnic groups, since most people are Nyaturu.below 15 0 4 416 - 25 20 32 5226 - 45 28 58 86 71.5% of participants are Muslims, 17.4% Catholic and only 1.2% belong to the traditional Animism.46 and above 42 58 100 We have not, however, noticed any difference in regards to gender violence strictly related toTotal 90 152 242 religion. 5.2. Is low education level a risk factor?In Tanzania, primary education is free and compulsory. This is reflected in the extracted data,where a similar percentage of men and women have completed their primary studies.However, when it comes to secondary education, poverty and gender discrimination appear asa major factor. Unlike the 3.3 per cent of illiterate men, the percentage of illiterate women 19
  21. 21. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”rises to 18 per cent, and none of the female participants in this survey have completedsecondary education nor have they had access to university (See Table 4, p. 57) 5.3. Alcohol and marijuana use and abuseThere are many studies that establish a connection between patterns of alcoholism andviolence against women."When the husband comes back home drunk, it is normal for him to hit his partner or wife, even if shehas done nothing wrong" (interview with a single woman)We have not been able to analyze the amount of money spent by families on alcohol andmarijuana, or estimate their economic impact on the home. Therefore, it has not been possibleto relate substance use directly to poverty and its influence on gender violence. On thecontrary, we were indeed able to gather information that provided us with clues to consider itsinfluence in certain cases of violence."In most cases, men hit their wife after consuming alcohol. Men have a tendency to try to rape womenafter having consumed alcohol and smoked marijuana" (Interview with a single woman)"During the rainy season (from November to May), men and women cultivate the soil, and men arehappy and you will never hear them yell or insult, but when harvest time comes and the produce hasbeen sold, the father changes completely and he reacts angrily when asked about money. Besides, hespends a lot of money in alcohol, which leads him to humiliate, insult and hit his wife. During this season,the number of women spending the night at the hamlet’s leader’s house increases" (Interview with a 5married man, Hamlet leader). 5.4. Income and economic deprivation67 per cent of participants were peasants, small farmers who receive economic profits once ayear, after the harvest. These profits must be distributed during the whole year. Therefore,there are periods, especially when the harvest time is close, when the economic resources arescant and are not enough to cover the basic needs. We also observed that families try tocombine a small business of informal economy in order to obtain a small profit to survive therest of the year. In most cases, women are in charge of running these small businesses, likeThe first level seeks to identify biologic factors as well as factors of the personalhistory that determine the individuals behavior. Demographic factors,impulsiveness, low education levels and suffering abuse or aggression duringchildhood, are considered factors of this level. Therefore, they focus on theindividuals characteristics, which lead to becoming victims/survivors orperpetrators of gender violence.5 Traditionally, when a woman is battered by her husband, she can turn to the leader of the Hamlet(neighbourhood) and spend the night there, and he should offer his help. 20
  22. 22. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”preparing the traditional alcoholic drink, Mtukuru, or cooking and selling sweets, working ashealers, mutilators or traditional midwives. The second level is used to determine when the risk of being a victim or a perpetrator of abuses in the closest social relationships increases, that is to say, in a couple, between peers or members of the same familiy. The ecologic model explores these relationships and determines the risk. In the cases of violence in couples or between members of a family, the everyday interaction, when victim and perpetrator live together, increases the exposure to such violence and the possibility that they repeat frequently. The members of a family and other close people, have an influence on the behaviour of the people in question and on their experiences. Thus, men have more chances of behaving in a violent way when the family approves such behaviour, for instance.56 per cent of homes live on less than 100,000 Tanzanian shillings (TZS) a month (about 44Euros a month). This means that these communities live in situations of extreme poverty forthe most part of the year. The second largest group (20%) lives on between 100,000 and200,000 TZS a month (around 44 and 88 Euros a month). Only the 9%of homes live on withmore than 400,000 TZS a month (around 176 Euros)."Being rich means having at least 7 cows, a house and enough grain to support your family throughoutthe year" (Interview with a single man).6. Relationship level 6.1. Marriages of convenience and early pregnancies due to economic causes 21
