‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎت‬                                                     ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‬

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‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬
              ‫א‬         ‫א‬           ‫א‬
      ‫.‬                                        ...
2002 ‫اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ- ﻣﺎﻳﻮ‬

         ‫ﻣﺴﺎهﻤﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬

:‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺟﺮدا ﻣﻨﺼﻮر‬
‫ﻣﺪﻳﺤﺔ دوس‬




Second Issue: M...
‫اﻟﺮﻣﻮز اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ اﺗﺒﻌﻨﺎ اﻟﺮﻣﻮز اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﺦ اﻟﺤﺮوف واﻷﺻﻮات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻮاردة ﻓﻲ‬
                                  ...
‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻀ ﻤﻦ ه ﺬا اﻟﻌ ﺪد اﻟﺠﺪﻳ ﺪ ﻣ ﻦ دورﻳ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ ﺑﺤﺜ ﺎن ﺳ ﺒﻖ أن ﻗ ﺪﻣﺎ ﻓ ﻲ‬
‫إﻃ ﺎر اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋ ﺎت اﻟﺸ ﻬﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮ...
‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻔﺮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ وﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‬
‫أﺧﺮى ﻓﻘﺪ ﺣﺎوﻟﺖ أن ﺗﻈﻬﺮ اﻷدوات اﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻠﻢ دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻠ...
PREFACE

    The current issue of Al-Logha contains two papers presented at our
meetings in 2000/2001 – the paper by Muham...
Reem Bassiouney's "The relationship between speaker's role and
code choice" analyses the code choices made in a political ...
TRANSCRIPTION USED

   Wherever Arabic is used in transcription we have adopted the
system as explained below (except in n...
‫2002 ,3 ,‪Al-Logha‬‬


            ‫‪THE RELEVANCE OF ARABIC-BASED‬‬
    ‫‪PIDGINS/CREOLES FOR ARABIC LINGUISTICS‬‬

    ...
Catherine Miller


                                         INTRODUCTION

                                         Since t...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


    pidginization/creolization can thus be observed in situ which is
    r...
Catherine Miller


   A few preliminary remarks concerning the definition and
   categorization of pidgins and Creoles.

 ...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


there is a recent tendency to use instead the more neutral term of
contact...
Catherine Miller


spread across all continents, show considerable structural differences
(Muysken 1988). The claim of typ...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


many situations reveal a kind of developmental continuum between
relativel...
Catherine Miller


degree of linguistic restructuring unknown in other Arabic varieties,
even the more peripheral dialects...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


much contact with the target language. Among the typical historical
situat...
Catherine Miller




   Processes versus outcomes

   Since the early seventies, linguists (Hymes 1971) have constantly
po...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


language. It is only if migrants from different linguistic backgrounds
out...
Catherine Miller


      ARABIC-BASED PIDGIN-CREOLES.

    A short review

    Reinecke seems to be one of the first creol...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


been made of a pidginized variety called Maridi Arabic, dating back
to the...
Catherine Miller


   In Ethiopia, Ferguson (1971) distinguishes between three Arabic
varieties: dialect, lingua franca an...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


grammar. This seems also to be the case in other areas like Mali or
Niger ...
Catherine Miller


Arabic did not spread further South due to geographical physical
borders. Throughout this period Arabic...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


                                  The genesis of the Sudanic P/Cs in the 1...
Catherine Miller


in Bahr al Ghazal almost 25% of the population belonged to the trade
camps.

     It is probably within...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


     The development of Nubi, Turku and Juba Arabic

     (a) Nubi in Keny...
Catherine Miller


process. Their relationship with Classical Arabic could not have been
very different from that of other...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


Juba-Arabic. The available linguistic data come from a collection of
short...
Catherine Miller


                                and Bagirmi). This vehicular variety seems to be an adaptation of the
 ...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


‘Maleki’ (detribalized) in Juba. In spite of a linguistic policy hostile t...
Catherine Miller


Nubi.11 It is often used by southern Sudanese to distinguish
themselves from northern Sudanese in Radio...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


the emergence of distinctive P/Cs. It led to less radical changes or
evolu...
Catherine Miller


A SKETCH OF LINGUISTIC FEATURES OF SUDANIC P/Cs

   In order to clarify the situation let us try to bri...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


    bakan-turubá “cemetery”,
    dubán-asal “bee”,
    móya-éna “tear”,
  ...
Catherine Miller


       Analytical possessive construction with a relational
      marker ta in KN/JA and ana in Turku:
...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


        yá, yaú used as focus marker:
     wóle de yaú takyán “the child i...
Catherine Miller


        Variation between z ~ j and sh ~ s as well as lack of
      geminates which could be due to Bar...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


   (JA) Bágara ayinú ma Wani / (Bari) kiteng a méta ko Wani
   “The cow ha...
Catherine Miller


concerns the central role that the consonant-based root plays in the
morphology of, not only Arabic, bu...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


trends would necessarily have played a role and K. Versteegh was
right to ...
Catherine Miller


                            REFERENCES

     AMADOU, A. (1982) Quelques traits négro-africains dans un
...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


   FERGUSON, C. A (1972) The role of Arabic in Ethiopia: a
sociolinguistic...
Catherine Miller


   LEFEBVRE, C. (2000) What do creole studies have to offer to
mainstream linguistics? Journal of Pidgi...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


   MILLER, C. (forthcoming) Juba Arabic as a way of expressing a
Southern ...
Catherine Miller


   OWENS, J. (1985a) Arabic dialects of Chad and Nigeria.
Zeitschrift für Arabische Linguistik 14:45-61...
The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles


   SMART, J.R. (1990) 'Pidginization in Gulf Arabic: a first report.'.
Ant...
‫2002 ,3 ,‪Al-Logha‬‬


          ‫‪REFLECTIONS ON ARABIC DIALECTOLOGY‬‬

                           ‫‪By Gerda Mansour‬‬
...
Gerda Mansour


   The interest in dialectology is growing in Arabic speaking
countries, despite the traditional prejudice...
Reflections on Arabic Dialectology


geographical distance. Needless to say, dialects can become languages
once they are s...
Gerda Mansour


than the written language, as well as the day-to-day communicative
strategies used by native speakers. Whe...
Reflections on Arabic Dialectology


helping in any way with the difficult task of acquiring the written
standard language...
Gerda Mansour


was imposed by the colonial powers. Despite this division Pan-Arab
cultural identity is still strong and c...
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1281

