Gaza under the Assyrian Empire


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Gaza under the Assyrian Empire

  1. 1. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under the Assyrian EmpireAuthor(s): Nadav NaʾamanReviewed work(s):Source: Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins (1953-), Bd. 120, H. 1 (2004), pp. 55-72Published by: Deutscher Verein zur Erforschung PalästinasStable URL: .Accessed: 20/03/2012 19:16Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact Deutscher Verein zur Erforschung Palästinas is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins (1953-).
  2. 2. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under theAssyrian Empire By Nadav NaamanGaza (Gazze) ismentioned for the first time in the annals of Thutmose III, and itwas themain Egyptian centre in Canaan in the Late Bronze Age. Later, in the early Iron Age, itbecame the capital of a kingdom under its own ruler (cf. the sor?nim in biblical historiog raphy, e.g. Josh 13,3). The history of Gaza in the firstquarter of the first millennium b.c.e.,before the arrival of theAssyrians, is practically unknown, but the citymust have kept its independence forhundreds of years, except possibly for shortperiods of subjection to neighbouring powers (e.g., Aram Damascus under Hazael). Its political status compared to itsneighbours is indicated by the prophecy of Amos against the Philistine kingdoms (Amos 1,6-8), which denounces only Gaza, while the punishment falls on all fourkingdoms (Gaza,Ashdod [Isd?d], Ashkelon [(Asqal?n] and Ekron [Hirbet el-MuqannacIT?l Miqn?]). Thus,Gaza was probably themost important Philistine kingdom in themid-eighth century b.c.e.When Tiglath-pileser III reached Philistia in 734 b.c.e. Gaza had been an established kingdom for about 400 years, with its own regime, administrative and religious institutions (for surveys of the history of Gaza, see Stark 1852; Mayer 1907; Eph?al 1971; Katzenstein 1992; Ovadiah 1993; Ehrlich 1996; Humbert 2000). The available documents make itpossible to sketch an outline of thehistory of Gaza from the Assyrian conquest on, but thedata are open to differentinterpretations. Some fundamentalproblems are debated among scholars. For example: the statusof thekingdom of Gaza underAssyrian rule; the kingdoms borders; the scope of theAssyrian intervention in its internalaffairs; the relation between Gazas rulers and the tribal leaders situated near itsborders; andfinally, the changes in its political status between theAssyrian withdrawal from Palestine (late 630s or early 620s b.c.e.) and thePersian conquest of Egypt (about 525 b.c.e.). To investigate these problems we have documentary and archaeological evidence. Thereare diverse documents - includingAssyrian, Babylonian and Greek texts,epigraphic inscrip tions from south Palestine, and theBible. The archaeological evidence is known from excavations and surveys (see recentlyyezerski 2003). The long delay in publishing many excavations and surveys conducted in southernPalestine and northernSinai, the results of whichare known only from preliminary reports and summary articles, is a serious obstacle toresearch. Another obstacle is that the Tell of ancient Gaza, located in themiddle of themodern city,has been occupied uninterruptedly for thousands years and is covered by modernbuildings (see Phythian-adams 1923). It is thereforepractically impossible to excavate the site of ancient Gaza. In what follows I will tryto clarify some of the above-mentioned problems, opening thediscussion with Tiglath-pilesers 734 campaign to Philistia, which started a new era in thehistory of Gaza after hundreds years of relative stability.zdpv 120 (2004) 1
  3. 3. 56 Nadav Naaman Gaza in the Inscriptionsof Tiglath-pileser IIIAccording to theEponym Chronicle, the first Assyrian campaign to the coast of Philistia tookplace in the year 734 b.c.e. The campaign aimed to block the possible approach of anEgyptian task force to Philistia, and took the anti-Assyrian coalition headed by Rezin ofDamascus by surprise ( a a 1991, 92-93). The annals describing the events of thatyearhave not yet been found, but three summary inscriptionsof Tiglath-pileser III (Summ. 4, 8and 9) relate in similar phrases the campaign conducted against Gaza in thatyear (see the synoptic table inTadmor 1994, 222-225). The Gaza episode as related in Summ. 4 may be restored as follows (Spieckermann 1982, 325-330; Tadmor 1994, 138-141 lines 8-15; a5a a 1999a, 401-402; Frahm 1997/98, 403 ad p. 188-189): - "Hanunu of Gaza, [who] fle[d before] my weapons and escaped [to] Egypt Gaza, [his royal city, i conquered. His people], his goods and [his] gods [i despoiled. An imag]e [of the great] gods, my [lords], my royal image [i fashioned gold and setup] in the and of Gaza]. i counted(them) palace [of among the gods of their land, and established [th]eir [regular offerings?]. As for [him (/. e., Hanunu), the fear of my majesty] overwhelmed him and like a bird he flew [from Egypt...]. i returned him to his position, [The city of Gaza i turned] into [an Assyrian] emp[orium. Gold], silver, multi-coloured ... i re]ceived." garments, linen garments, large [horses,According to the three summary inscriptions, Hanunu of Gaza fled toEgypt and theAssyrianking entered the city, erected his stele in thepalace, carried itsbooty toAssyria and imposedpayment of an annual tribute. Hanunu, who fled toEgypt, returnedand submitted toTiglathpileser. He was restored to the throneand became an Assyrian vassal. An Assyrian emporiumwas established atGaza in order to control the maritime commerce with Egypt and theLevant (Tadmor 1994, 222-225; Ehrlich 1996, 94-98, with earlier literature; a a 2001,260-261). The authors of Summ. 8-9 combined the takingof thebooty and thepayment of tributein one passage, whereas the author of Summ. 4 kept them separate. In the firstpart of theepisode he mentioned the booty (people, valuable goods and statues of gods), and in thesecond part he listed the tribute.The "gods" (Hani) are probably the ancestral gods of Hanunu, rather thanGazas cult statues ( aa a 1999a, 401-404; for a different interpretation, see uehlinger 2002, 109-115). The deportation probably included members of theroyal family (tadmor 1994, 176 line 15) and statues of the royal house of Gaza, all of whichwere transferred Assyria inorder to secure the loyaltyofGazas king. Retaining the statues toof royal houses was an effective step thatcould secure loyalty. Whether the despoiled statueswere returned remains unknown1. eventually The removal of thegods from Gaza is juxtaposed in Summ. 4 with the transfertoGaza ofa golden image (probably a golden plaque in the formof a stele) of theAssyrian king and thesymbols of theAssyrian gods2. This image was established in the palace of Gaza, where a 1 Tiglath-pilesers policy towards Gaza may be compared to that of Sennacherib towards Ashkelon. After the conquest of the city in 701 b.c.e., Sennacherib deported the rebellious king (Sidqa), some members of his family, and "the gods of his (/.e., $idqa) fathers house" (Oppenheim 1969, 287b). 