  23. 23. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”In Tanzania, the legal age to get married is 15 for women and 18 for men, although the lawrecognizes exceptions and lowers the age to 14 for women when the case is "justifiable". InTanzania, at least the 25 per cent of women get married between 15 and 19 years old. The lawalso recognizes three types of marriage: monogamy, poligamy, and potential polygamy. In the research, 38 per cent of participants have entered into a monogamous marriage, and the 25 per cent into polygamous marriage, even though the 71 per cent of informants are Muslims and are allowed polygamy. This is because the poverty level makes it difficult for a man to economically support more than one wife and their corresponding children. As regards the number of children, 52 per cent of participants have between 1 and 5 children. The average number of children in informants agedbetween 16 and 25 is 1 or 2. In informants aged between 26 and 45, the average number ofchildren is 3 to 6."People think I am rich because I have 50 cows and 22 children" (Interview with a single man with asexual partner)As we can witness, the number of children and women is an important factor of wealth andrespect.47 per cent of homes have between 6 and 10 members. These data, along with the averageage for getting married and the number of children per woman, are relevant when consideringthe resource division within the family. These are low-resource societies with large families, asituation which leads to poverty and the unequal distribution of resources within a family, asdetailed below. "Some parents convince their children to drop school or discourage them so that they fail exams, inorder to avoid sending them to secondary school. I know a case in which a girls parents forced her tofail exams since they could not afford to pay her secondary school; thus, the girl failed and she wasmarried immediately, and her parents received the dowry for her" (FGD married men)Poverty, forced marriage, and discrimination in the education are social factors that contributeto gender violence towards women in these communities.Due to poverty and scarce resources, many household leaders discriminate positively in favorof boys when it comes to their childrens education, since girls are usually married at an earlyage in order to get the dowry, and as she moves to her husbands house, her family can ceasefeeding and supporting her. 15 per cent of informants consider early pregnancy and forcedmarriage the most usual kinds of sexual abuse (See table 2, page 54). 22
  24. 24. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”According to informants, lack of resources (24 per cent) and early pregnancies (28 per cent)are the main causes for which girls drop out of school. In table 5 (page 65) we can see theresults of the questionnaire in every village. Early pregnancies also have a direct relationship with poverty. Most girls, especially high-school students, survive with little family support. This provokes a situation of economicvulnerability, thus forcing them to accept the economic, material and food support of men(including teachers, as well as other young men). This leads to the obligation of returning thefavor with sex. These sexual relationships are not safe, and often lead to unwanted pregnancy."Because of peer pressure, female students also want good food, class material, clothes, and other stuff,but if they accept such things from a man, then they cannot deny to have sexual encounters with them"(FGD children who dropped out of school).The result of how these early pregnancies are solved is significant. It is the girls who must giveup their studies and give birth to a child conceived through rape, thus suffering stigmatizationand being in a situation of vulnerability in the community. In many cases, as well as thepregnancy, women also have to enter into forced marriage due to the pregnancy. "A junior student was pregnant with a teachers baby. The case was made public and the teacher wasobliged to resign his job. They got married and left the village" (FGD with girls who dropped out ofschool)The legal apparatus reinforces and ignores gender violence towards female students, sinceaccording to legislation, pregnant girls must leave school, but is not the case with boys who arethe fathers of the babies. DRAWING made by a boy who dropped out of school in Msule. We asked him to represent something that occurred repeatedly in his town related with gender violence: "She is pregnant and left school because of that. Shes crying because she was forced to marry the father of her baby, but they are no longer in love. They did not plan to have a baby, and are not happy with their life, because they dont love each other anymore and that is why her husband hits her." 23