  1. 1. ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎت‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‬ ‫4‬ ‫*ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻴﺔ‬ ‫* اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻬﺠﻴﻦ‬ ‫واﻟﻜﺮﻳﻮل واﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫7‬ ‫آﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻴﺮ‬ ‫* ﺗﺄﻣﻼت ﺣﻮل دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫74‬ ‫ﺟﺮدا ﻣﻨﺼﻮر‬ ‫* اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ دور اﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻢ و اﺧﺘﻴﺎر اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻠﻐﻮي‬ ‫77‬ ‫رﻳﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫* اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫101‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ اﻟﺸﺮﻗﺎوي‬ ‫* دراﺳﺔ ﺣﻮل "اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" ﻓﻰ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫7‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺮ دﻳﻢ )ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ : ﺳﻬﻴﺮ ﻃﺮﻣﺎن(‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫4‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺤﺔ دوس‬ ‫5‬
  2. 2. ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫א‬ ‫א‬ ‫א‬ ‫.‬ ‫אא‬ ‫א‬ ‫)ﻋـﱪ ﺍﻻﻧﱰﻧـﺖ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫א‬ ‫אא‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺘﺒــﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻟﻜﱰﻭﻧﻴــﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﻗــﺮﺍﺹ ﺍﳌﺪﳎــﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫א‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ (‬ ‫א‬ ‫א‬ ‫.‬ ‫.‬ ‫א א‬
  3. 3. 2002 ‫اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ- ﻣﺎﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎهﻤﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ :‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮدا ﻣﻨﺼﻮر‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺤﺔ دوس‬ Second Issue: May -2002 CONTRIBUTIONS TO ARABIC LINGUISTICS Editors: Gerda Mansour Madiha Doss
  4. 4. ‫اﻟﺮﻣﻮز اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ اﺗﺒﻌﻨﺎ اﻟﺮﻣﻮز اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﺦ اﻟﺤﺮوف واﻷﺻﻮات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻮاردة ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺺ اﻟﺒﺤﻮث:‬ ‫‪ =H‬ح‬ ‫‪ = dh‬ذ‬ ‫‪ = kh‬خ‬ ‫)/‪ = c (raised /c‬ع‬ ‫‪= S‬ص‬ ‫‪ = gh‬غ‬ ‫‪= D‬ض‬ ‫‪ = sh‬ش‬ ‫‪=T‬ط‬ ‫‪ = th‬ث‬ ‫)‪ = Z (colloquial‬ظ‬ ‫)‪hamza = ‘ (apostrophe‬‬ ‫)‪or DH (standard‬‬ ‫)‪long vowels = doubled (aa‬‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫‪= q‬‬ ‫6‬
  5. 5. ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻀ ﻤﻦ ه ﺬا اﻟﻌ ﺪد اﻟﺠﺪﻳ ﺪ ﻣ ﻦ دورﻳ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ ﺑﺤﺜ ﺎن ﺳ ﺒﻖ أن ﻗ ﺪﻣﺎ ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫إﻃ ﺎر اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋ ﺎت اﻟﺸ ﻬﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮﻳﻴﻦ واﻟﺘ ﻲ ﻋﻘ ﺪت أﺛﻨ ﺎء ﻋ ﺎم‬ ‫0002-1002 وهﺬان اﻟﺒﺤﺜ ﺎن هﻤ ﺎ ﺑﺤ ﺚ ﻣﺤﻤ ﺪ اﻟﺸ ﺮﻗﺎوي وﺑﺤ ﺚ ﺟ ﺮدا‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮر، واﻷول هﻮ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ دراﺳﺔ أوﺳﻊ ﻳﻘﻮم اﻟﺒﺎﺣ ﺚ ﺑﺈﺟﺮاؤه ﺎ وه ﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼ ﺮ ﺑﺸ ﻜﻞ ﺧ ﺎص، وأﻣ ﺎ اﻟﺒﺤ ﺚ اﻟﺜ ﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻬ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻟﺠﺮدا ﻣﻨﺼﻮر ﺣﻮل ﻣ ﻨﻬﺞ دراﺳ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ. ﻳﺘﻀ ﻤﻦ اﻟﻌ ﺪد‬ ‫أﻳﻀ ﺎ دراﺳ ﺘﺎن أرﺳ ﻠﺘﺎ إﻟﻴﻨ ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ ﻗﺒ ﻞ ﺑ ﺎﺣﺜﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺨ ﺎرج، وﺗﺮﺟﻤ ﺔ ﻟﺪراﺳ ﺔ‬ ‫أﺟﺮاه ﺎ ﺑﺎﺣ ﺚ آﺒﻴ ﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻷﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴ ﺔ. وﻓ ﻲ ه ﺬا اﻟﺼ ﺪد ﻓﻘ ﺪ ﻗ ﺮرت‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺤﺮرﺗ ﺎن أن ﻳﺘﻀ ﻤﻦ آ ﻞ ﻋ ﺪد ﺟﺪﻳ ﺪ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺪورﻳ ﺔ ﺗﺮﺟﻤ ﺔ ﻟﻤﻘ ﺎل ه ﺎم‬ ‫وأﺳﺎﺳ ﻲ ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﺠ ﺎل اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ وذﻟ ﻚ ﻟﺘﺰوﻳ ﺪ اﻟﺒﺎﺣ ﺚ اﻟﻌﺮﺑ ﻲ ﺑﻤ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﻘﺼﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت واﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت ﻓ ﻲ ﺣﻘ ﻞ اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ.‬ ‫وﺳ ﻨﺤﺎول اﻟﺘﺮآﻴ ﺰ ﻓ ﻲ اﺧﺘﻴﺎرﻧ ﺎ ﻟﻸﺑﺤ ﺎث ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﺘ ﻲ آﺘﺒ ﺖ ﺑ ﺎﻟﻠﻐﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫اﻷﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴ ﺔ واﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴ ﻴﺔ واﻟﺘ ﻲ ﻟ ﻢ ﻳﺴ ﺒﻖ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺘﻬ ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ ﻗﺒ ﻞ ﻇﻨ ﺎ ﻣﻨ ﺎ أن ه ﺬﻩ‬ ‫اﻷﺑﺤﺎث هﻲ أﻗﻞ ﺷﻴﻮع وﻻ ﺗﺼﻞ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻘﺎرئ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ.‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﺞ آﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺤﺜﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﻮان "اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻬﺠﻴﻦ واﻟﻜﺮﻳﻮل واﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ" ﻇﺎهﺮة اﻟﻠﻐﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻬﺠﻴﻦ واﻟﻜﺮﻳﻮل ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم وﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺄت‬ ‫وﺗﻄﻮرت ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺞ اﻟﻬﺠﻴﻦ واﻟﻜﺮﻳﻮل. وﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ رآﺰت اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻮاﻗﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻬﺎت ﻣﺘﻄﺮﻓﺔ أو ﻧﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻤﺮآﺰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻨﻮب اﻟﺴﻮدان أو ﻓﻲ آﻴﻨﻴﺎ وأوﻏﻨﺪا ﻓﻘﺪ‬ ‫أﺛﺎرت ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ هﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﺨﺺ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻌﺎم ﻟﺘﻄﻮر اﻟﻠﻐﺔ واﻹﻃﺎر اﻟﻠﻐﻮي‬ ‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ اﻟﺬي ﺗﻨﺸﺄ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﺗﺠﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎك ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ.‬ ‫أﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺮدا ﻣﻨﺼﻮر "ﺗﺄﻣﻼت ﺣﻮل دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ" ﻓﻘﺪ‬ ‫اﻧﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮاءة ﻧﻘﺪﻳﺔ ﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺪات ﺗﻀﻢ اﻷﺑﺤﺎث اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺗﻤﺮات "اﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺪراﺳﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ" وﻗﺪ أدت هﺬﻩ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺮاءة اﻟﻨﻘﺪﻳﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺗﺄﻣﻼت ﺣﻮل دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ وﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ هﺬا‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ. ﻓﺘﺘﻌﺮض اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﺔ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ اﻟﺠﻮاﻧﺐ‬ ‫7‬
  6. 6. ‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻔﺮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ وﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‬ ‫أﺧﺮى ﻓﻘﺪ ﺣﺎوﻟﺖ أن ﺗﻈﻬﺮ اﻷدوات اﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻠﻢ دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت‬ ‫وأﺧﻴﺮا ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻻﻗﺘﺮاﺣﺎت ﻟﺪراﺳﺎت ﻣﻘﺒﻠﺔ.‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮان اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﺬي ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻪ رﻳﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ هﻮ "اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ دور اﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻢ‬ ‫واﺧﺘﻴﺎر اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻠﻐﻮي" وﺗﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﻓﻴﻪ اﺧﺘﻴﺎر اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻠﻐﻮي ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎب ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك. وﺗﺼﻒ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺤﺜﻬﺎ دور اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪث‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻩ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮر اﻟﻤﺘﻠﻘﻲ وﻓﻲ هﺬا ﺗﻈﻬﺮ وﻇﺎﺋﻒ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﻳﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﺬان‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎول اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺛﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ و اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ. وﺗﺮى اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﺔ أن ﻇﺎهﺮة اﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﺪرس ﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺒﺪﻳﻞ اﻟﻠﻮﻏﻲ.‬ ‫ﻗﺎم ﻣﺤﻤﺪ اﻟﺸﺮﻗﺎوي ﻓﻲ ﺑﺤﺜﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮان "اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺼﺮ" ﺑﻤﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ اﻷوﺿﺎع اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺼﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺮﺗﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﻟﻔﺘﺮة اﻷوﻟﻰ هﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤﺔ واﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫هﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ إﺑﺎن اﻟﻔﺘﺢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ وأﺛﻨﺎء هﺬﻩ اﻟﻔﺘﺮة، وذﻟﻚ ﻹﻇﻬﺎر اﻟﻈﺮوف‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ أدت إﻟﻰ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل إﻟﻰ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ. وﻳﺮآﺰ اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫دور اﻟﻤﺪن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﺼﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻔﺘﺢ وآﻴﻒ ﻣﺜﻠﺖ هﺬﻩ اﻟﻤﺪن‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎن ﺟﺬب ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺠﺪد اﻵﺗﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ، وﻳﻘﺪم اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺠﺞ ﻹﺛﺒﺎت ﻓﻜﺮة أن اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻧﻄﻠﻘﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ آﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ هﻲ اﻟﻤﺴﻴﻄﺮة.‬ ‫أﻣﺎ اﻟﻤﻘﺎل اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻓﻴﻤﺜﻞ ﻣﻘﺘﻄﻔﺎت ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﻗﺎم ﺑﻪ اﻷﺳﺘﺎذ ﻓﺮﻧﺮ‬ ‫دﻳﻢ ﻓﻲ دراﺳﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﻨﺤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم. وﻗﺪ اﺧﺘﺮﻧﺎ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺳﻬﻴﺮ ﻃﺮﻣﺎن اﻷﺟﺰاء اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أرض ﻣﺼﺮ. وﻧﻮد أن ﻧﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص‬ ‫اﻷﺳﺘﺎذ دﻳﻢ ﻟﻠﺜﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ أﻋﻄﺎهﺎ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎر اﻟﻤﻘﺘﻄﻔﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ رأﻳﻨﺎهﺎ هﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫وﻟﻠﺴﻤﺎح ﻟﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺸﺮهﺎ.‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ اﺗﺒﻌﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﺦ اﻟﺤﺮوف واﻷﺻﻮات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻤﺸﺎر إﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ اﻟﺮاﺑﻌﺔ ) وذﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء اﻷﺳﻤﺎء واﻟﻌﻨﺎوﻳﻦ(.‬ ‫ﺟﺮدا ﻣﻨﺼﻮر‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺤﺔ دوس‬ ‫8‬