2 Formally, the texts of Summ. 4,10 and 8,17 refer to two images and must be translated in the plural. However, the author was probably describing a golden plaque in the form of a stele, on which were depicted the king and the symbols of the great gods of Assyria, similar in form to the statues erected by the Assyrian kings. The plural form was necessary in order to juxtapose the deported statues with the new golden image set in the palace (see Tadmor 1994, 177 note 16; Uehlinger 1997, 310). ZDPV 120 (2004) 1
  4. 4. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under the Assyrian Empire 57chapel was probably built for it and regular offeringsmade. The statuemust have been areminder to the king of Gaza who held the real power. In the context of the inscriptions, theAssyrian image(s) set up in the palace took the place of the statues deported fromGaza toAssyria. Tiglath-pilesers most detailed summary inscription (Summ. 8) mentions a campaign to theBrook of Egypt (Nahal Musur), and the settingup of a royal image immediately after theconquest of Gaza (tadmor 1994, 178 line 18). The toponym umna-halmu-sur is followed in the textby the apposition river (n?[ru]). Thus, it is evident that the text refers to a river (theBrook of Egypt), not to a place called "the city of the Brook of Egypt", as some scholars suggested (e.g., Alt 1945, 129-131; 1953, 157; Ephcal 1982,; Tadmor 1994, 178 note 18). The rivers name, theBrook of Egypt, indicates that from the northernviewpoint itwas considered as theborder of Palestine, and that thedesert area on its southwest andwest was considered an Egyptian territory (see Naaman 1986, 237-251). On the basis of Tiglath-pilesers description of theGaza episode, in particular the settingof a royal image in thepalace and the establishment of an Assyrian emporium,cogan (1993,407) suggested thatGaza had "a political status beyond regular vassaldom but not yet full incorporationas a province". However, there is no indication of Gazas exceptional politicalor administrative status in documents written in the time of laterAssyrian rulers. I haverecently suggested thatAssyrian intervention in the territories vassal kingdoms was the ofnorm rather than the exception. The establishment of an Assyrian emporium at Gaza hasparallels in building projects carried out by Assyrian rulers in other vassal kingdoms in theLevant (i.e., Ashdod, Tyre, Sidon, Arvad, Edom, and possibly Byblos, Judah and Moab)(Finkelstein/Singer-Avitz 2001; aa a 2001). Moreover, the practice of settingAssyrian royal images with the symbols of thegods of Assyria in palaces and temples of vassalkings is well documented in theAssyrian royal inscriptions (Yamada 2000, 295-297; seeSpieckermann 1982, 322-344). Yamada (2000, 296-270) suggested that the image withsymbols of thegods served for the swearing of theoath and as a witness to honoring theoath imposed on the ruler and the local elite. cole andmachinist (1998, XIV-XV.XXIII notes26-30) furthernoted that royal divine images functioned as an object of oath. We mayconclude that Gazas treatment was not uncommon, and that there is no evidence of thekingdoms exceptional status among theAssyrian vassals in theLevant. Gaza in the Inscriptions of Sargon IIAfter his victory over Hamath and its allies (720 b.c.e.), Sargon led his troops towardsPhilistia (for references, see Fuchs 1994, 437 sub voce H?zutu; Oppenheim 1969, 285).Unlike Tiglath-pilesers campaign of 734 b.c.e., on thisoccasion Egyptian troops crossed theSinai Peninsula and came to the aid of Hanunu, king of Gaza. The Assyrian army won thebattle near Raphia (Refah), theEgyptian task force retreated toEgypt, and Hanunu was taken into captivity and deported to Assyria. Sargon destroyed the city of Raphia, seized "9033people together with their many possessions" and deported them toAssyria (fuchs 1994, 90 lines 54-57; Oppenheim 1969, 285). Gazas new king is not named in Sargons Since Silli-Bel, the king of Gaza inscriptions.who ismentioned for the first time in Sennacheribs 701 b.c.e. campaign, was still in powerin 667 (Streck 1916, 140-142 line 28), itwas probably his unnamed predecessor whozdpv 120 (2004) 1
  5. 5. 58 Nadav Na5amansucceeded Hanunu on the throneof Gaza. The contributionspaid by Gaza and relatedmattersare mentioned three times in theAssyrian documents of the time of Sargon II:1. A letter the time of Sargon (ND 2765 lines 33-46) runs as follows (Postgate of 1974, 117-118; Deller 1985, 329-330; Weippert 1987, 100 note 36, with earlier literature; Parp?la 1987 no. 110; Saggs 2001, 219-221): "I have received 45 horses of the [lan]d?. The emissaries of Egypt, Gaza, Judah, Moab and Ban Ammon entered Calah on the twelfth, with their tribute in their hands. 24 horses of the (emissary) of Gaza inhis hand.The (emissaries Edom,Ashdod andEkron [went of) o]ut? [of i]t?([TA? MUR]UB4 [??