  25. 25. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”The brides dowry or priceMarriage has an economic dimension. The family and the clan lose one of their members, andfor this reason there is a financial compensation: the brides price. "The first cow compensates the mutilation of the woman. The second cow compensates the fact ofseeing the woman naked. The third one compensates the fact of having sexual relations with her. Andthe fourth one compensates the fact that the woman lives with her husbands family. For these reasons,the price of the bride usually ranges from three to four cows" (FGD married men, Ntewa B).73 per cent of informants (men and women) reported that their marriage was celebrated inaccordance with the Nyaturu tradition of the dowry, which in most cases ranges from four tofive cows (52.5 per cent). There is a general discourse that considers the dowry "a gift from her parents for havingraised their daughter" or an “acknowledgment by the woman as a sign of respect” (See table 6,page 60).On further investigation into this practice, the important consequences of this socioculturalfactor in the situation of women in such communities can be appreciated. The payment of abride´s price means a direct subordination of women to man, since she has to compensate thehusband for that payment. This compensation is the obligation of women in the productivesphere (working the land or with the cattle) as well as in the reproductive sphere (having asmany kids as possible, especially boys, to make the family and the husbands clan grow). "If you marry a girl and pay the price for her, you expect her to have many kids. If she cant havechildren, you have the right to marry her sister using the same payment. My uncle, for example, marrieda woman with whom he had ten daughters, until she could not have any more kids because of themenopause. Then, he married her sister to have sons" (Interview with a single man with sexual partner).As we can see here again, different types of violence are consequence of such economic,emotional and physical practice. The bridal price is another social strategy of control overwomen, because it is through the this dowry that women and her children are consideredproperty of the husband who has made the payment."The husband pays the bride’s price, so she has to work for him. If she doesnt, she has to return to herhusband the price for the bride. Therefore, if she does not carry out her job at home, she deserves to behit and battered" (FGD kids who dropped out of school). "It is a social recognition, and the man feels that the woman is his property, that she is mine and I amproud of her, and no one else is allowed to interfere with my wife" (Interview with a leader of acommunity-based organization). 6.2. Patrilocal systemNyaturu society is a patrilineal (the family follows the fathers lineage) and a patrilocal (afterthe wedding, the woman moves into the husbands house). Marriage takes place betweenmembers of different clans. As the woman is the one who moves to her husbands house, sheis considered a "foreigner", since she comes from a different clan. This causes vulnerability in 24
  26. 26. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”the womans status and social marginalization, being deprived of her relatives and childhoodfriends, unlike the man.In the same way, as the woman marries a man from another clan, she is not included in theinheritance of her own family. At the same time, she is considered a "foreigner" in herhusbands family. These traditions reinforce the notion that women are merely transmittersand not receivers of properties.For this same reason, if the husband dies, she is not the receiver of his properties. Instead sheand her children, like any other property that belongs to the husband, are remarried to a boyfrom the husbands family. Thus they remain with the family and clan of the deceasedhusband (practice of the widows inheritance). This traditional practice causes an unequaldistribution between women and men. Again, this vulnerable position easily leads to multipleforms of gender violence (lack of decision, lack of trust, feeling of insecurity, humiliation,insults, blows, marital rape, etc.) "I am usually threatened by my husband, he often tells me that since I dont belong to his clan, I deserveto be battered" (Interview with a survivor of gender violence). 6.3. Sleeping with the aggressor and normalization of violenceThrough the interviews with women who were victims of violence, we observed that theaggressor in most cases is a member of the family (primarily, the husband). This makesviolence into a domestic matter, closed within the private sphere and difficult to access(marital rape, physical maltreatment, etc.)74 per cent of informants (43per cent were women, and 31per cent were men) believethat “violence against womenis something normal, butcould change"; therefore it isnot punished, and violence isresorted to in any argumentor conflict, especially if onethe parties is female. Thisnormalization involves aculture of silence on the partof the victims, but also of thesociety, accepting it andkeeping it secret. NA : women who answered they did not suffer gender violence"Women keep abuse secret” (Interview, traditional midwife). 25