  7. 7. PREFACE The current issue of Al-Logha contains two papers presented at our meetings in 2000/2001 – the paper by Muhammad el-Sharqawi which is part of an ongoing research on the history of arabization and Gerda Mansour's "Reflections". Two further contributions were sent to us from scholars abroad and the translation of a study by a German scholar was also included. The editors decided to make the translation of important and relevant research in Arabic Linguistics a regular feature of this publication with the aim of enriching the readers' knowledge of this field. Future choices will concentrate on research that is not readily available, in languages such as German and French, as these are perhaps less known by scholars in Arabic linguistics. Catherine Miller's study "The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles for Arabic Linguistics" discusses the phenomenon of pidgin/creoles in general and Arabic-based pidgin/creoles in particular. While focusing on the peripheral dialects of Arabic spoken in Southern Sudan and Kenya/Uganda and their linguistic features she raises many important questions related to the general patterns of language development and the sociolinguistic context in which such contact varieties emerge. Gerda Mansour's "Reflections on Arabic Dialectology" developed out of a critical assessment of three volumes of conference papers of the Association Internationale de Dialectologie Arabe which led to some general reflections on Arabic dialectology and its place in Arabic linguistics. As well as touching on some of the socio-cultural aspects of this field of linguistic study, the paper attempts to outline the main methodological tools of dialectology and suggests particular avenues of exploration for future research.
  8. 8. Reem Bassiouney's "The relationship between speaker's role and code choice" analyses the code choices made in a political speech by the Egyptian President. She describes the role of the speaker vis-à-vis his audience and, in doing this, she demonstrates the functions of the two varieties of Arabic available in a diglossic community such as Egypt. She argues that the phenomenon of diglossia needs to be considered within the framework of code switching. Muhammad al-Sharqawi's "Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization" juxtaposes the socio-historical and linguistic situation in late antiquity Egypt with that of the Arab conquest and the early Islamic period in order to highlight the specific conditions leading up to language shift to Arabic. In particular, he focuses on the role of Arab garrison towns in the newly conquered territories and how these attracted waves of immigrations from the Arabic peninsula. As such they were monolingual core areas from where Arabic spread. The excerpts from an article by the German scholar Werner Diem, translated into Arabic for this issue, focus on the study of substratum influence in Arabic dialects in general, with particular attention to the influence of the Coptic language on Egyptian Arabic. We would like to thank Prof. Diem with entrusting us with the selection of what seemed relevant to us and allowing us to publish this translation. Gerda Mansour Madiha Doss 5
  9. 9. TRANSCRIPTION USED Wherever Arabic is used in transcription we have adopted the system as explained below (except in names and titles). ‫= ﺡ‬H ‫ = ﺫ‬dh ‫ = ﺥ‬kh ‫ = ﻉ‬c (raised /c/) ‫ =ﺹ‬S ‫ = ﻍ‬gh ‫ =ﺽ‬D ‫ = ﺵ‬sh ‫=ﻁ‬T ‫ = ﺙ‬th ‫ = ﻅ‬Z (colloquial) hamza = ‘ (apostrophe) or DH (standard) long vowels = doubled (aa) ‫ﻕ‬ = q 6
  10. 10. ‫2002 ,3 ,‪Al-Logha‬‬ ‫‪THE RELEVANCE OF ARABIC-BASED‬‬ ‫‪PIDGINS/CREOLES FOR ARABIC LINGUISTICS‬‬ ‫‪Catherine Miller‬‬ ‫.‪Iremam-Université d’Aix en Provence, France‬‬ ‫ﺗ ﺮى اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜ ﺔ ﻓﺎﺋ ﺪة ﻣﺘﺒﺎدﻟ ﺔ ﻹﻇﻬ ﺎر ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﻌﻼﻗ ﺔ إذ أن اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ ﺳﺘﺴ ﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌ ﺔ اﻷﻣ ﺮ ﻣ ﻦ دراﺳ ﺘﻬﺎ وﻟﻜ ﻦ ﺳ ﺘﻌﻮد ﺗﻠ ﻚ‬ ‫اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت أﻳﻀ ﺎ ﺑ ﺎﻟﻨﻔﻊ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ وذﻟ ﻚ ﻟﻌ ﺪة‬ ‫أﺳﺒﺎب أهﻤﻬﺎ:‬ ‫أن اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﺑﺴ ﺒﺐ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻬ ﺎ اﻟﻤﺪﻳ ﺪ أﻧﺘﺠ ﺖ أﻧﻤﺎﻃ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔ ﺔ ﻣ ﻦ اﻻﺣﺘﻜ ﺎك وﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺘﻄ ﻮر اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮﻳﻴﻦ، وﻣ ﻦ ﺿ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ أﻧﻤ ﺎط‬ ‫آﻼﺳ ﻴﻜﻴﺔ وأﺧ ﺮى أﻗ ﺮب إﻟ ﻰ اﻟ ﻨﻤﻂ اﻟﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ، وﻣ ﻦ هﻨ ﺎ ﺗ ﺄﺗﻲ أهﻤﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗ ﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻠﺒﺎﺣ ﺚ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣ ﺎت هﺎﻣ ﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴ ﺒﺔ ﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠ ﻒ أﻧ ﻮاع‬ ‫اﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎك اﻟﻠﻐﻮي.‬ ‫ﻣ ﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴ ﺔ أﺧ ﺮى ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳ ﺐ واﻟﺘﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ ﻻ ﻳ ﺰاﻻن ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺘ ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟ ﺎرﻳﺘﻴﻦ اﻟﻴ ﻮم )اﻟﺘﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ ﻓ ﻲ ﺟﻨ ﻮب اﻟﺴ ﻮدان( ﻣﻤ ﺎ ﻳ ﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻠﺒﺎﺣ ﺚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺔ رﺻﺪ وﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﻴﺮ وﺗﺘﻄﻮر أﻣﺎﻣﻪ.‬ ‫وﻧﻬﺎﻳ ﺔ ﻓﺪراﺳ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬ ﺎ أن ﺗ ﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣ ﺎت ﻋ ﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗ ﻢ ﺑﻬ ﺎ اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳ ﺐ ﺧ ﻼل‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺼﻮر.‬ ‫ﻳﻘ ﻮم ه ﺬا اﻟﺒﺤ ﺚ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺛﻼﺛ ﺔ أﺟ ﺰاء، ﻓﻔ ﻲ اﻟﺠ ﺰء اﻷول ﺗﻌ ﺮض‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜ ﺔ أدﺑﻴ ﺎت دراﺳ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻟﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ وﺗﻄ ﺮح ﺳ ﺆاﻻ هﺎﻣ ﺎ ﺣ ﻮل‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ وه ﻞ ﺗﻤﺜ ﻞ ﺣﺎﻟ ﺔ ﺧﺎﺻ ﺔ وﻣﻨﻔﺼ ﻠﺔ ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻜ ﺎك‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮي؟ أم أﻧﻬ ﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻌ ﺪ أآﺜ ﺮ ﻣ ﻦ إﺣ ﺪى ﺻ ﻮر ه ﺬا اﻻﺣﺘﻜ ﺎك ؟ أﻣ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺠ ﺰء اﻟﺜ ﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺘﺘﻌ ﺮض ﻟﻠﻈ ﺮوف اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴ ﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ‬ ‫أدت إﻟ ﻰ ﻧﺸ ﺄة اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻ ﺮة اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ‬ ‫واﻟﻜﺮﻳ ﻮل وﺗﻘ ﺪم ﻣﻠﺨﺼ ﺎ ﺳ ﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﻟﻠﺨﺼ ﺎﺋﺺ اﻟﺘﺮآﻴﺒﻴ ﺔ ﻟﻬ ﺬﻩ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻣ ﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸ ﺔ دور اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻷﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ ﻟﻬ ﺎ)‪(substrat‬‬ ‫وﺗﻨﺘﻬ ﻲ اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺔ ﺑﺴ ﺆال ﺣ ﻮل ﻣ ﺎ إذا آﺎﻧ ﺖ ﺛﻤ ﺔ ﺗﺸ ﺎﺑﻬﺎت ﺑ ﻴﻦ ﻧﺸ ﺄة‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻤﺎﺿ ﻲ وﻋﻤﻠﻴ ﺎت اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳ ﺐ اﻟﺠﺎرﻳ ﺔ اﻟﻴ ﻮم ،‬ ‫ﻣﻤ ﺎ ﻳﻄ ﺮح اﻟﺴ ﺆال اﻟ ﺬي ﻗﺪﻣ ﻪ ﻓﻴﺮﺷ ﺘﻴﺦ ﻓ ﻲ آﺘﺎﺑ ﻪ اﻟﻬ ﺎم وه ﻮ: ه ﻞ‬ ‫آ ﺎن اﻟﺘﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ ه ﻮ اﻟﻌﻨﺼ ﺮ اﻷﺳﺎﺳ ﻲ ﻓ ﻲ ﻧﺸ ﺄة اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﺎ ؟‬
  11. 11. Catherine Miller INTRODUCTION Since the early seventies creole and pidgin studies have become a very productive field of general linguistics. The fashion became so great that many linguists are tempted to use the terms pidgins and creoles for any case of language contact, language mixing or language acquisition. On the other hand well-known creolists are still arguing and quarreling when trying to provide clear definitions and categorizations of pidgin/creole languages. Strangely enough, Arabic-based pidgins/creoles (P/Cs) are still on the margin of both Arabic linguistics and pidgin/creole studies. However Arabic-based P/Cs appear to be of particular interest for both creole studies and Arabic linguistics and this for a number of reasons: The Arabic language has a very long history and spread in many parts of the world. This long historical process gave birth to many different types of language contact and language shift. Therefore Arabic displays a huge spectrum of varieties from the most classical varieties to the most pidginized varieties. It provides interesting elements of information concerning how different types of contact languages emerge according to the various sociolinguistic settings. ‫ :اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬I hope you don't mind this change - it is such a clumsy Language shift from a non-Arabic vernacular to an word and you yourself confuse it later with Arabization - the Arabic vernacular and in some case pidginization/creolization replacement of loan words by new coinages of Arabic is still taking place (cf. Southern Sudan). The linguistic, derivation. historical and social factors leading to 8
  12. 12. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles pidginization/creolization can thus be observed in situ which is rarely the case. Contemporary Arabic-based P/Cs can bring additional information to Arabic linguistics by shedding light on the historical processes of language shift to Arabic. Thanks to the work of Versteegh (1984) the latter issue has been lengthily discussed in Arabic Linguistic circles. But since Versteegh’s book, studies on P/Cs and contact languages have experienced important theoretical developments. In this paper I would like to present an update of our knowledge on contemporary Arabic-based pidgins/creoles in order to investigate their relevance for comparative and historical studies. The paper will be divided into three parts. I will first review the main criteria used for defining and categorizing pidgin and creole languages and outline the difficulties raised by such categorization. I will then describe the historical and sociological context that led to the emergence of contemporary Arabic-based P/Cs. Lastly, I will present a brief sketch of the main structural characteristics and discuss the role of the African substratum languages. In conclusion, I will try to analyze if the contemporary context may have any similarities with the historical context of language shift that led to the emergence of Arabic dialects within the conquered territories of the Arab Empire. In short, can we agree with Versteegh (1984) that pidginization and creolization - conceived here as specific cases of language contact – were the decisive processes that led to the emergence of new Arabic (i.e. “modern dialects”). 9
  13. 13. Catherine Miller A few preliminary remarks concerning the definition and categorization of pidgins and Creoles. If we want to talk about Arabic P/Cs as discrete linguistic entities we must first ask ourselves a basic question: “what are the determining criteria that make it possible to distinguish between pidgins/creoles on the one hand, and other types of contact languages (such as lingua francas, koinés, mixed languages) and other natural languages?” We must also distinguish between different types of language contact that led to different linguistic outcomes (Thomason and Kaufmann 1988). For three decades an enormous literature on this topic has been written and the criteria used for the definition of P/Cs have evolved. The situation might appear quite confusing for non- specialists but let us say shortly that specialists are more and more reluctant to consider pidgin/creole languages as a typologically discrete class. The most important point is that linguistic criteria alone do not suffice to define P/Cs. As pointed out by Winford (1997:1), “the identification of pidgins and creoles is based on a variety of often conflicting criteria including function, historical origins and development, formal characteristics, or a combination of these”. It is the convergence of a number of linguistic features and of non-linguistic factors (historical context of emergence, type of contact, processes of acquisition, etc.) that may help to define P/Cs. But in many instances there is no clear-cut delimitation between pidgins, creoles, koinés, vehicular languages, etc… Therefore not all authors agree on the relevance of the terms pidgins and creoles and 10