-su? ]-u-ni)." The governor of Calah reports to the king first that the emissaries of some western kingdoms, includingEgypt, had arrived inCalah and brought horses as gifts to theAs syrian court. Secondly, he informs the king that theGaza envoy had brought an extra delivery of 24 horses, either as a special gift, or his deficit from the previous year3. Thirdly, he mentions that theenvoys of Edom, Ashdod and Ekron, who must have arrived was sent to inCalah earlier, possibly with a gift of horses, had left the city. The letter Marduk-remani, the provincial governor of Calah. Since another governor was in office in 712, itwas written before thisdate (Deller 1985, 330; 1987, 219).2. According to an Assyrian administrative document (ND 2672), the ruler of Gaza dis patched 17 horses (postgate 1974, 388-389 lines 24-35). The horses must have been of the breed known in theAssyrian documents as mat K?sayu, i.e., Nubian (Postgate 1974, 11). They were delivered toAddu-hati, governor of Subat-Hamath in the time of Sargon II (postgate 1974, 382 note 2)4.3. A tablet fromFort Shalmaneser (ND 10078) records the distributionof wine (dalley/ Postgate 1984 no. 135; Deller 1985, 328-330; Weippert 1987, 100 note 36). Among the recipients are delegates from Palestinian kingdoms, who received thewine on two occasions. The envoys of Ashdod, Edom, Gaza and Judah received wine at an "early time" (p?niutu); and the envoys of Ashdod (KUR Sa-du-d[u-a-a])5, Judah,Edom, Ekron and Ban-Ammon (and possibly others; the tablet breaks at this place), received it on a "later" occasion (urk?utu).The tablet should be dated to the time of Sargon II (deller 1985, 328-329), and it is possible that these delegations are referred to in tabletND 2765.4. In a letterdiscovered at Nineveh (ABL 568), Sennacherib, the crown prince, informshis father,Sargon II, of the contributions received from two cities, and their distribution among dignitaries of the royal Assyrian court (Martin 1936, 40-49; postgate 1974, 111.283-284; parpola 1987, 35-36 no. 34). A closely related list of contributions received from Ashkelon appears inND 2672 (see above). In lightof theclose similarityof the dispatches mentioned inND 2672 and ABL 568, it is evident that the lattercontri butions were sent by Philistine cities, one of which must have been Ashkelon. As de 3 For the king of Ashkelon paying to Assyria the deficit of the former year, see postgate 1974, 387 line 3. 4 For references to his correspondence, see Parp?la 1987, 233 sub voce Adda-hati. For the province of Subat-Hamath, see Naaman 1999b, 421-429. 5 The name of Ashdod is written in two different forms in the Assyrian texts, i. e., Asdudu and Sadudu. See Weippert 1987, 100 note 36; Ephcal 1999, 5-6. ZDPV 120 (2004) 1
  6. 6. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under the Assyrian Empire 59 liveries fromAshkelon and Gaza are listed inND 2672, itmay be speculated that the second was sent from Gaza 6. deliveryAccording to theNineveh Prism of Sargon, in 711 b.c.e. theAshdodites tried in vain to induce some Assyrian vassals (the kings of Philistia, Judah,Edom andMoab) to rebel againstAssyria (Fuchs 1998, 46 lines 25-28; Oppenheim 1969, 287). The designation "kings ofPhilistia" {sarr?ni mat Piliste) refers to the threekingdoms of Gaza, Ashkelon and Ekron,described in theprism as "payers of tributeand gifts toAshur, my lord", /. loyal Assyrian e.yvassals. Gaza under theLate Assyrian and Babylonian EmpiresThe city of Gaza is notmentioned in the description of Sennacheribs campaign to Palestine,either in the list of tributepayers near Sidon, or in the description of the fighting (frahm 1997, 53-55 lines 32-60; 58-59; Oppenheim 1969, 287-288). However, Silli-Bel, king ofGaza, ismentioned among thePhilistine rulers towhom Sennacherib assigned Judahite territories at the close of the campaign (Luckenbill 1924, 33 line 34; see 70 line 30; Oppenheim 1969, 288). Taking into account the strategicposition of Gaza on theway toEgypt, and the fact thatan Egyptian task force crossed Philistia on itsway to Eltekeh, we may assumethatGaza was forced to participate in the anti-Assyrian alliance, and thatEgyptian troopswere stationed in the city7.When theEgyptian task force retreated, theking of Gaza surrendered toAssyria, and like other Philistine rulers (/.e., Padi of Ekron and Sharru-lu-dari ofAshkelon), whose kingdoms had been forced to take part in the anti-Assyrian coalition, wastreatedfavourably and received some territories detached from thekingdom of Judah. In 695b.c.e., the king of Gaza dispatched toNineveh a tributeof 1 talent of silver (Fales/Postgate 1995, 43 no. 54). Silli-Bel is listed in the inscriptions of Esarhaddon among the Palestinian and CypriotAssyrian vassals who were mobilized forwork in the constructionofNineveh (borger 1956,60 line 57; Oppenheim 1969, 291). He is listed once again in an inscriptionof Ashurbanipalamong theAssyrian vassals who participated inhis campaign toEgypt in 667 b.c.e. (Streck 1916, 140-142 line 28; Oppenheim 1969, 294). Nebuchadrezzar captured Gaza in the course of the conquest of Syria-Palestine in 604b.c.e. In 601/600 he crossed northernSinai but was defeated atMagdolos (Herodotus II 159).In a counter-attack Necho II conquered Gaza (Jer47,1), but could not hold it and retreated tohis land (Freedy/Redford 1970, 475 note 57; Lipinski 1972; Lipschits 1998, 468-469).Gaza and Ashdod are mentioned in the list of Philistine and Phoenician kings and theirkingdoms that appears in a broken prism written inNebuchadrezzar IPs seventh year (598b.c.e.) (Unger 1931, 286 lines 23-29; Oppenheim 1969, 287-288; Na3aman 2000, 40-41,with earlier literature in note 25), whereas Ashkelon and Ekron had been destroyed before 6 that the formerly suggested reading for Rev. The tablet was collated by parpola, who demonstrated 1 ([...] ma-da-t? mA-zu-r[i...]) is erroneous (see parpola 1987, 255). The assumption that the tribute was sent by Azuri, king of Ashdod, must be abandoned. Rev. 1may tentatively be restored [PAP an-ni]- r? ma-da-t?-^mA-ta...]; "[All thi]s (is) the tribute of Ata[.. .]".Was Ata[.. .] the ruler of Gaza in the time of Sargon II? 7 then served as the Egyptian headquarter and as a Kitchen (1983, 249-251) suggested that Gaza base for operations.ZDPV 120 (2004) 1