  27. 27. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”"The ideal Nyaturu man should be strong, fertile and show love to his wife, even though sometimes hehas to beat her to direct her if she does something wrong" (Interview with a leader of a communityassociation).Women have internalized their social position and accept violence as a normal action in theirrelationships. This follows patterns established by a patriarchal system which considers thefemale victims of violence, as the ones who have "misbehaved", according to that which hasbeen established by the patriarchal society. She therefore deserves the violence inflicted uponher."Most women do not obey their husband, so they shouldnt complain if their husband has extramatrimonial relationships" (Interview with leader of a community organization). 6.4. Only men make decisionsThe Nyaturu society is patriarchal exogamous and patrilineal society, where women aresubject to mens wishes. The lack of involvement in decision-making in all spheres allows forthe continuity of such system. In the economic sphere, women do not make decisionsregarding resources (land, house, cattle, or even the extra money she earns from small jobs inthe informal economy). We consider that not making decisions in the economic sphere is a keyfactor in gender violence. Of land, 67 per cent of men and 38 per cent of women, declare themselves to beowners of the land, having control and access to it.43 per cent of women state that they dont havecontrol over the land but they do have access to it. 28 per cent of married Of housing, 69 per cent of men and 40 per women are not allowedcent of women state to be owners of the land. to use any kind of Of agricultural production, 58 per cent of men contraception methods.and 34 per cent of women consider themselves to beowners.Most of informants (23 per cent of men and 36 per cent of women), answer that..."Money earned by women should be given to men" (See table 7, page 61)."They are the ones who make decisions. They never share any family subject or any decisionabout resources with the women, because they are the head of the family" (FGD single womenwith a sexual partner).We took special interest in knowing the level of decision that women have on family planning,i.e., deciding how many kids they want to have and when and with whom, given that thefundamental role of Nyaturu women is reproduction. However, we also established thatwomen have their own contraceptive strategies, traditional or medical, but they develop themin secret, otherwise, they run the risk of being abused. 26
  28. 28. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”"Family planning is not allowed among Nyaturu women because when they get married, their function isto have many kids. If they dont, the husband will find another woman, since without children, the familyis not respected by the community" (FGD female high school students).Focus Group of out school youths, Ilongero village7. Community levelThe third level analyses the community context of social relations (like school, workplaces, the neighborhood) in order to identify the risks in community associated withbeing victims or perpetrators of gender violence. The reaction of community has anunquestionable influence on the general levels of violence.In this way, high rates of high relocations (which implies frequent changing ofneighbors), population heterogeneity (with a great diversity of people implying lack ofsocial cohesion and community spirit), and great population density, are examplesrelated to the generation of violence.In the same way, it has been proved in several studies, that communities that sufferproblems like high unemployment levels, drug dealing, poverty, minimal institutionalsupport or complete marginalization, run the risk of facing violence. 7.1. Notes about Tanzanian legislation concerning gender-based violenceTanzanian legislation to punish gender-based violence still has several gaps. There is the Law ofMarriage Act which minimizes the impact of domestic violence and vaguely connects it toPenal Code.Progress, however, has been made in preventing and punishing gender-based violence.Evidence of this progress is the Sexual Offences Special Provision Act, SOSPA, passed in 1998, 27