  14. 14. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles there is a recent tendency to use instead the more neutral term of contact language (Mufwene 1997). I will not detail the endless debate concerning the definition and categorization of P/C languages but just summarize some of the main points that are relevant for the Arabic domain.1 For this short review I rely mainly on Lefebvre (2000) and Winford (1997) who provide interesting syntheses of the on-going debate. Pidgins/Creoles: a typologically discrete class? To what extent can structural characteristics be used as criteria for distinguishing pidgins from creoles and from distinguishing them from other kinds of contact language? A number of linguistic features or properties have been proposed in the past to be diagnostic of pidgin/creole status such as lack of inflectional morphology, parataxis, serialization, use of unmarked case, transparency and various analytic rather than synthetic strategies. It has been noted however that these structural properties are to be found in languages other than presumed pidgins and creoles and do not set the latter apart as a special class, nor indeed as a unified class. Many languages have a reduced morphology or are isolating languages without being classified as creoles, like Chinese or Vietnamese for instance. Moreover, the detailed grammatical descriptions of the numerous creole languages, 1 Readers interested in an update on this debate can refer to the last issues of the Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages and to the volumes of the Creole Languages Library published by J. Benjamins as well as a number of 11
  15. 15. Catherine Miller spread across all continents, show considerable structural differences (Muysken 1988). The claim of typological unity has been mainly advocated by the “universalists” (D. Bickerton 1981, 1984) who consider that creole grammar exhibits the ‘bioprogram’ or basic features of a Universal Grammar. But many authors have criticized the concept of a typological unity of the creole languages. Critics come mainly from the “superstratists” (Chaudençon 1986) or the “substratists” (Holm 1988, Lefebvre 1998), i.e. those who consider that the grammar of creole languages has been influenced either by the superstratum (or target language) or by the substratum language. The distinction between pidgins and creoles is even more difficult. Pidgins have usually been distinguished from creoles by using two criteria: a) the degree of simplification and reduction in linguistic structure and b) their use as a second language or mother tongue. Pidgins are supposed to show a more reduced linguistic structure (drastic reduction in inner form) and to be used in a limited range of communicative functions; whereas creoles are supposed to present a more elaborate linguistic structure (expansion in inner form) and to be used as mother tongue within a speech community. But a number of languages referred to as pidgins or expanded pidgins (Nigerian Pidgin, Tok Pisin, etc) cannot be distinguished on the basis of their genesis, development and synchronic structures from other languages referred to as creoles (Krio, Caribbean Creoles, etc.). The precise boundaries between pidgins and creoles are practically impossible to draw, as major contribution such as Arends et al. (1995); Chaudençon (1979); 12
  16. 16. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles many situations reveal a kind of developmental continuum between relatively reduced and relatively expanded contact outcomes. It appears that the features proposed in support of the view that P/C languages constitute a typologically discrete group of language are not uncontroversial, and attempts at establishing absolute criteria for defining pidgins and creoles in relation to other languages have been partly abandoned. Many linguists consider that one has to know the history of a particular language in order to identify it as a pidgin or a creole. What pidgin and creole languages share is the manner in which they are formed. Therefore linguists will tend to focus their analysis more on the formative process (when, how and why P/Cs emerge) rather than on the linguistic features to categorize and define P/C languages. This remark is important because, if a re-analysis of the supposedly historical pidginization/creolization process of Arabic has to be made, it must first consider detailed historical information before looking for alleged traces of pidginization in contemporary dialects. But before turning to the sociological and historical factors I would like to add a last remark concerning the relevance of linguistic features in the definition of P/C languages. In my view, the fact that P/Cs do not form a typological distinct unit does not invalidate the fact that P/Cs are characterized by major restructuring compared to the target languages and emerge as ‘new linguistic systems’. As we shall see in the case of Arabic, contemporary Arabic-based P/Cs show a Mühlhäusler (1986) and Romaine (1988). 13
  17. 17. Catherine Miller degree of linguistic restructuring unknown in other Arabic varieties, even the more peripheral dialects. Contexts of emergence: P/Cs considered as ‘extreme cases of contact between languages’? Many authors are now trying to define P/Cs in relation to other kinds of contact language. The processes of change or restructuring that give rise to a P/C are considered to be different only in degree rather than in kind from those that occur in many cases of language contact (Winford 1997). In the same way it has been proposed that P/Cs constitute particular cases of second language acquisition. A number of factors have been considered as conditions that may lead to pidginization/creolization. P/Cs generally arise in areas with high degree of linguistic heterogeneity (more than two languages in contact) and result from specific historical situations leading to quick changes. Most of the languages that have traditionally been referred to as P/Cs arose from contact between typologically very different languages. This might be a sine qua non for the radical reshaping of linguistic resources and may help to distinguish between P/Cs and koinés for example.2 P/Cs emerge in a context of social upheaval leading to a quick mixing of populations. The native speakers of the target language are supposed to be small in number compared to a huge number of people speaking different languages needing to quickly acquire a new variety, without 2 not all authors agree on this point , see Mufwene 1997 14
  18. 18. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles much contact with the target language. Among the typical historical situations that led to the emergence of P/Cs are the slave camps and slave plantations of the Caribbean islands, the trade bases, the colonial military camps and work camps, etc. To sum up: heterogeneity of the population, short span of time, small number of native speakers of the target language and social upheaval are among the required conditions for the emergence of pidgins and creoles. But again, these are only indications and cannot be considered as strict criteria. The idea that both pidgins and creoles develop gradually and acquire their characteristic features over several generations is gaining in currency (Arends et al., 1995). A related and still unresolved issue is the question of the genetic affiliation of P/Cs. There are four competing proposals in the literature. Some scholars classify P/Cs with their respective superstratum language (French, English, Spanish etc. from which P/Cs derived most of their lexicon). Others classify them with their substratum languages (African, Melanesian, etc. because of some semantic and syntactic properties). Others again consider P/Cs as mixed languages and some scholars even analyze P/Cs as genetically unaffiliated languages (Thomason and Kaufman 1988). Those genetic considerations have impact on the categorization of P/Cs among other contact languages. For the above authors the main distinction between P/Cs and other contact languages is that the grammar of P/Cs comes from different inputs and cannot be linked to one ancestor. 15
  19. 19. Catherine Miller Processes versus outcomes Since the early seventies, linguists (Hymes 1971) have constantly pointed out the necessity to clearly distinguish between pidginization and creolization as processes and pidgins and creoles as end points represented by specific varieties. Pidgins and Creoles are relatively rare outcomes but the mechanisms associated with pidginization and creolization are quite widespread and can occur in varying degrees in other contact languages. Pidginization is a transitory phenomenon that may led to various linguistic outcomes while pidgins and creoles are more or less stable varieties that have achieved autonomy as norms. Identity factors may play an important role in this matter. It seems that what can help to distinguish between creolization leading to the production of creoles and other processes of selective adaptation (cf. second language acquisition) is the relationship to the ‘target language’ and the wish to reproduce or not to reproduce the target language. An immigrant worker arriving in a foreign country may pass trough a pidginization phase while learning the foreign language in an untutored context. However this does not necessarily mean that a stable pidgin representative of all migrant workers will develop. Migrants will soon use a non-standard or more or less deviant variety that will exhibit some features 'deviant' from the target language but still this ‘deviant variety’ will remain genetically related to the target 16
  20. 20. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles language. It is only if migrants from different linguistic backgrounds outnumber the speakers of the target language and ‘create’ their own variety in a short span of time, and if this variety in its turn stabilizes, that one may speak of a pidgin or a creole. In the case of Arabic it seems particularly important to distinguish between pidginization and creolization as processes and pidgins/creoles as end points. In conclusion. We have seen that creoles and pidgins cannot be defined by relying on one type of criteria only (linguistic criteria or historical criteria). It is the convergence of a number of linguistic and non-linguistic criteria and features that may help to define P/Cs. Most linguists agree that P/C languages do not constitute a typologically discrete group. Therefore, the idea of a radical structural difference between P/Cs and other languages is questioned. The differences among the contact languages are due primarily to difference in combinations of essentially the same ingredients. P/Cs are extreme cases of contact between languages. In the case of Arabic I do think that the concept of ‘extreme case of contact’ is useful, because it may help to distinguish from other types of Arabic varieties used as lingua franca or contact languages among non-native Arabic speakers. Finally most authors recognize “that there are limits to the usefulness of labels and that it is futile to try to fit every product of language contact into definite classes, since the criteria for doing so are by no means clear-cut” (Winford 1997:11). 17