  7. 7. 60 Nadav Naaman thatyear and aremissing from the list.This is the latest textualevidence of Gaza as kingdomunder its own ruler. Later, at an unknown date, itwas annexed by the Babylonians, and under thePersian Empire was included in theArabian territory northernSinai (see below). of The Boundary System of Gaza in theLate Eighth - Seventh Centuries b.c.e. In IronAge II threePhilistine city-stateswere located along the southern coast of Palestine (fig. 1): Ashdod, Ashkelon and Gaza. The boundaries that separated them are clear: W?d?Ibt?h (Nahal Evtah) between Ashdod and Ashkelon, and W?d? el-Hes? (Nahal Siqm?) be tweenAshkelon and Gaza. The natural northern boundary of thekingdom of Ashdod isNahrR?bin (Nahal S?r?q), and thatof the kingdom of Gaza on the south isW?d? Gazze (NahalBds?r). Assuming for themoment that thesewere the boundaries of the three neighbouringkingdoms, the coast of Ashdod would have extended over about 23 km8, thatof Ashkelonover about 18km and thatof Gaza over about 20 km. On the eastern side, the three Iron II kingdoms must have reached thewestern borders of thekingdom of Gath. Following Hazaels conquest of Gath in the late ninth centuryb.c.e. (2Kgs 12,18), Ashdod expanded eastward and annexed the city of Gath. Ashkelon and Gazaalso took advantage of Gaths decline and expanded eastward, up to thewestern border of the -kingdom of Judah.The kingdom of Gaza possibly reached the line of Tell en-Nag?le Telles-SerVa. On theassumption that thekingdom ofGazas southernborder reachedW?d? Gazze(Nahal Bas?r), its southeasternbordermust have passed W?d? es-SerVa (Nahal Ggr?r), up to its juncturewith W?d? Gazze (Nahal Bos?r). Against this minimalist approach to the border system of Gaza, which demarcates itssoutheastern and southern borders along W?d? es-SerVa (Nahal Gor?r) and W?d? Gazze(Nahal Bas?r), Oren (1993a) has suggested a maximal delineation of Gazas borders. Hispoint of departure is the distributionof Assyrian centres in thewestern Negev and northernSinai. Among these centres are Tell el-Hes?, Tell es-SerVa, Tell Abu Hur?ra, Tell Gemme, TellAbu Sal?ma and er-Ruq?s, taking it for granted that all these centres were built within theconfines of a single kingdom, that of Gaza, and thusmark its borders. Moreover, orenassumed that Gaza effectively controlled large territories and villages located in the sparsely inhabited regions of thewestern Negev and northernSinai9. By identifyingthe Brook ofEgypt (AssyrianNahal Musur) as W?d? el-Aris, he delineated the borders of Gaza betweenW?d? el-Ar?s on the southwest,Tell el-F?r"a (south) on the southeast and Tell el-Hes? on thenortheast. 8 For the assumption that Ashdods northern border in the Iron Age passed along Nahr R?b?n (Nahat see Naaman 1998. In the Late Bronze Age Joppa was an ??r?q), Egyptian centre, and following the Egyptian withdrawal from Canaan in about the mid-twelfth century B.c.E. it became the port of the newly-established kingdom of Ekron (for a different interpretation, see FiNKELSTElN 1996, 228-231). After Ekrons destruction in about the mid-tenth century B.C.E. the area of Joppa passed either to Ashdod or to Ashkelon. In the late eighth century the city and its hinterland were in Ashkelons hands, and in 701 B.C.E. Sennacherib transferred the area of Joppa to Padi, king of Ekron. It is thus evident that Joppa, with its hinterland, changed hands many times and was never an independent city. This explains its handing over by the Persian king in about themid-fifth century to Eshmunazer, king of Sidon (donner/R?LLIG 1966-69 no. 14 line 18). 9 For a similar delineation of the of Iron I Gaza, see FiNKELSTElN territory 1996, 228-231. ZDPV 120 (2004) 1
  8. 8. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under the Assyrian Empire 61 Fig. 1. Southern Palestine and Northern Sinai in the Seventh Century B.c.E. (1)Nahr R?bin (Nahal S?r?q); (2) W?d? Ibt?h (NahalEvtah); (3) W?d? el-Hes? (Nahal Siqm?); (4) W?d??azze (Nahal Bss r); (5) W?d?es-SerVa (Nahal Ggr?r); (6) W?d? eWAr?LZDPV 120 (2004) 1
  9. 9. 62 Nadav Na5aman The assumption that the distributionof theAssyrian centres located in southernPalestine and northernSinai is congruentwith theboundaries of thekingdom of Gaza is not supportedby the evidence. First, theAssyrian built theircentres in the territories almost all vassal ofkingdoms in the Levant (see recently: Finkelstein/singer-AviTZ 2001; naaman 2001,with earlier literature),so the attributionof all the above-mentioned Assyrian centres to the territory Gaza is arbitrary.Second, the realityof borders thatpass through sparsely inhab of ited areas, where therewere few permanent settlements, must be examined in light of the textual evidence. After all, local leadersmight control territoriesand settlements located inperipheral areas and their tribal territories were not controlled by neighbouring kingdoms.Oren produced no evidence that the rulersof Gaza effectivelycontrolled the sparsely inhab ited areas of northernSinai and the southwestern Negev, or that those areas were consideredpart of its territories. Contrary toOrens suggestion,Assyrian royal inscriptions indicate that the local tribal leaders of northernSinai and thewestern Negev cooperated with theAssyrians, who assigned them to supervise their tribal territories(see alt 1945, 131-135; 1953, 160-162; tadmor 1966, 89-92; Na5aman 1979, 69-72.84; Ephcal 1982, 93-94.99-100). For example, Tig lath-pileserappointed IdibPilu as a "gatekeeper facing Egypt" (tadmor 1994, 168 line 6).He also appointed Siruatti theMeunite to the office of q?pu over the area below Egypt (Naaman 1997). Sargon placed the s?h (lunas?ku) of the city of Laban (whose name isunfortunatelybroken) in charge of the deportees settled near the Brook of Egypt (NahalMusur) (Na3aman 1979, 71 and note 6; fuchs 1998, 57). The toponym rllbn ismentionedafterRaphia in Shishaks topographical list,and Alt (1945, 133-134) suggested identifying itwith the Laban mentioned in Sargons inscription.Laban was probably a tribal centre located in theRaphia area, where Sargon settleddeportees to replace those thathe deported inhis 720 b.c.e. campaign (Alt 1945, 130-134; Na5aman 1979, 81-82). Esarhaddon in his second year (679 b.c.e.) conducted a campaign against Arza, a city located in the border zone of the Brook of Egypt {Nahal Musur), plundered the city anddeportedAsuhili, itsking, and its inhabitants(for references, see borger 1956, 130 sub voceArza; Oppenheim 1969, 290.292). Asuhili was probably a local s?h, leader of the pastoralgroups who lived in the area ofNahal Musur, and his status in this area was similar to thatof the s?h of Laban in the timeof Sargon II ( a5a a 2001, 264-265). IdibPilu, Siruatti, thes?h of Laban and Asuhili were tribal leaders who lived in the area near the border of Egypt,and theirtribal territorieswere not included in thekingdom of Gazas territory. is thusclear It thatGazas southern and eastern borders passed north and west of their territories. Preparing to cross the Sinai desert and conquer Egypt (671 b.c.e.), Esarhaddon arrived inRaphia and there made the final preparations for crossing thedesert (borger 1956, 112 lines 16-18). He described it thus: "Camels (ansegammali)of all thekings of theArabs I gfatheredand goatskins I l]oaded on them" (borger 1956, 112 rev. lines 1-2). A parallel fragmentedpassage mentions goat- and waterskins (borger 1957/58, 118 ?77 line 10)10. The Arabscontrolled both the road and other means of transportation, making it necessary to cooperatewith them (Ephcal 1982, 137-142). The of Gaza, who, to Orens king according assumption, effectivelygoverned the area of Raphia, played no part in the preparations to the campaign and evidently had no power in this area. 10 For the amount of water necessary for the army to cross the Sinai desert, see the estimation of Cruz-Uribe 2003, 22-23. ZDPV 120 (2004) 1
