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Midterm QuestionIs the movement towards human security a true .docx

Midterm Question Is the movement towards human security a true paradigm shift?  In answering this question make sure to consider which of the authors whom you have read in Weeks one to four of the course support your view and which do not. *The sole use of attached readings is required for the midterm* Midterm Assignment – Instructions (Read Carefully) In university courses, assignments (or assessments) are meant to give students the opportunity to demonstrate what they have been learning in the course – and give instructors evidence that such learning is occurring within the classroom. Because of these objectives, it is imperative to incorporate the specifics of what you’ve been studying in the course into your writing assignments. You accomplish this by answering the Midterm question in the assessment via the course objectives and readings from the course. The midterm will cover the following objectives: 1. Describe the role of rapid globalization in changing perceptions of security 2. Identify key threats to human security (food security, personal security, environmental security) 3. Apply the concepts of human security 4. Compare and contrast traditional international relations approaches to security with the doctrine of human security. Additional Instructions To answer the Midterm question you will write an analytical essay. The analytical essay is a practical approach to solving a problem. So think of this essay question as you would an assignment from your boss: “I need you to take a look at this problem and solve it for me using things from your IR toolkit (what you have learned, or know). Present a well-written, concise answer to me in four pages. I need it by tomorrow morning.” This is how it happens in the real world, and this is what we want to prepare you to do. To achieve this structure of the essay please keep the following tips in mind: 1. Remember that the analytical essay is highly-structured. Each paragraph should look like the others in terms of style and substance. Writing to the limit of four pages is an art and something you need to learn to do. So, don’t write fewer than four pages and don’t write more. You may need to write over just a little and then edit away the extra parts of the essay to reach the concise four pages. 2. Review your submission and make sure that you have covered the requirements of the assignment using only material from the lessons and readings. Format for the Essay: 1. Do not use a cover page. Instead, create a header with your name, assignment name, and date. To do this in Word, go to “insert” and then “header.” Do the same thing to insert a ‘footer’ and include page numbers. If you need help, use the ‘help’ function to learn more within Word. 2. Your submission should be four pages (no more, no less) and look like this: a. Introduction: Introduce your topic & include a thesis. To help you set up your analytical essay include three reasons why you agree or disagree with the midterm quest.

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Midterm Question
Is the movement towards human security a true paradigm shift?
In answering this question make sure to consider which of the
authors whom you have read in Weeks one to four of the course
support your view and which do not. *The sole use of attached
readings is required for the midterm*
Midterm Assignment – Instructions (Read Carefully)
In university courses, assignments (or assessments) are meant to
give students the opportunity to demonstrate what they have
been learning in the course – and give instructors evidence that
such learning is occurring within the classroom. Because of
these objectives, it is imperative to incorporate the specifics of
what you’ve been studying in the course into your writing
assignments. You accomplish this by answering the Midterm
question in the assessment via the course objectives and
readings from the course. The midterm will cover the following
objectives:
1. Describe the role of rapid globalization in changing
perceptions of security
2. Identify key threats to human security (food security,
personal security, environmental security)
3. Apply the concepts of human security
4. Compare and contrast traditional international relations
approaches to security with the doctrine of human security.
Additional Instructions
To answer the Midterm question you will write an analytical
essay. The analytical essay is a practical approach to solving a
problem. So think of this essay question as you would an
assignment from your boss: “I need you to take a look at this
problem and solve it for me using things from your IR toolkit
(what you have learned, or know). Present a well-written,
concise answer to me in four pages. I need it by tomorrow
morning.” This is how it happens in the real world, and this is
what we want to prepare you to do. To achieve this structure of
the essay please keep the following tips in mind:
1. Remember that the analytical essay is highly-structured. Each
paragraph should look like the others in terms of style and
substance. Writing to the limit of four pages is an art and
something you need to learn to do. So, don’t write fewer than
four pages and don’t write more. You may need to write over
just a little and then edit away the extra parts of the essay to
reach the concise four pages.
2. Review your submission and make sure that you have covered
the requirements of the assignment using only material from the
lessons and readings.