  21. 21. Catherine Miller ARABIC-BASED PIDGIN-CREOLES. A short review Reinecke seems to be one of the first creolists to mention and discuss Arabic-based P/Cs (Reinecke 1937). Many other creolists briefly mention them,3 but usually without details and some reference books still confuse Arabic P/Cs with dialects. For instance, some lists of P/Cs wrongly categorize the Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic dialect as a 4 P/C but a number of specialized works have studied Arabic-based 5 P/Cs. The categorization of Arabic P/Cs versus other types of Arabic is still controversial. Linguists speak, alternatively, of trade jargon, patois, vehicular variety or koiné in the making. This variation in terminology reflects different geographical or social contexts but also different analyses of a complex reality. Not all vehicular varieties can be considered as P/Cs and it seems here that linguistic criteria may help to distinguish between P/Cs and other types of contact languages. Mentions of Arabic P/Cs, trade-jargons or vehicular varieties have been mainly cited in Sub-Saharan Africa including Ethiopia, the Chadic Basin (Chad, Eastern Nigeria, Central Africa), present-day Southern Sudan, Uganda and Kenya. There is also mention of Arabic pidgin varieties spoken between the native population and foreign workers in the Gulf countries since the sixties. Finally mention has 3 e.g. Bickerton 19811984; Holm 1988, Romaine 1988, Thomason and Kaufmann 1988 4 e.g. Hancock 1981; Smith, 1995 18
  22. 22. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles been made of a pidginized variety called Maridi Arabic, dating back to the 11th century. I will set apart Maridi Arabic, the Ethiopian ‘trade jargon’ and Gulf Pidgin Arabic because their status is questionable until we get more data and I will rather focus on the genesis of the other P/C varieties (Turku in Chad, Juba-Arabic in Sudan, Ki-Nubi in Uganda-Kenya) which share a common history and are closely related. Non-Sudanic Arabic P/Cs Maridi Arabic, presented and analyzed by Thomason and Elgibali (1986) is considered as the oldest attestation of an Arabic pidgin. It’s historical interest lies in the fact that it shows that some kind of ‘bad Arabic’, very near to a rudimentary pidgin, was spoken almost one thousand year ago in the Saharan belt. But we don’t know how far it expanded and stabilized. This ‘pidgin’ has been described by the Andalusian geographer Al Bakri in the 11th century. It is a short text of 50 words which is said to represent ‘a very bad form of Arabic’. It was recounted to Al Bakri by a trader from Aswan. The geographical area of this pidgin is not clear (Mauritania, North Sudan , Southern Egypt?). It appears more like a caricature than a real description and the limited data are not sufficient to establish if a stable pidgin was used as a trade language in the Saharan belt or if this variety reflects a kind of transitory phase of acquisition. 5 see Owens 1997 for a comprehensive bibliography 19
  23. 23. Catherine Miller In Ethiopia, Ferguson (1971) distinguishes between three Arabic varieties: dialect, lingua franca and trade jargon. One also has to recall that in Ethiopia, contact between Arabic and the Ethiopian Semitic languages is very old and that Arabic loanwords are numerous in these languages (Leslau 1990). The dialect is spoken by the former Arab immigrants from Yemen or Sudan (a small minority of about 10 000 people). The Arabic lingua franca functions as a communicative medium between Ethiopian Muslim communities and seems to be structurally close to the Yemeni and Eastern Sudanese dialects. The trade jargon is used between the Arab traders and the local non-Arab population. Ferguson describes it very briefly as a ‘rudimentary pidginized form of Arabic with the usual features of pidginized Arabic, such as the m. sg. for all persons of the verb, and so on. No update information is available about this trade jargon and it is not sure that it developed into a stable pidgin. A recent study on the Arabic vehicular variety spoken in Eritrea indicates that the Eritrean Arabic vehicular is close to Ferguson’s lingua franca, i.e. close to Yemeni and Eastern Sudanese dialects. It shows some cases of interference from the local languages (Afar, Saho) or reduction at the phonological level (Simeone-Senelle 2000) but nothing like a drastic restructuring of the language. The case of Eritrea and Ethiopia indicates that Arabic can function as a vehicular variety among non-Arabic native speakers without necessarily being a pidgin. As a vehicular variety it may exhibit some trend toward simplification or some degree of interference from the local languages but without losing the fundamental structure of the 20
  24. 24. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles grammar. This seems also to be the case in other areas like Mali or Niger where a variety close to the Hassaniyya dialect is spoken as a vehicular, as well as in Chad and Western Sudan as well shall see. Mention of a Gulf Pidgin Arabic is due to Smart (1990). It is mainly foreigners' talk used by native speakers vis à vis foreigners. It exhibits many pidginized features such as reduction of the morphological rules of the verbal stem (the imperfect third masc. form is used with all persons -- cf. win yaruuh inta “where are you going”). The preposition fi “in” is used in many contexts including the expression of progressive -- ana fi sawm “I am fasting”, ana fi hamiil “I am pregnant”, etc.. It seems to be widely used by both locals and foreigners and displays local variation according to the local dialects. All the above examples indicate that pidginization trends can take place without the emergence of a stabilized autonomous variety. On the other hand, three varieties (Turku, Nubi and Juba-Arabic) emerged as distinctive P/Cs. They originated from the same place, the Southern Sudanic Region (present Southern Sudan), at the same period, somewhere between 1854- 1888 and had different fates. The question to be analysed here is why Arabic-based P/Cs have been recorded only in this specific area. Expansion of Arabic in the Sudanese belt (8th to 18th cent. AD) From the 8th cent. AD up to the end of 18th cent. the southern boundaries of the expansion of the Arabic language in Africa lay in the Sudanic region stretching from Central Sudan to Lake Chad. 21
  25. 25. Catherine Miller Arabic did not spread further South due to geographical physical borders. Throughout this period Arabic expanded progressively and became the ruling and religious language of the Muslim Sudanese kingdoms and the trade language for the entire region. Arabic was the mother tongue for the Arab groups and spread to non-Arab groups through Islamization. Hence a number of former non-Arab groups became progressively Arabic speaking in both present-day Sudan and Chad. We have no testimony of this process, nor of the variety/ies used as trade language, and we don’t know if at some time some P/Cs emerged and disappeared (cf. the problematic case of Maridi Arabic above). What we know is that language shift must have been a progressive phenomenon because bilingualism is attested at a later period even within the ruling circles of the two main Sudanese kingdoms (Funj and Fur, cf. O’Fahey and Spaulding 1974). The present situation in Western Sudan, Chad or Nigeria indicates that this process of language shift led to specific colloquial varieties usually considered as ‘peripheral Arabic dialects’ showing some characteristics, such as lack of emphatic or pharyngeal consonants, development of a tonal stress, borrowing of non-Arab lexical elements and the like, but nothing like a radical restructuring of the language.6 Contemporary reports of an Arabic vehicular language used as a trade language in Chad or Central Africa provide contradictory records on the linguistic status of this vehicular variety (see below). 6 Amadou 1982; Bouquet and Caprile 1976; Decobert 1985; Jullien de Pommerol 1999; Miller and Abu Manga 1992; Owens 1993 1996, Roth 1979 22
  26. 26. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles The genesis of the Sudanic P/Cs in the 19th century Radical political and economical changes occurred in the course of the 19th century in the Southern part of Sudan with the conquest of this area between 1839-1841 by the army of Muhammed Ali, the then ruler of Egypt, and the subsequent establishment of trade and military camps in this area not previously touched by language shift to Arabic and characterized by high linguistic heterogeneity (more than a hundred languages belonging to different language families, cf. Miller 1984). Those camps collected a huge population of different ethnic and linguistic backgrounds that became detribalized through enslavement or incorporation into the army. The establishment of these camps and the development of a large-scale slave trade is quite well documented through the testimony of European travelers (Mahmud 1982, Owens 1997). The year 1854 marks the establishment of the first permanent trading settlements known as zeriba (“camps”) in the provinces of Equatoria and Bahr al Ghazal. Those settlements were established all over Southern Sudan at a close distance with frequent inter-camp contacts. Schweinfurth (1873) gives a detailed account of the trade camps, their population and their impact. It is believed that the Arabic speaking population (Northern Sudanese Arab and Nile Nubians) was in the minority compared to ‫ :اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬Soldiers speaking Arabic as a second language? soldiers from Western Sudanese groups and local Southern groups speaking Arabic as a second language and to indigenous slaves. Very quickly Southerners outnumbered the Northerners (native Arabic speakers did not exceed 10%). Trading and military camps became kinds of city-states with a population rising up to 10,000 people, and 23
  27. 27. Catherine Miller in Bahr al Ghazal almost 25% of the population belonged to the trade camps. It is probably within those zeriba that an Arabic P/C stabilized, and became the main language among the members “of a class of detribalized Southerners who no longer belonged to indigenous southern groups but who were also not part of the ruling northern elite” (Owens 1997). We have no accurate description of this earlier Arabic P/C whose target language seems to have been a mixture of 7 Egyptian and Sudanese military colloquial Arabic. The first records indicate a mixture of pidgin features (invariable verbal stem, no gender and number agreement, parataxis etc.) and classical features. It is not clear if only one variety developed in all the Southern Sudanese zeriba or if a number of Arabic P/C varieties had parallel development (the monogenesis versus parallel development hypotheses). First known as Bimbashi Arabic (the Arabic of the soldiers) this Arabic military P/C developed into three further varieties: Turku in Chad, Ki- Nubi in Kenya and Uganda and Juba-Arabic in Southern Sudan. Therefore it appears that present-day Arabic P/Cs emerged in a specific historical context (the upheaval of the military and slave camps, the zeriba), in a highly linguistically heterogeneous region (Southern Sudan) and in a short span of time, (the thirty years from 1854, date of the first camps, up to 1888, date of the departure of the Nubi). 7 Jenkins’ ms analyzed by Kaye and Tosco 1993, Meldom 1913 24
  28. 28. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles The development of Nubi, Turku and Juba Arabic (a) Nubi in Kenya-Uganda During the 19th cent. the term Nubi was originally designating the black soldiers of the Turkish-Egyptian army in Sudan. In 1888, following the fall of the Equatoria Province into the hands of the Mahdist uprising, part of the Turkish-Egyptian battalion of Amin Pasha retreated to Uganda. A number of those Nubi soldiers and followers stayed in Uganda and Kenya and became a new ethnic group known as the East African Nubis with ki-Nubi as their mother tongue and Islam as their religion.8 Nubi speakers are estimated to be about 10,000-15,000 in Kenya and many more in Uganda (no statistic available). The linguistic characteristics of Ki-Nubi have been principally described by Heine (1982), Musa Wellens (1994) and Owens (1977, 1980, 1985b, 1990). Ki-Nubi is considered as a creole language, it represents drastic restructuring compared to any other Arabic dialect and is not mutually intelligible with either colloquial Arabic or literary Arabic but is intelligible with Juba Arabic. The date of 1888, date of the arrival of the Nubi soldiers in Kenya- Uganda is important because since this date the Nubi soldiers were mainly cut off from their Sudanese roots and their language developed independently in a dominantly Swahili environment. Being Muslims, the Nubis had contact with Qur'anic Arabic but it did not influence their own vernacular. Ki-Nubi did not undergo a de-creolization 8 Heine 1982, Johnson 1991, Soghayroun 1981 25