  29. 29. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”which defines "sexual offence" as sexual act or sex trafficking of women by means of threats oruse of force. For the very first time, the female genital mutilation is included as an act subjectto criminalization. The goal of the above-mentioned law was to protect women and childrensdignity, freedom, and safety. This law brought about important changes to other Tanzanianlaws with the purpose of regulating these judgments. Based on this law, civil organizationssuch as TAMWA, Tanzania Media Women Association, have worked to fill the gaps within thePenal Code regarding gender-based violence.Recently governmental reforms have been taking place at an institutional level to prevent thegender-based violence. The Ministry of Community Development, Gender and Children hasstriven to include women and men equally in the Ministry of Works and in its budgets.In 2012, the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare of Tanzania published a guide to themanagement of sexually transmitted infections. For the first time, the guide includes protocolsfor medical personnel on how to manage cases of gender-based violence, particularly sexualabuse. It is, however, primarily focused on sexually transmitted diseases and pregnancies. Furthermore, a Tanzania Police Female Network (TPF – NET) has been developed within thePolice Force. This network has offices in the police stations to deal with cases of gender-basedviolence. It has not yet, however, been extended across the country, and the network isespecially absent in provinces and rural regions. 7.2. Poverty and Limited Economic ResourcesPoverty and its adverseeffects affect health andpreclude women from “My family was very poor and even though Iaccessing education. The wanted to go to school, my parents did notpoorest women are the have any money to pay the fees .That is whymost vulnerable population they did not want us, the girls, to go toto different types of school." (Excerpt from interview with female victim ofviolence as they already live gender-based violence)in vulnerable conditions.The communities included in the study live below the poverty line, with the majority of thefamilies living on incomes of less than a dollar a day. This situation has an impact on therelationships between men and women at home, putting women in a vulnerable situation inregards to the violence in diverse day-to-day aspects.Poverty not only involves a lack of basic needs, but it also means the denial of opportunitiesand basic human choices, for example good health, a reasonable standard of living, freedom,dignity and self-confidence6.6 Human Development Report 1997 The distinctionbetween this concept of poverty (human poverty) and scarcity of economic resources is needed. Human povertycould be the best indicator of opportunities that people have. Human poverty index (HPI) is a multi-dimensional 28
  30. 30. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania” 7.3. Mechanisms and plans employed by women to respond to gender-based violenceAccording to the informants, the principal formal and informal mechanisms that exist are:community leaders, fathers, elders of the the community, and the police. Rank According to women According to men 1 Fathers (21,1%) and eldelrly members of the community Community leaders (14%) (21,1%) 2 Police (16,5%) Police (12%) 3 Fathers (11,2%), Elderly Other family member members (11,2%) and (16,1%) Religious Leaders (11,2%)The diagram below represents the existing plan about the diverse strategies that victims ofgender-based violence usually follow. 2 (INFORMAL 0 1 ) 2 (INFORMAL Elders of the ) community - Tenceller Hamlet Njuguda Remaining leader leader silent / Explaining to a close person 6 Existing 3 Formal High Mechani VEO Court sms Village Executiv e 5 4 Police Officer Force and WEO Healt Ward Center Executivmeasure used to determine this kind of poverty. The ranges of life opportunities are converted into numbers, ewhere the basic needs and its hardship imply lack of opportunities in different aspects. Officer 29
  31. 31. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania” 7.3.1. Formal mechanismsFormal mechanisms are those which have institutional recognition within the community andlegal authority to judge or to take decisive steps, with governmental or political backing.We present below the mechanisms which have been described in the study, and that existthroughout the country. (Rheir effectiveness, scope, and accessibility will not be assessed.)The first accepted administrative roles (community leaders) are: Tenceller leader, elected byevery ten houses, and Hamlet leader, elected by each neighborhood in the hamlets. Being thelowest and closest administrative leves to the families, these leaders become the first port ofcall in cases of domestic violence. Therefore, the amount of cases these leaders must deal withis high, and their effectiveness when it comes to resolution of cases is not clear yet. As far aswe understand, in the most of the cases the solutions offered do not resolve any conflict, butrather they perpetuate womens vulnerable situation. The intervention is usually mediatedwithin the couple by highlighting how the husband or wifes actions has brought about theconflict. The intervention recommends that women forgive their husbands (with a simpleapology in some cases), or be taken in to protect them from violent situations."When the case is resolved by means of the Hamlet leader, the husband must write a letter in which hestates the situation will never be repeated." (Excerpt from interview with influential person