  10. 10. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under the Assyrian 63 Empire Sargon ITs inscriptions state that he "opened the sealed h[arb]our (k[?r]u) of Egypt,mingled Assyrians and Egyptians together and made them trade with each other" (Gadd 1954, 179 lines 46-49; fuchs 1994, 88 lines 17-18). Oren (1993b; Oren et al. 1986) identifiedthe "sealed harbour" as thewell-planned and heavily fortifiedsite of er-Ruq?s. Thesite is located along the coast, about 7.5 km south of W?d? Gazze (Nahal Bos?r), and coversan area of about 20-25 acres. Its geometric configuration, internal plan, massive defensesystem andmud brick platforms- all these elements indicate that it was built by theAssyriansand served as their main port on the coast south of Gaza. Orens suggested identificationofer-Ruq?s with the "sealed harbour" thatSargon built is fully vindicated by his excavations atthe site. Sargons statement, that he opened "the sealed harbour of Egypt", is remarkable. It indicates that theAssyrians considered the area of er-Ruq?s to be Egyptian territory, andcontradicts the assumption that W?d? e l-Aris, located about 60 km southwest of it, marked theborder of Egypt. Reading the Assyrian royal inscriptions, it becomes clear that before the conquest ofEgypt, the city of Raphia, located 21 km south of the estuary of W?d? Gazze (Nahal Bds?r),far northeast (47km) fromW?d? el-"Aris,was the southernmostplace they reached in theircampaigns. This is indicated by two references: (1) In 720 b.c.e. Sargon fought an Egyptian task force led by the army commander Re5e (Egyptian Raia or RaHa), and afterhis victory destroyed the city of Raphia and deported itspeople (see above). At er-Ruq?s, about themidway between Raphia and W?d? Gazze (NahalBds?r), he built the new port to serve as a major harbour for the commerce with Egypt,therebycompeting with Gaza for the profits from theEgyptian trade.The new harbour alsosecured the naval and continental transportation between Gaza and Raphia. (2) In his campaign to conquer Egypt (671 b.c.e.) Esarhaddon camped atAphek (Tell Rasel- ), near the southwesternborder of the province of Samaria, and proceeded southward"as far as (adi) the town of Raphia, to theborder zone (ana ite) of theBrook of Egypt". The location of Raphia is defined by reference to the region of theBrook of Egypt (/.e., ana itenahal m?t musur is an adjunct sentence to adi Rapihi), just as the location of the city of sa p?ti m?t Same<ri>na)Aphek is defined by reference to the province of Samaria (Apqu(Borger 1956, 112 line 16)n. In Raphia Esarhaddon loaded on camels as much water asthey could carry for crossing the desert, and continued on itsway toEgypt. It is evident thatRaphia appears as the last settled stationon theway toEgypt. The two references indicate thatthe area between W?d? Gazze (Nahal Bos?r) and Raphia was considered a kind of buffer zoneseparating thekingdom of Gaza from theEgyptian territory. Further support for thisconclusion may be drawn from the location of theBrook of Egypt(Nahal Musur). Two conflicting identifications of its place were proposed: W?d? Gazze(Nahal Bos?r) andW?d? el-Ans. Enclosed are the transcription and translationof the five keyreferences thatappear in the inscriptionsof Tiglath-pileser III (no. 1), Sargon II (no. 2) andEsarhaddon (nos. 3-5): 11 are not sup Raineys translations of ana ite ("as far as, towards") and sa ite ("which is beside") ported by textual evidence (Rainey 1982, 131; 2001, 60).ZDPV 120 (2004) 1
  11. 11. 64 Nadav Na^aman1. ina uruNahal Musur rn?run [sa . . .] (Tadmor 1994, 178 line 18). . "[I erected] my royal stele at theBrook of Egypt, a ri[ver that ..]".2. [. ..] sa patti uruNahal M[usri . . .] (fuchs 1998, 28 line 5). ".. . (situated) at the border zone of theBrook of Eg[ypt . ..]".3. umArzasa iteNahal m?t Musri (borger 1956, 33 line 16). "Arza (situated) at the border zone of theBrook of Egypt".4. uruArzasa p?ti Nahal m?t Musri (borger 1956, 50 line 39; Heidel 1956, 14 line 57). "Arza (situated) at the border zone of theBrook of Egypt".5. adi Rapihi ana iteNahal m?t Musur (borger 1956, 112 line 17). "As far as the town of Raphia, to the border zone of theBrook of Egypt".I rendered the threenouns itu,pattu and p?tu by "border zone", since these terms, like thecognate Hebrew termgsb?l, refer to an area rather than to a borderline. It is evident thatRaphia and Arza were located near theBrook of Egypt. Mazar (1952) suggested identifyingArza as Tell Gemme, on W?dT Gazze (Nahal Bos?r),and his suggestion was accepted by some scholars ( a a 1979, 72-73, with earlier Van Beek 1993, 672; Wapnish literature; 1996, 287-288)l2. I recently discussed the archaeological evidence of Tell Gemme, in particular the rib vaulting over the doorways between the rooms and theostraca. These indicate thatat least some of the inhabitants who livedon the site had come from theZagros mountains (Na3aman/Zadok 1988; Naaman 2001,263-266). It fits Sargons statement thathe settled deportees, who probably came from thenewly-established Assyrian provinces in the east, in the border zone of theBrook of Egypt (fuchs 1998, 28.57). We may conclude thatuntil theAssyrian conquest of Egypt (671 b.c.e.) the area betweenW?dT Gazze (Nahal Bas?r; theBrook of Egypt) and Raphia was considered the frontier the ofAssyrian empire, and that northernSinai was considered to be Egyptian territory. Gazassoutheastern and southwesternborders probably reached the line of W?d? es-SerVa (NahalGdr?r) and W?dT Gazze (Nahal Bss?r), the areas beyond thesewadis being controlled by theArabs, who with the