  29. 29. Catherine Miller process. Their relationship with Classical Arabic could not have been very different from that of other African Muslims. In any case contact with other colloquial Arabic varieties were loose if existent at all. The present-day structural similarities between ki-Nubi and Juba Arabic raise the question of the structural stage of development of the earlier Arabic military P/C at the time of the split. It may indicate that the earlier Arabic P/C developed as an expanded pidgin or a creole in a very short time, between 1854 and 1888. It may also indicate parallel development of the two varieties (Miller 2001). In any case, Juba- Arabic and ki-Nubi reached a structural development unknown in Turku with grammaticalization processes such as embedding of subordinate clauses, serialization, etc. (b) Turku in Chad. Clashes between the main traders of Bahr al Ghazal (cf. the revolt of Zubeir Pasha in 1877-79) and the Turkish-Egyptian Government led to the move of a group of soldiers and followers headed by Rabeh (Zubair’s lieutenant) from Bahr al Ghazal to Chari-Longome (present Chad). It is this group which was responsible for bringing an Arabic pidgin called Turku to the Chari River basin in the beginning of 1900 (Carbou 1912). The name Turku refers to turuk, the name given to the non-Arab Sudanese troops of Rabeh. We have no information about the number of speakers at this time. Turku is also believed to have been used as one of the trade languages in Central Africa and Northern Cameroon. As far as we know Turku remained a stable Pidgin and did not undergo the grammatical expansion of Ki-Nubi and 26
  30. 30. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles Juba-Arabic. The available linguistic data come from a collection of short phrases/texts by Gaston Muraz (1932) which has been discussed by Tosco and Owens (1993). At the present time the picture is rather confusing. The Arab population represents about 10% of the Chadian population and Chadian Arabic dialects (both nomadic and sedentary dialects) are structurally close to Western Sudanese and Nigerian Arabic dialects.9 Arabic is also one of the broadcast Chadian national languages (Amadou 1983). As far as it is known the situation of Arabic in Chad is closer to Western Sudan than to Southern Sudan or Uganda-Kenya, i.e. different Arabic varieties coexist, ranging from the more conservative Nomadic varieties to the vehicular varieties spoken by the non-Arab population The linguistic status of this/these vehicular variety/ies is problematic. No present-day Turku variety in Chad or central Africa seems to exist, at least not under this label and we don’t have detailed description of present-day Chadian Pidgin Arabic. Hagège (1973) briefly mentions a variety of a rudimentary Arabic vehicular which seems structurally very close to a pidgin (use of an invariable verbal stem, no gender and number agreement, independent TMA markers, etc.) but we have no indication of its extension of use. Most authors (Jouannet 1978, Jullien de Pommerol 1997) indicate that Arabic is now the first lingua franca in most parts of Chad (before Kanembou 9 Decobert 1985; Kaye 1976; Owens 1985a; Roth 1994; Tourneux and Zeltner 1986 27
  31. 31. Catherine Miller and Bagirmi). This vehicular variety seems to be an adaptation of the local colloquial varieties (Jullien de Pommerol 1999, Roth 1979) with a few linguistic features similar to those of Turku and of Juba Arabic ‫ :اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬place into footnote? and a number of restructuring processes.10 But this Arabic vehicular keeps the bases of the colloquial Arabic system (such as grammatical inflexion, use of personal and TMA affixes with the verbal stem, etc). and is no more “reduced” or “restructured” than many other peripheral Arabic dialects. As far as we know it does not seem that in Chad a specific P/C variety functions as a distinctive identity marker for non- Arab groups as is the case in Sudan. (c) Juba-Arabic in Southern Sudan After 1888 and the departure of a number of Nubi soldiers to Kenya and Uganda, Bimbashi Arabic continued to spread in Southern Sudan. Part of the former Southern soldiers of the Turkish-Egyptian regime stayed in South Sudan. Some joined the Mahdy movement, others created private armies. With the Egyptian-British re-conquest of the Sudan in early 1900 (the Condominium), those former soldiers were incorporated into the military battalions and a number of military centers were established in former trade or military camps. Juba, the new headquarters of Equatoria was established near the previously Mahdist centers of Gondokoro and Rejaf. Those soldiers became the nucleus of the Juba-Arabic speakers and came to be known as 10 loss of emphatic and pharyngeal consonants, loss of vowel length, predominance of analytic constructions, use of an invariant determiner /de/, no gender agreement, use of the verb futu to go for comparison, etc 28
  32. 32. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles ‘Maleki’ (detribalized) in Juba. In spite of a linguistic policy hostile to Arabic during the British Condominium − Southern Sudan was designed as a closed district and administratively cut from Northern Sudan from 1930 to 1947 and Arabic and Islam were officially prohibited − Juba-Arabic spread as a vehicular language first in the urban and military centers and then in most parts of Southern Sudan. It became the mother tongue of many urban dwellers due to high linguistic heterogeneity, inter-ethnic marriage, urbanization etc. (Mahmud 1982; Miller 1984,1985,1987). Today Juba-Arabic is considered as the ‘Arabic of the South’ by both Southerners and Northerners. It functions either as a first language or a second language. As such the term Juba-Arabic includes a lot of sub-varieties, such as geographical and sociological variations (between the different Provinces of Southern Sudan, between urban and rural speakers, between educated and non-educated, etc). Since Independence, Southerners have been increasingly in contact with both Sudanese Arabic dialects and Literary Arabic through education, migration, displacement and urbanization. Therefore Juba Arabic is no more an ‘isolated variety’ and contact with other types of Arabic has given birth to a continuum from the more pidginized varieties (spoken as L2 by isolated rural populations) to the more dialectalized varieties. But this situation did not lead to the expected de-creolization trend. In fact, because of the civil war and the tense relations between the North and the South, Juba-Arabic plays now an important role as an identity marker and its autonomy is well established. It can be categorized as an ‘expanded pidgin’ or a ‘pidgin-creole’, structurally very close to ki- 29
  33. 33. Catherine Miller Nubi.11 It is often used by southern Sudanese to distinguish themselves from northern Sudanese in Radio, churches, theatrical plays, etc. (Miller, forthcoming). Therefore, even students educated in literary Arabic and who can perfectly well speak Northern Sudanese Colloquial may shift to Juba-Arabic in certain contexts in order to mark their southern identity. In Conclusion. The emergence of Arabic P/Cs in the Sudanese belt seems to be linked with a specific historical context: the social and economic upheaval created by the trade and military camps during the Turkish- Egyptian conquest of Southern Sudan in the 19th century and the formation of a southern military class. Only two Arabic P/Cs are still acknowledged: Ki-Nubi and Juba-Arabic. In both areas it corresponds to the emergence of a ‘speech community’ and an ‘act of identity’: the Nubi ethnic group of Kenya-Uganda; the Southern Sudanese of Sudan. The identity factor appears very important in both their development and maintenance. In Chad, Central Africa and Northern Cameroon it is not clear whether an Arabic Pidgin is still in use. In Chad, like in Western Sudan but also in Mali, Niger, Eritrea and Ethiopia, the vehicular Arabic (lingua franca), seems to be close to the local colloquial varieties with some trend toward simplification, reduction and interference. This indicates clearly that the use of a language as an inter-ethnic lingua franca does not necessarily lead to 11 cf. see in particular Mahmud 1979; Miller 1984,1993 2001; Nhyal 1984, Tosco 1995, Watson 1989 30
  34. 34. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles the emergence of distinctive P/Cs. It led to less radical changes or evolution, such as the use of analytical constructions instead of genitive ones, weakening of morphological agreement, etc. And again those features can be found in various degrees in many dialects, urban or rural, central or peripheral. We are therefore faced with the traditional problem of drawing boundaries and establishing categories within a continuum. In theory or in artificial speech those boundaries can be drawn easily and the presence or absence of a number of features can be selected as ‘isoglosses’. In practice however, those boundaries are fluid and the categorization of a speech-act within this or that category is rather a matter of degree. Moreover each Arabic P/C variety exhibits features common to all Arabic P/Cs (such as a very reduced derivational system) but also local features which indicate the influence of the local Arabic dialect that acted as the lexifier/target language. For instance, Owens (1997) classifies the 3 Sudanic P/Cs in two regional groups: the Western group represented by Turku and the Eastern group represented by Ki- Nubi and Juba-Arabic. Turku exhibits some typical Western Sudanese Arabic (WSA) features and lexical items (such as the particle ana hana ‘of’’, yatu “who”), whereas JA and KN exhibit features and lexical items close to Egyptian or Eastern Sudanese Arabic (ESA) such as particle ta bitaa’ “of”, minu “who”. 31
  35. 35. Catherine Miller A SKETCH OF LINGUISTIC FEATURES OF SUDANIC P/Cs In order to clarify the situation let us try to briefly outline the main characteristics of Ki-Nubi/Juba-Arabic (KN/JA) vis à vis other Arabic varieties. In fact many of these features are to be found in other Arabic varieties in various degrees but it is the coexistence and the convergence of all these features that may be characteristics of KN/JA. The Sudanic P/Cs share many features summarized in Nhyal 1975, Miller 1993, Owens 1990, 1997, such as: The velar /kh/ realized as glottal /k/ : muk “brain”; Lack of emphatic and pharyngeal consonants : gata “to cut”; s ~ sh : shems ~ sems “sun”; Lack of geminates: kutu “put”; Vowel length non-distinctive: kebiri “big”, fil “elephant”; Distinctive stress in KN and JA distinguishing between transitive verb, verbal noun and passive constructions: úwo ásurubu móya de “he drinks the water” móya ta asurúbu “drinking water” móya de yau kán asurubú “this water has been drunk”; úo kúruju “he farms” kurúju dé sókol ta náse jídu ta nína “farming is our traditional activity (farming is the work of our ancestor) maal de kurujú “this place has been farmed”; Productive lexical compounding: 32