from thecommunity) “"In order to guarantee the well-being of women who are victims of gender-based violence, they aretaken to the Hamlet leaders house to spend the night." (Focus Group Discussion - High school girls)The Village Executive Officer, VEO, and the Ward Executive Officer, WEO, are the next levelsof administration in the local authority hierarchy. The VEO would play the role of villagemayor. The WEO would be responsible for the local VEOs within a region known as the Ward.Cases that could not be resolved by the interventions of the Tenceller or Hamlet leaders aretaken to the VEO. Likewise, if the VEO cannot resolve the matter, it is taken to the WEO. TheWEO is the last resort, along with an institution called the Conciliation Board. The WEO andConciliation Board deal with all sorts of conflicts in the authority boundary, including gender-based violence. With each rise up the administrative levels, fewer cases are submitted,although a wide range of circumstances influence this situation: case resolutionineffectiveness, legal costs, inefficient laws to tackle gender-based violence, corruption orgender discrimination. In the capital of the region is a Social Welfare Office, however it is notwell-known by the public and therefore ineffective. Its existence, however, could bereinforced to administrate, collect information and resolve cases.The High Court of Tanzania is the highest level to which cases related to gender-basedviolence can be taken, but only a small number of them are submitted. "The Primary Court notified me they might take at least two months to investigate my case. When theresolution finally arrived, it stated that my husband was innocent because there was no evidence of himbeing violent." (Excerpt from interview with female victim of gender-based violence) 30
  32. 32. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”Only 3.3% ofinformants considertheHealthcare Center anappropriate place to go after an assault. It is mainly viewed as the place to deal with extremecases. According to Tanzanian laws, the gender-based violence victims must go immediately tothe police station, even being seen for free at a healthcare center. The police officers must fillin form no.3 to declare the person a victim, and s/he will be exempt from paying for themedical consultation. During our study, we noticed this legal system is a system riddled withcontradictions, especially when it comes to extreme assaults in which women must be takenurgently to healthcare centers. This fact reflects the gap between healthcare providers and thepolice force with respect to the general population. It also shows the police forcesineffectiveness, not only to manage cases but also to provide enough facilities. Moreover, theinstitutional indifference towards gender-based violence cases prompts their concealment andraises womens vulnerable condition. "My husband hit me harshly when I was pregnant, and the Hamlet leader, who was a woman at thattime, and my brother-in-law had to take me to the healthcare center. They hid the fact that my husbandhit me because we did not have the form no. 3 (the form provided by the police officers, which exemptswomen from paying for medical services). Both of them knew that if we did not take that form, no doctorwould see me in the healthcare center, so they decided to make up a story. They said that I had fallenfrom my house roof. Finally I was taken to the Makiungu Hospital, and I had to have an emergencyoperation because of a pancreatic rupture. After several weeks in the hospital, I decided to tell the truthto the doctor, but he answered that it was already too late to bring charges against my husband."(Excerpt from interview with female victim of gender-based violence, Kinyeto)11.2% of informants consider the Religious leaders (Bakwata and priests for Muslim andChristian communities respectively) as another option to resolve gender-based violence cases.The number of the cases brought to religious leaders is quite high given their proximity tocommunities and families. Nevertheless, their ability to effectively resolve cases isquestionable since their role is more mediatory than facilitator than judgemental andtherefore influential in the patriarchal stereotypes of gender in interrelational conflicts."Sometimes I get cases of women being mistreated by their husbands. I do my best to resolve all of thecases if the parties agree. I call the families on both sides, and together we discuss a solution. When thecase becomes recurrent, I report the case to the Police Force." (Excerpt from interview with Pentecostalpastor, Ilongero)"I tried other options, but all of them failed, so I had to bring the case to the Muslim Marriage Council,which finally accepted the divorce, and my husband had to pay me 20,000 TZS (Tanzanian shilling) ofalimony. But he never gave me anything.." (Excerpt from interview with female victim of gender-basedviolence) 31