Assyrians, and due to the latters on their trans cooperated dependenceportation, gradually gained greater power and economic strength(briant 1982, 153-176). The Shifting of theBorder in the Sixth - FifthCenturies b.c.e.Esarhaddons 671 b.c.e. campaign, in which he crossed northern Sinai and conquered LowerEgypt, marked a shift in the history of northernSinai. His son, Ashurbanipal, conductedseveral campaigns to Egypt and succeeded in expanding theAssyrian domination toUpperEgypt. This was the firsttime since theend of theLate Bronze Age thatan empire effectivelycontrolled the road thatcrossed northernSinai, although for only a short time. Assyria no doubt made efforts to strengthen its grip over themain routes of northernSinai, and must have built at least some centres in strategic locations the road. How along 12 For the identification of the Brook of Egypt as W?d? el-(Ans, see Rainey 1982, 131-132; EPHcal 1982, 103-105; Ahituv 1984, 203 note 631; Oren 1993a, 102-103; Stern 2001, 114; cf. Hooker 1993. ZDPV 120 (2004) 1
  12. 12. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under the Assyrian Empire 65ever, it is archaeologically impossible to separate the building projects initiatedby theAssyrians in northernSinai after the conquest of Egypt from the earlier projects, in particularsince the surveys of northernSinai did not address thisproblem, but treated the late eighth -seventh centuryperiod as a chronological unit (see oren 1993a; 1993c, 1391-1393; Stern2001, 114-115412-416; yezerski 2003). Tell Abu SalTma (S?h Zuw?yid) is a case in point.The site is located about 15km west of Raphia (Refah), and a fortresswith an Assyrian templewas discovered in the excavations13. However, we cannot decide whether it was built beforeor afterEsarhaddons campaign to Egypt. The scope of theAssyrian building operations innorthernSinai after the conquest of Egypt cannot be established. The process of settlement in northernSinai grew rapidly after theAssyrian conquest ofsouthernPalestine in the late eighth centuryand thenew economic opportunities thatemergedas a result of thepax Assyriaca. We may assume that theAssyrian conquest of Egypt furtheraccelerated this process. After theAssyrian retreatfromEgypt, theEgyptians took its territories inPalestine and probably pursued a similar policy in theirrelationswith the vassals andnomads, so thatprosperity and economic growth continued uninterrupted. Under theNeo-Babylonian empire the kingdom of Gaza was still considered the southernmost region inAsia. This is indicated by one of Nabonidus royal inscriptions.The Babylonian king summoned his troops from all over his realm, defining its southwesternborderas "the land of Gaza on the border of Egypt (p?t m?t Misir)" (langdon 1912, 220 lines39-40). In another inscription commemorating his mother, Adad-Guppi Nabonidus mentionsEgypt (Misir) as marking his southwesternborder (p?tu) (Gadd 1958, 48 line 42; 62line 19). It is thereforeclear that, as in the time of theAssyrian empire, Gazas southernborder was considered in the sixth century to be the southernmost frontierof the NeoBabylonian empire (see Vanderhooft 1999, 39 note 142). 1Kgs 4,21-24 [MT 5,1-4]: "Solomon ruled over all thekingdoms from theRiver to theland of the Philistines and to the border of Egypt. [. ..] For he had dominion over all theregion west theRiver fromTiphsah toGaza". According to this late (post deuteronomistic)text,Solomons kingdom extended from theEuphrates toGaza, which, just like the southwestern border of Nabonidus kingdom, marks the border of Egypt. Thus Solomon was to and Babyloniandepicted as the rulerof an enormous kingdom, equal in extent theAssyrianterritory of eher nari ("Beyond theRiver"). A new concept of the place of Sinai in the boundary system emerged afterCambyses see recentlyCruz-Uribe 2003, withconquest of Egypt in about 525 b.c.e. (for the campaign, This is reflected in the history of Herodotus, who wrote his work after theearlier literature). Herodotus (III 5) deorganization of the Persian province system by Darius I (521-486).scribes the extent of the satrapy of "Beyond theRiver" (eher n?riTAbar-nahar?) as follows(the translationfollows godley 1938): 13 For the excavations on the site, see reich 1984, with earlier literature. In the Hellenistic period Tell Ab? Sallma was probably called Bytyl, and in the Byzantine period was called Bitulion (alt 1926; abel 1939, 227-228.544-548; 1940, 224-227; Tsafrir/di Segni/Green 1994, 91, with earlier literature). Albright (1924, 154-155) suggested identifying Byzantine Betulion with Biblical Beth el (1 Sam 30,27) and Bethul/Bethuel (Josh 19,4; 1 Chr 4,30). Although this suggested identification is untenable (Alt 1935, 309-310), the ancient site may well have been called Bethel, possibly after the temple erected there by the Assyrians.ZDPV 120 (2004) 1
  13. 13. 66 Nadav Naaman "Now the only manifest way of entry into Egypt is this. The road runs from Phoenice as far as the borders of the city of Kadytis, which belongs to the Syrians of Palestine, as it is called. From Kadytis (which, as I judge, is a city not much smaller than Sardis) to the city of Ienysus the seaports belong to the Arabs; then they are Syrian again from Ienysus as far as the Serbonian marsh, beside which the . Casian promontory stretches seawards; from this Serbonian marsh [. .] the country is Egypt. Now between Ienysus and the Casian mountain and the Serbonian marsh there lies a wide territory for as much as three days journey, wondrous waterless".On thebasis of a philological analysis, Leuze (1935, 105-108) demonstrated thatthebordersof Philistia ("from Phoenice as far as the borders of the city of Kadytis") exclude themen 14tioned toponyms; that the seaports of theArabs includes Gaza/Kadytis and Ienysus; andthat the territory the Syrians ("from Ienysus as far as the Serbonian marsh") excludes the ofmentioned toponyms.He thusconcluded that Gaza was at that time in thehands of theArabs,and his conclusion was accepted by other scholars (e.g., MlTTMANN 1983, 132.140; lemaire 1990, 45-46.74; Well 1991, 51-52; Rainey 2001, 59-60),5. Herodotus (II 158; III 5) wrote thattheborderline between the fifthsatrapyof thePersianempire ("beyond theRiver") and the sixth (Egypt) ran close to Mount Casius. The shiftingof theborder and the inclusion of northernSinai in the