  36. 36. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles bakan-turubá “cemetery”, dubán-asal “bee”, móya-éna “tear”, abu kalam “talkative”, éna-séder “fruit”, laám-gaba “game”, jobur-wáta “mushroom”, abu ida “one-handed”, abu singit “hunch-backed”; Use of analytical constructions to enrich the semantic level: jól ta dugu laám “one of beating meat = hunter”, jól ta kurúju “one of farming = farmer”, kútu nári “put fire = to burn”, soo kuungú “make song = to sing” A very reduced derivational system. No productive nominal affix category (gender, persons) except for number: a in KN, -a, -at, -in, in JA: júa “house”− juá “houses (KN); nyerkúk “child” − nyerkukát “children”(JA). However not all nouns have separate sg./pl. forms and number agreement is optional for adjectives: úmon mabsút ~ mabsutín “they are happy”; kebir “big”, kubár, kubará, kubarín “big (pl.)”; No difference between subject and object pronouns : ana bi durubu ita / ita bi durubu ana “I will beat you / you will beat me, but use of a specific possessive pronoun suffixed to the genitive particle ta (bta): tayí, táki, tó, ténna, tákum, tómwon “mine, yours, his, our, yours, theirs”; 33
  37. 37. Catherine Miller Analytical possessive construction with a relational marker ta in KN/JA and ana in Turku: sila ta ragi de “the weapon of this man”, bagara tayi/bagara taki “my cow”;: bagara anaki “your cow” (Turku); Use of a single post-posed demonstrative de : bágara de “the, this cow”, bágara táki de “your cow”; Single segmental verb form with independent TMA markers (bi, gi, kan): ana gi asurubu “I am drinking” ana kan asurubu “I was drinking, I drank” ana bi asurubu “I drink, I will drink” ana asurubu kalas “I have drunk”; Reduplication has an intensive or distributive meaning: úwo bi gáta-gata lahám de “he cut the meat in small pieces”, bagará de ge mútu-mutu “cows are dying one by one”, kamán úo bi búlu-bulu fi júa “she is urinating regularly inside the house”; Use of the verb futu “to go” as a non-verbal particle “than” for expressing comparison: úo kebír fútu ána “he is bigger than me”, asade ána jére sedíd fútu ita “Now I run quicker than you”; fi used in existential sentences, with all locative predicate, and with verbal noun to indicate progressive action: úwo fí fi bét “he is at home”, grús fi le ána “I have money”, úwo fí fi asurúbu “he is drinking”; 34
  38. 38. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles yá, yaú used as focus marker: wóle de yaú takyán “the child is tired ” úmon yaú wósolu “they arrived”, dugú ta mara yaú batál “beating women is bad” Complement clauses are introduced either by Ø, gal (za/ja), keli (kede) : úwa fékir gále imkin asset de áwuju ákulu úwa “He thinks that maybe the lion wants to eat him”, ana asuma gal sultan kelem gal keli nas ma karabu moya “I heard that the Sultan said that people should not spoil the water”, ana azu kede baba arija “I want my father to come back”, inta dayer keli nina sibu mederesa “you want us to leave school”; Sudanic P/Cs versus colloquial Arabic versus African languages. As is always the case for all P/Cs, there has been quite a lot of discussion concerning the role of the contact languages in the formation of the Arabic-based Sudanic P/Cs (Owens 1990, 1991,1997, Miller 1993, 2001). The influence of colloquial Arabic is clear at the lexical level with almost 90% of Arabic lexical entries. The influence of local African substratum languages (Bari, Mamvu, Moro-Madi, etc.) is perceptible at the phonological level and at the syntactic level. Here are a few examples: Presence of non-Arabic consonants ny and ng in non- Arabic lexical entries cf. nyerkúk ‘child’. 35
  39. 39. Catherine Miller Variation between z ~ j and sh ~ s as well as lack of geminates which could be due to Bari influence; Presence of a tonal stress; Form of the pronouns: In JA/KN like in Bari there is no difference between subject and object pronouns but possessive pronouns have a different form : (JA) ana ‘I’ vs tayi “mine”, (Bari) nan “I” vs lio “mine”; Reduplication: (Bari) kijakwa jore jore “game many-many”, (JA) nás ketír ketír “people many many”; Grammaticalization of the verb ‘say’ (adi in Bari, gale in JA) to introduce indirect reported speech: (Bari) lopen jambu adi lado a lo'but (JA) uwa kelem gale lado jole kwes “He-talk-say-Lado- person-good” (He said that Lado was a nice guy) ; (Bari) do kan rerenya adi nan ti tu (JA) eta aba gale eta ma masi You-refuse-say-you-Neg-go” ( You refused to go); Indirect passive clauses. According to Bureng (1986), the same processes are used in Bari and Juba Arabic to create indirect passive clauses by changing the word order and introducing the agent with a particle (ma in JA, ko in Bari) : (JA) Wani áyinu bágara, / (Bari) Wani a mét kiteng “Wani saw the cow” 36
  40. 40. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles (JA) Bágara ayinú ma Wani / (Bari) kiteng a méta ko Wani “The cow has been seen by Wani”; Proclitization of the relative marker to mark adjectives. In JA and KN the relative marker al / abu is frequently used to mark the adjective such as bágara ábu-ábye de “the white cow”, dé jówju al-adíl “it is a regular marriage”. In Bari, adjectives are formed from a verbal or nominal root “with the proclitization of the relative markers /lo/ (masc.), /na/ (fem.) to a verbal or numeral root” (Spagnolo 1933): Layak “to speak freely”/ lú-layak “he who speaks freely”, ’but busan “be good”/ ló’but “good”, kóka “leopard”/ ló-kóka “ leopard-like”. Many more examples could be provided. It is important, however, to underline that in most of the cases there is no direct transfer from the substratum African languages to the Arabic P/Cs but a re-analysis of the substratum features in the P/Cs. How far the grammar of these P/Cs relates more to colloquial Arabic or to local African languages, or is innovative is still a matter of speculation. In many instances one notes a phenomenon of convergence: i.e. the selected features are common to both colloquial Arabic and local African languages. This is the case, for example, with reduplication which has a stylistic function in colloquial Arabic; also with analytical possessive constructions very frequent in colloquial Arabic and with the verb “go” to express comparisons, etc..…However, one should not forget that there are significant structural differences between the Arabic P/Cs and other Arabic varieties. The most important difference 37
  41. 41. Catherine Miller concerns the central role that the consonant-based root plays in the morphology of, not only Arabic, but also all Semitic languages. In all these languages the verb has two paradigms (prefix and suffix) and is marked for person, number and gender of the subject. This is no more the case in Arabic P/Cs and this phenomenon suggests that the linguistic restructuring of these P/Cs went further than a regular process of simplification. This feature should be considered as one of the key structural characteristic that may help to categorize Arabic- based P/Cs from other types of Arabic contact languages. CONCLUSION. What can we learn from present-day Arabic P/Cs for the analysis of the historical process of language shift to Arabic? How far can the historical context of 19th century Southern Sudan be compared with the historical context of the early period of language shift? In both contexts, the number of Arabic native speakers was small compared to the local population. But the degree of ethnic and linguistic heterogeneity might not have been that high and we know that in many cases language shift was a slow process. In Egypt for example, Greek continued to be used as an official language side by side with Arabic up to the 10th cent. and the Coptic language continued to be a spoken language until at least the 11th cent. Total language shift took place only when the number of native speakers of Arabic increased due to migration and settlement (Doss and Miller 1997). Therefore a long period of bilingualism may have prevailed. In the fist phase of language shift, i.e. during a period of language learning, pidginization 38
  42. 42. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles trends would necessarily have played a role and K. Versteegh was right to point out that a number of features present in colloquial Arabic may have been the result of such pidginization trends. But we cannot ascertain that this pidginization process gave rise to a stable pidgin variety. Another point is that it seems difficult to make generalizations for all the area conquered by the Arabs. There must have been different contexts according to the geographical and historical specificities of each area. Therefore detailed historical descriptions of the socio- economic situation in these early military and urban camps are needed before we are able to make extrapolations. Finally, we have seen that the emergence of creole languages is associated with the formation of a specific speech community which becomes a model for subsequent learners of the language. I am not sure that we have records of such specific urban communities within the conquered territories. Bearing in mind that: a) P/Cs shared many similarities with other contact languages and that the differences among the contact languages are due primarily to differences in combinations of essentially the same ingredients and that b) P/Cs are extreme cases of contact between languages, I do think that the theoretical debate about the more or less pidgin-nature of pre-contemporary dialects is not very useful. What we can agree with is that, indeed, Arabic dialects spread in a contact environment, and what we are looking for is detailed data on the historical process of language shift. 39
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  48. 48. The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles SMART, J.R. (1990) 'Pidginization in Gulf Arabic: a first report.'. Anthropological Linguistics 32: 83-119. SMITH, N. (1995) An annoted list of creoles, pidgins and mixed languages. in J. Arends, P. Muysken, and N. Smith (eds.), Pidgins and Creoles, an introduction. Amsterdam-Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 331-374. SPAGNOLO, Rev. FR L. M. (1933) Bari Grammar. Verona :Mission Africane THOMASON, S. and A. ELGIBALI (1986) Before the Lingua- Franca: Pidginized Arabic in the Eleventh Century A.D. Lingua 68:317-349. THOMASON, S. and T. KAUFMAN (1988) Language contact, creolization and genetic linguistics. Berkeley: University of California Press. TOSCO, M. (1995) A Pidgin Verbal System : The case of Juba Arabic. Anthropological Linguistics 37,4:423-459. TOSCO, M. and J. OWENS (1993) Turku: A descriptive and Comparative Study. SUGIA 14:177-268. TOURNEUX, H. and J.C. ZELTNER (1986) L'arabe dans le bassin du Tchad. Paris: Karthala. VERSTEEGH, K. (1984) Pidginization and Creolization : the case of Arabic. Amsterdam-Philadelphia: John Benjamins. WATSON, R. (1989) An Introduction to Juba Arabic. Occasional Papers in Southern Sudan Linguistics 6:95-117. WINFORD, D. (1997) Introduction: On the structures and status of pidgins and creoles in A. K. Spears and D. Winford (eds.), The Structure and Status of Pidgins and Creoles. Amsterdam- Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1-34. 45