  33. 33. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania” 7.3.2. Informal mechanisms Cultura del silencio: Culture of Silence | Ámbito familiar: Family Context | Ámbito personal: Close Context | Ancianos de la Comunidad: Elders of the CommunityThe normalization of gender-based violence within the community leads to the victim toremain silent and be ashamed of the situation. Society considers women as the source and thereason to cause the violent situation, and the women end up being blamed by social andfamily pressures. In some situations the man thinks he has the right to "correct" his wife bymeans of violence, and the victim feels unsupported by the community. Only when the violentsituation is repetitive and persistent, new measures are taken. We must bear in mind thatonly a very small percentage of victims decide take the situation out of their homes, and amuch smaller percentage decides to report these cases through formal systems. Such systemsonly intervene when violence is "excessively" severe."I kept silence because traditionally we cannot accuse our relatives, and it would be embarrassing to meand my family, who must later get the offender out prison, and this entails an economic cost that nobodywants." (Excerpt from interview with female victim of gender-based violence)The next option that a victim usually takes is to explain what is happening to close relatives(32.2% talk with the parents and 23.1% with other members of the family) to give support andto mediate in the conflict. It is not often effective, however, since in most of the cases thefamily perpetuates the patriarchal concepts where women must obey and submit. "I usually go to his brothers house to explain to them, but they reply I have to tolerate his behavior andgo back home to take care of my four kids." (Excerpt from interview with female victim of gender-basedviolence)When the situation becomes intolerable, the woman can decide run away from her husbandshouse and take refuge in her parents house, normally in response to an especially violentaggression. This fact implies that the situation public is made public, with all of theconsequences this might have, even though the effectiveness of the solution is usually little,given that the case is considered "resolved" once the husband goes to look for her and takesher back home with him.Until now these plans prevail within the family context, but when violent episodes recur oftenor they are especially severe and public, the Elders of the community take charge of the 32
  34. 34. Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”situation and apply theNjuguda. The elders of "I prefer to go to my parents house and have no morethe community are a problems. If you go further with the case, maybe yourtraditional mechanism husband wants to kill you. And sometimes the womanformed by certain who was attacked feels empathy for her husband, sheelders with social feels bad and reluctant to continue with the process."recognition and (Focus Group Discussion - Married women)prestige, who have thepower to resolve any (FGD mujeres casadas)conflict within the community. It is a competent and recognized authority among Nyaturupeople. 32.2% of informants consider them as a mechanism to resolve cases of gender-basedviolence. Most of the members of this elderly community are men, and only on a fewoccasions have we heard of instances in which women were also members. This is animportant fact since we have found cases in which women feel discriminated against becausethey are judged by men. The elders of the community resolve traditionally the cases throughthe Njuguda system, a system of financial compensation or in kind (cows, etc.). Every time theelders resolve a case, they receive a part of this compensation. 7.3.3. Faith in/Effectiveness of mechanismsIn excluding the data by gender and type of mechanism employed, the majority of men (21%)consider that the informal mechanisms are effective. On the contrary, most of the women(26%) think that the formal mechanisms are more effective, since they actually take steps topunish the offender.Regardless of the mechanisms women and men prefer, in general, the victim’s confidence intheir case being satisfactorily resolved is relatively low, given that the resolution of cases is noteffective, and it is considered a private and normalized matter which is supported by theexisting patriarchal system.Faith in/and Effectiveness of the Formal MechanismsThe factors we have identified, which cause the lack of confidence in the formal mechanisms,are the following: In these mechanisms, the gender-based violence cases are not considered as a public crime but a family conflict, and therefore should be resolved within the family context. Formal mechanisms incur economic costs that are difficult to meet (such as traveling expenses, lawyers fees, etc.) by the families, especially by women who are economically dependent. Women who pursue formal mechanisms make the assault public and have to face family pressure as a result of accusing a family member, since the family itself must pay for all of the legal costs. 33