fifthsatrapy- contrary to the concept ofthe border under theAssyrian and Babylonian empires - were the result of Cambyses conquest of Egypt and its annexation to the empires province system.The conquest of Egyptradically changed the northernconcept of Sinai as an Egyptian territory whose border was located on theBrook of Egypt (Nahal Musur). Northern Sinai was no longer viewed as a kindof no-mans land, a territorythatwas attributed both in Egypt and in Palestine to thekingdom located on its other end (Naaman 1986, 237-251). In the fifth century b.c.e.northernSinai was inhabitedand considered an integralpart of theprovince to thenorthof it. The territory controlled by theArabs was excluded from that of the fifth satrapy (seeAbel 1939, 543). This is indicated by the passage cited above (Herodotus III 5), and byHerodotus III 91: "The fifth province was the country (except the part to the Arabs, which paid no tribute) belonging between Posideion, a city founded on the Cilician and Syrian border by Amphilochus son of Am phiaraus, and Egypt; this paid three hundred and fifty talents; in this province was all Phoenice, and the part of Syria called Palestine, and Cyprus".As forGaza, the city developed under thePersian kings and became themost importantcity inPalestine. Herodotus (III 5) described itas a town "not much smaller thanSardis". Itsriseand prosperity resulted fromAshkelons decline after itsdestruction in 604 b.c.e., and from its prominent place in the south Arabian trade and the commerce with Egypt under theBabylonian and Persian empires. Herodotus II 159wrote that"Necho [. . .]met and defeatedthe Syrians at Magdolus, taking the great Syrian city of Kadytis after the battle". Gaza is -explicitly called a "great Syrian city" /. its inhabitantsare thoseHerodotus (III 5; VII 89) e.,calls "Syrians of Palestine". Assuming that Herodotus description ofGaza reflects the realityof his time, it suggests that themajority of the citys inhabitants were autochthonous Philistines, although political and economic control was in the hands of the Arabs Leuze (see1935, 107). 14 For the name Kadytis (which is interpreted as a nisbe-form, "that of Gaza, Gazaean"), see QuAE gebeur 1995. 15 For a different opinion, see Katzenstein 1989, 71; Mildenberg 1990, 140-141.145-146. ZDPV 120 (2004) 1
  14. 14. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under the Assyrian Empire 67 We may conclude that,according toHerodotus, the fifth satrapy extended between the town of Posideion, on the southernborder of Cilicia, in the north and Mount Casius in thesouth.The Arabian territory between Gazas northernborder and Ienysus in the south (usually located near el-cAnS; see already Stark 1852, 223-224)16 did not belong to the satrapy,7. According to Pseudo-Scylax ? 104, theborders of Syria and Phoenicia extended from theThapsakos River (the Orontes River) in the north, to Ashkelon in the south (leuze 1935,204-229, with earlier literature; Galling 1938; Elayi 1982). The description concludeswith thewords: "This is the border of Coele-Syria. The sailing along the coast from theestuary of Thapsakos to the city of Ashkelon amounts to 1700 stadia". The delineation of Pseudo-Scylax, written in about themid-fourth century b.c.e., differsfrom thatof Herodotus in that it concentrates on thePhoenician cities and their settlementsalong the coast and ignores the Syrian cities. Assuming thatGallings amendment to thefirst lines of the text is valid (Galling 1938, 70-71), the description opens with Arados (Arwad) and leaves a territorial gap between theOrontes and Arados. The text ends withAshkelon and omits the area between Gaza and Mount Casius. It is thus evident that theCoele-Syria referred to in Pseudo-Scylax differs fromHerodotus satrapy of "Beyond theRiver". ConclusionsSumming up thediscussion, it is clear that throughoutthe IronAge II, Gazas southernborderwas located near theborder zone ofW?d? Gazze (Nahal Bas?r; theBrook of Egypt). That itsrulers sometimes held the area of Raphia is a possibility, but cannot be established withcertainty.The area of northernSinai was controlled by Arabian tribal leaders, each having itstribalcentre and territory.Their settlementsmay be described as a kind of urban centres in anomadic environment (compare rowton 1973; 1976). Following the conquest of SyriaPalestine, theAssyrians appointed some tribal leaders as theirrepresentatives in these peripheral areas. The Arabs gained political and economic power from the cooperation with the course ofempires, and from the accelerating settlementprocess in the peripheral areas in thethe 7th- 5th centuries b.c.e., and gradually consolidated their hold in these areas. This isevident from Herodotus description of theArabian control of the emporia of northernSinai, including themajor city of Gaza, in the fifthcentury b.c.e. Under the Persian empire theArabs alone had a king and semi-independent status, and this is reflected in Herodotusstatementthat their territory northernSinai was not included in thePersian taxation system in (Herodotus III 91)18. A direct linemay be drawn from the independence of theArab leaders in northern Sinai before the Assyrian conquest, when they cooperated with the Philistinerulers, to theirgrowing political and economic power as a result of theircooperation with theAssyrian empire, and finally to their independence and control over the coast between Gazaand Ienysus under the Persian empire. 16 Abel (1939, 539-541) suggested that the name Ienysus has the structure of a Greek name that appears in Herodotus with the suffixes -ssos, or -ussos. He therefore disassociated the town from Rhinocorura (el-ArTs) and located it in the vicinity of S?h Zuw?yid. 17 For the road system of northern Sinai in the Persian period, see Graf 1993, 161-167, with earlier literature. 18 Knauf For the Arabs on the periphery of Palestine in the Persian period, see Ephcal 1982, 192-214; 1990; Graf 1990; Lemaire 1990, 45-54, with earlier literature; 1997.ZDPV 120 (2004) 1