  49. 49. ‫2002 ,3 ,‪Al-Logha‬‬ ‫‪REFLECTIONS ON ARABIC DIALECTOLOGY‬‬ ‫‪By Gerda Mansour‬‬ ‫‪Cairo University‬‬ ‫ﻳﻔﺘ ﺘﺢ ه ﺬا اﻟﺒﺤ ﺚ ﺑﻄ ﺮح ﻋ ﺪة أﺳ ﺌﻠﺔ ﺣ ﻮل ﻋﻠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻨ ﺎﺣﻴﺘﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ و اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﺔ و ﺳ ﺒﺐ اﺑﺘﻌ ﺎد اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻴﻦ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻌ ﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑ ﻲ ﻋ ﻦ اﻟﻘﻴ ﺎم ﺑﺄﺑﺤ ﺎث ﻓ ﻲ ه ﺬا اﻟﻤﺠ ﺎل. و رﺑﻤ ﺎ آ ﺎن ﻣ ﻦ أﺳ ﺒﺎب‬ ‫ه ﺬا اﻻﺑﺘﻌ ﺎد أن ﻋﻠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻳﻌﺘﻤ ﺪ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻮﺻ ﻒ وﻟ ﻴﺲ ﻋﻠ ﻰ‬ ‫وﺿ ﻊ اﻟﻤﻌ ﺎﻳﻴﺮ، آﻤ ﺎ أن دراﺳ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت واﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜ ﺔ ﺑﺸ ﻜﻞ ﻋ ﺎم ﺗﻘ ﻮم ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻓﺤ ﺺ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻮﻗ ﺔ وﻟ ﻴﺲ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻜﺘﻮﺑ ﺔ. ﻓﺎﻟﺒﺎﺣ ﺚ اﻟﻌﺮﺑ ﻲ ﻗ ﺪ اﻋﺘ ﺎد ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻋﺘﺒ ﺎر اﻟﻔﺼ ﺤﻰ وﺣ ﺪهﺎ‬ ‫ﺟ ﺪﻳﺮة ﺑ ﺎﻟﻔﺤﺺ واﻟﺪراﺳ ﺔ، واﻟﻔﺼ ﺤﻰ ه ﻲ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌ ﺔ اﻟﺤ ﺎل ﻣﻌﻴﺎرﻳ ﺔ‬ ‫وﺗﻘ ﻮم ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺗ ﺮاث أدﺑ ﻲ ﻣﻤﺘ ﺪ. ﻟﻜ ﻦ هﻨ ﺎك ﺳ ﺒﺒﺎ ﺁﺧ ﺮ ﻻﻧﺼ ﺮاف‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮﻳﻴﻦ اﻟﻌ ﺮب ﻋ ﻦ ﻋﻠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت، وه ﻮ أن ه ﺬا اﻟﻌﻠ ﻢ ﻗ ﺪ اﻧﻔ ﺮد ﺑ ﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻮن اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴ ﻮن، ﻣﻤ ﺎ أﺛ ﺎر اﻟﺸ ﻜﻮك ﺣ ﻮل ﻧﻮاﻳ ﺎ ه ﺬا اﻟﻔ ﺮع ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ، ﺧﺎﺻ ﺔ وأن ﻋﻠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻗ ﺪ ﻧﺸ ﺄ ﻓ ﻲ إﻃ ﺎر‬ ‫اﻻﺣ ﺘﻼل اﻟﻐﺮﺑ ﻲ ﻟﺒﻠ ﺪان ﻋﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ، وأن أول اﻟﺪارﺳ ﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت آ ﺎﻧﻮا‬ ‫ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻤﺴ ﺘﻌﻤﺮﻳﻦ. وأﺧﻴ ﺮا ﻓﺪراﺳ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت ﺗﻬ ﺪد ﻓ ﻲ ﻧﻈ ﺮ اﻟ ﺒﻌﺾ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﻮﺣﺪة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ.‬ ‫اﻧﻄﻠﻘ ﺖ ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﺘ ﺄﻣﻼت ﻣ ﻦ ﻗ ﺮاءة ﻧﻘﺪﻳ ﺔ ﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋ ﺔ ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫اﻷﺑﺤ ﺎث اﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﺛﻼﺛ ﺔ ﻣ ﺆﺗﻤﺮات ﻧﻈﻤﺘﻬ ﺎ اﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴ ﺔ ﻟﻌﻠ ﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ . وﺧﺮﺟ ﺖ اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜ ﺔ ﺑﻌ ﺪ ﺗﻘ ﺪﻳﻢ اﻟﻤﺤ ﺎور اﻷﺳﺎﺳ ﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻬ ﺬﻩ اﻷﺑﺤ ﺎث ﺑﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋ ﺔ ﻣﻼﺣﻈ ﺎت ﺗﻠﻴﻬ ﺎ ﺑﻌ ﺾ اﻟﺘﻮﺻ ﻴﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻮﺟﻬ ﺔ إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﻌ ﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﻓ ﻲ ﻋﻠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت. ﻓﺎﻟﻤﻼﺣﻈ ﺔ ﺗﺘﻨ ﺎول‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺸ ﺎآﻞ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺗﺒ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ هﻴﻤﻨ ﺔ اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻴﻦ ﻣ ﻦ ﻏﻴ ﺮ اﻟﻌ ﺮب ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫اﻷﺑﺤ ﺎث اﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣ ﺔ، واﻹﻓ ﺮاط ﻓ ﻲ اﻻﻋﺘﻤ ﺎد ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻤ ﻨﻬﺞ اﻟﻮﺻ ﻔﻲ‬ ‫دون اﻻهﺘﻤ ﺎم اﻟﻜ ﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻮاﻧ ﺐ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﺔ واﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴ ﺔ ﻟﻠﻈ ﻮاهﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﻣﺤ ﻞ اﻟﺒﺤ ﺚ. وﻣ ﻦ ﺿ ﻤﻦ اﻟﺘﻮﺻ ﻴﺎت أن ﻳﻌﻄ ﻲ اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻮن‬ ‫اهﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎ أآﺒﺮ ﻟﻠﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﺘﻘﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ وﻟﻠﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ.‬
  50. 50. Gerda Mansour The interest in dialectology is growing in Arabic speaking countries, despite the traditional prejudice against dialects and the many erroneous preconceived notions engendered by an uncritical and rigid education. Many linguists in various departments within the Humanities faculties of Egyptian universities have been trained in western linguistic theories and methods and are using their training in the study of their mother tongue. Others would like to conduct such research but are not familiar with the specific methods required for this subject. I am addressing myself particularly to the latter and to the lay reader interested in language issues. The first problem we encounter is related to the term dialect itself and here we have to admit that so far no linguist has come up with a satisfactory linguistic definition, distinguishing dialect from language. All the commonly mentioned distinctions - other than prejudices - are extra-linguistic or sociolinguistic; for instance, that dialects are generally not written, that they are used in informal communication, that they are limited to small geographic areas or social groups, etc… Dialect is always used as being subordinate to language (X is a dialect of Y), and yet this categorisation may in itself be problematic in areas of geographic contiguity. For instance, on both sides of the German/ Dutch border the same dialect is spoken − at least the native speakers conceive it as such. Officially, however, on the right side of the river Rhine it is referred to as a German dialect, whereas on the left side it is a Dutch dialect; and the two standardised languages have quite distinct features. In fact there is a dialect continuum in these and other areas with linguistic divergence gradually increasing with 48
  51. 51. Reflections on Arabic Dialectology geographical distance. Needless to say, dialects can become languages once they are standardised, written and adopted as the official language/s of an independent country. In other words, the humorous definition a language is a dialect with an army gives a fairly realistic picture of the situation. The second problem relates to the branch of linguistics devoted to the study of dialects, dialectology, which requires specific methodologies. Ideally, a dialectologist should master both – the latest methodologies of dialectology and be a native speaker. While a non- native speaker may eventually acquire similar competence, he/she will always be handicapped in having his/her findings accepted by native speakers. This is particularly the case against the background of colonialism and orientalism. I find myself in a double bind, being a non-native speaker and a non-dialectologist, but having been pushed to look at some research on Arabic dialectology, the following are some of my reactions and reflections, in the hope that others in a better position than myself may find them useful. There are a number of reasons why, up to date, dialectology does not enjoy a very good reputation in Arab countries. One is of course ignorance among the educated general public concerning the basic principles of linguistics, namely that linguists are engaged in describing, not prescribing language. Linguistics is not to be confused with language teaching nor language planning, although both those activities should presuppose a thorough knowledge of this science. Most linguistic studies concentrate on analysing the spoken rather 49
  52. 52. Gerda Mansour than the written language, as well as the day-to-day communicative strategies used by native speakers. When studying the spoken language anywhere in the world the question of dialect is unavoidable. In all this Arabic linguists are on a collision course with the main concern of the educated public − those who are understandably proud of the Arabic literary heritage and want to maintain the supremacy of the vehicle of this heritage − al fuSHa.1 The study of dialects − it is feared − might challenge this supremacy and produce a break with tradition. And although the spoken dialects are every native speaker's real mother tongue and should be the focus of feelings of identity and affection − an expectation confirmed by the fact that every public speaker wanting to reach the hearts and minds of the people makes use of the dialect's appeal, yet the attitude of the native speakers of Arabic is ambivalent. As the citations in footnote 1 from two leading intellectuals of the 20th century show, dialects are considered by many to be a perversion and corruption of the written language. And it is this negative image which interferes with the normal attitude to the mother tongue, without 1 I am taking over two citations from Haeri (1996) I am and shall remain, unalterably opposed to those who regard the colloquial as a suitable instrument for mutual understanding and a method for realizing the various goals of our intellectual life because I simply cannot tolerate any squandering of the heritage, however slight, that classical Arabic has preserved for us. The colloquial lacks the qualities the qualities to make it worthy of the name of a language. I look upon it as a dialect that has become corrupted in many respects. (Taha Hussein, 1954) The colloquial is one of the diseases from which the people are suffering and of which they are bound to rid themselves as they progress. I consider the colloquial one of the failings of our society, exactly like ignorance, poverty and disease. (Duwwarah, 1965) 50
  53. 53. Reflections on Arabic Dialectology helping in any way with the difficult task of acquiring the written standard language. What might help to change this situation is creating the awareness that all languages start as spoken languages/dialects; that they evolve with time − not as the result of ignorance or negligence but as the result of changing social conditions. It needs to be underlined that there is a general linguistic principle at work − the older the literary tradition the greater is the gap between the spoken language and the written text (unless there have been many deliberate reforms of the written language). The training of native speaker linguists should thus cover the theories of language change and methodologies used in dialectology elsewhere. Another reason for the negative attitude towards dialectology may be related to the fact that, until recently, the field of Arabic dialectology has been exclusively the domain of western scholars. That this raised sensitivities and negative attitudes is not surprising when seen in the context of the colonial history of Arab countries. For instance, it seems that in Algeria and Morocco, dialect studies were first carried out by military men of the colonial administration and had as their ideological context the attempt to replace Arabic by French. 2 Last, but not least, the cultural and political dimension of Pan- Arabism may have created one of the most powerful barriers to the study of Arabic dialects. One must not forget that political division 2 Kouloughli (1996) describes the tone and intent of an article by Marcais (1930) and how the latter considers that cet idiome sémitique affligé d'une incurable diglossie ne peut prétendre à aucun rôle dans l'avenir culturel et politique de l'Algérie, voire du Maghreb. 51
  54. 54. Gerda Mansour was imposed by the colonial powers. Despite this division Pan-Arab cultural identity is still strong and can only be strengthened in the present hostile international environment. The Pan-Arab opposition to dialect studies is also based on the misconception that dialectology has as its aim the establishment of separate languages and thus removing one of the most important factors uniting the Arab world. This misconception may be partly linked to the dominance of foreign scholars in the field and partly to the prevalent methodologies that tend to emphasise differences and omit to outline what is common. Unfortunately, a perusal of recent contributions in Arabic dialectology can only strengthen this impression. I intend to deal with these aspects in detail below, referring to three volumes produced by AIDA (Association Internationale de Dialectologie Arabe) based on three conferences - the first in 1993 in Paris, the second in 1995 in Cambridge and the third in 1998 in Malta. My observations will be grouped under three headings: dominance of foreign scholars; discussion of methodologies and types of studies in dialectology; and conclusion. (A) Dominance of foreign scholars. The first volume in this collection (1993) is divided into four sections: systems and functions, comparative dialectology, historical dialectology and sociolinguistics. Of the 36 papers, four are written by native speakers of an Arabic dialect from Arab universities and another four by native speakers of Arabic from universities abroad. Two contributions are from Malta on Maltese. Volume 2 (1995) 52

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