  15. 15. 68 Nadav Naaman There are no textual evidence concerning Gazas relationswith the tribal leaders on itssouthern and southeasternborders prior to theAssyrians conquest of 734 b.c.e. There musthave been agreements between the two sides whereby the tribal leaders kept theirautonomy and were allowed to engage in their long-distance trade in return for customs and presents.The two sides benefited from the revenues gained from the commerce, and the agreementsmust have been kept, since neither side was able to take the place of the other. The relations of Gazas rulerswith Assyria were entirelydifferent.I have recently tried to show the aggressive nature of thepolicy implementedby thekings of Assyria in theLevant,and the extent of Assyrian intervention in the internal affairs of their vassals (NaAMAN2001). Tiglath-pileser III wrote thathe turnedthecity ofGaza intoan Assyrian emporium (bitk?ri). The textprobably refers to the construction of an emporium near Gaza, which may tentativelybe identified with the heavily fortified late Iron II settlementof el-Blah?ye, situated near the city of Gaza (Humbert/SADEQ 2000). Sargon built the new port of er-Ruq?s,which competed with Gaza for the revenues from the tradewith Egypt and for the profits of theArabian trade.The many anti-Assyrian rebellions thatbroke out in kingdoms along theMediterranean coast, including the two revolts of Hanunu of Gaza, were the direct results of theAssyrian imperial activity.Under Assyrian rule,Gaza possibly declined; but following thedestructionof Assyria, and later thatof Ashkelon, itsnorthernneighbour,Gaza gained powerand reached itszenith under thePersian empire,when itwas controlled by theArabs, held theforemost position among the coastal cities of Palestine, and was described as "not muchsmaller thanSardis" (Herodotus III 5). Territory is no doubt an importantcomponent in the strengthand economic power ofkingdoms. But there are other factors, no less such as location, naval and conti important,nental routes and means of transportation,capital and internal organization. Alhough its extentwas limited,Gaza took advantage of thesemeans and became one of theterritorialmost importantcities inPalestine in the first millennium b.c.e. BibliographyAbel, F. M. 1939 Les Confins de la Palestine et de sous les Ptol?m?es, Revue 48, l?gypte Biblique 207-236.530-548. 1940 Les Confins de la Palestine et de sous les Ptol?m?es, Revue 49, l?gypte Biblique 994_9^qAhituv, S. 1984 Canaanite Toponyms in Ancient Eevotian Documents (Jerusalem. LeidendAlbright, W. F. 1924 Egypt and theEarlyHistoryof the Negeb, Journal thePalestineOriental Society4, of m -imAlt, A. 1926 Bitolion und Bethelea, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Pal?stina-Vereins 49, 236-242.333-335. 1935 Beitr?ge zur Historischen Geographie und Topographie des Negebs, III. Saruhen, Ziklag, Horma, Gerar, Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 15, 126-141 (= a. alt, Kleine Schriften zur Geschichte des Volkes Israel, II [M?nchen] 1953, 435-450). 1945 Neue assyrische Nachrichten ?ber Pal?stina und Syrien, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Pa l?stina-Vereins 67, 128-159 (= a. Alt, Kleine Schriften zur Geschichte des Volkes Israel, II [M?nchen] 1953, 226-241). 1953 Tiglathpilesers III. erster Feldzug nach Pal?stina, in: a. Alt, Kleine Schriften zur Ge schichte des Volkes Israel, II (M?nchen). 150-162.BORGER, R. 1956 Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, K?nigs von Assyrian (Archiv f?r Orientforschung. Beiheft 9; Graz; reprint Osnabr?ck 1967). ZDPV 120 (2004) 1
  16. 16. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under the Assyrian Empire 69 1957/58 Die Inschriften Asarhaddons (Archiv f?r Orientforschung. Beiheft 9), Nachtrag und Verbesserungen. Archiv f?r Orientforschung 18. 1 -118.Briant, P. 1982 Etat et pasteurs au Moyen-Orient ancien (Paris, Cambridge).COGAN, M. 1993 Judah Under Assyrian Hegemony. A Reexamination of Imperialism and Religion, Jour nal of Biblical Literature 112, 403-414.Cole, S.W./P. Machinist 1998 Letters from Priests to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal (State Archives of As svria 13: Helsinkii.Cruz-Uribe, E. 2003 The Invasion of Egypt by Cambyses, Transeuphrat?ne 25, 9-60.Dalley, S./J.N. Postgate 1984 The Tablets from Fort Shalmaneser (Cuneiform Texts from Nimrud 3; Oxford).Deller, . 1985 SAG.DU.UR.MAH, ?L?wenkopfsitula, L?wenkopfbecher", Baghdader Mitteilungen 16, 327-346. 1987 SAG.DU.UR. MAH. Eine Nachlese, Baghdader Mitteilungen 18, 219-220.Donner, h./w. kollig 1966-69 Kanaan?ische und Aram?ische Inschriften, I-III, 2nd edition (Wiesbaden).Ehrlich, CS. 1996 The Philistines in Transition. A History from ca. 1000-730 .C. E. (Leiden).Elayi, J. 1982 Studies in Phoenician Geography during the Persian Period, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 41, 85-110.hPH al, 1. 1971 Gaza, in: H. Tadmor (ed.), Encyclopaedia Biblica, VI (Jerusalem), 116-122 [Hebr.]. - 5th Centuries 1982 The Ancient Arabs. Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile Crescent 9th B. C. E. (Jerusalem, Leiden). 1999 On the Pronunciation of Some Proper Names, Eretz-Israel 26, 5-7 [Hebr.]Fales, F.M./LN. Postgate 1995 Imperial Administrative Records, IL Provincial and Military Administrations (State Ar chives of Assvria 11 :Helsinki!FlNKELSTE?N, I. 1996 The Philistine Countryside, Israel Exploration Journal 46, 225-242.FiNKELSTEIN, L/L. SINGER-AVITZ 2001 Ashdod Revisited,Tel Aviv 28, 231- 259.Frahm, E. 1997 Einleitung indie Sanherib-Inschriften Beiheft26; Horn). (Archivf?rOrientforschung. 1997/98 Rezension von H. Tadmor, The Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III King of Assyria (Jerusalem 1994). Archiv f?r Orientforschune 44-45, 399-404.Freedy, .S./D.B. Redford 1970 The Dates in Ezekiel in Relation to Biblical, Babylonian and Egyptian Sources, Journal nf the American Oriental Society 90. 462 ? 485.Fuchs, A. 1994 Die Inschriften Sargons IL aus Khorsabad (G?ttingen). 1998 Die Annalen des Jahres 711 v. Chr. nach Prismenfragmenten aus Ninive und Assur (State Archives of Assyria Studies 8; Helsinki).Gadd, CI. 1954 Inscribed Prisms of Sargon II from Nimrud, Iraq 16, 173-201. 1958 The Harran Inscriptions of Nabonidus, Anatolian Studies 8, 35-92.Galling, . 1938 Die K?ste nach der Beschreibung bei Pseudo-Skylax, Zeitschrift syrisch-pal?stinische des Deutschen Pal?stina-Vereins 61, 66-96 (= K. Galling, Studien zur Geschichte Israels im Persischen Zeitalter [T?bingen] 1964, 185-210).GODLEY, A.D. 1938 Herodotus I-IV, 2nd edition (Loeb Classical Library; London, Cambridge).ZDPV 120 (2004) 1
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