Format for the Essay:
1. Do not use a cover page. Instead, create a header with your
name, assignment name, and date. To do this in Word, go to
“insert” and then “header.” Do the same thing to insert a
‘footer’ and include page numbers. If you need help, use the
‘help’ function to learn more within Word.
2. Your submission should be four pages (no more, no less) and
look like this:
a. Introduction: Introduce your topic & include a thesis. To help
you set up your analytical essay include three reasons why you
agree or disagree with the midterm questions. By doing so, you
will set up the body of your paper. The introduction should be
½ page.
b. The Body: The body will focus on your three reasons that you
either agree or disagree with the midterm question. Each reason
should take up about 1 page and include support from the
readings and lessons.
c. Conclusion: The conclusion will wrap up your paper, and re-
state your three reasons. This should be about ½ page.
d. Reference List: Include a reference list in Turabian format.
This list will not count towards the four pages.
3. Use Turabian in-text citation with a reference list. Do not
include footnotes.
4. Make sure you have written your analytical essay in the third
person format
5. Use standard word settings for the assignment. Double-space,
12 pt. font
6. Make sure your submission is no more and no less than 4
pages
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further
reproduction prohibited without permission.
Global Food Security: Challenges and Policies
Rosegrant, Mark W;Cline, Sarah A
Science; Dec 12, 2003; 302, 5652; ProQuest
pg. 1917
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further
reproduction prohibited without permission.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further
reproduction prohibited without permission.
Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at
https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journal
Code=cpar20
Global Change, Peace & Security
formerly Pacifica Review: Peace, Security & Global Change
ISSN: 1478-1158 (Print) 1478-1166 (Online) Journal homepage:
https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cpar20
Environmental security, geopolitics and the case of
Lake Urmia’s disappearance
Simon Dalby & Zahra Moussavi
To cite this article: Simon Dalby & Zahra Moussavi (2017)
Environmental security, geopolitics
and the case of Lake Urmia’s disappearance, Global Change,
Peace & Security, 29:1, 39-55, DOI:
10.1080/14781158.2016.1228623
To link to this article:
https://doi.org/10.1080/14781158.2016.1228623
Published online: 15 Sep 2016.
Submit your article to this journal
Article views: 763
View related articles
View Crossmark data
Citing articles: 6 View citing articles
https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journal
Code=cpar20
https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cpar20
https://www.tandfonline.com/action/showCitFormats?doi=10.10
80/14781158.2016.1228623
https://doi.org/10.1080/14781158.2016.1228623
https://www.tandfonline.com/action/authorSubmission?journalC
ode=cpar20&show=instructions
https://www.tandfonline.com/action/authorSubmission?journalC
ode=cpar20&show=instructions
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/mlt/10.1080/14781158.2016.1
228623
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/mlt/10.1080/14781158.2016.1
228623
http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1080/14781158.20
16.1228623&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2016-09-15
http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1080/14781158.20
16.1228623&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2016-09-15
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/citedby/10.1080/14781158.201
6.1228623#tabModule
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/citedby/10.1080/14781158.201
6.1228623#tabModule
Environmental security, geopolitics and the case of Lake
Urmia’s disappearance
Simon Dalbya and Zahra Moussavib
aBalsillie School of International Affairs, Wilfrid Laurier
University, Waterloo, Canada; bFaculty of Geography,
University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
ABSTRACT
Geopolitics, climate change and environmental security operate
in
complicated and sometimes directly conflictual ways. Driven in
part by national policies of food self-sufficiency in response to
economic sanctions imposed on Iran by American and European
policies, the destruction of one of the world’s largest inland
lakes
raises questions about the interaction of multiple forms of
security, and in particular how securitizations by various actors
interact at a number of scales. Lake Urmia in North Western
Iran
has rapidly dwindled in the last decade, a result of
unsustainable
water extractions to irrigate growing agricultural production of
apples and other horticultural products. Clearly assumptions
that
security is additive across sectors and scales is not the case here
as elsewhere, but the Urmia Lake episode emphasizes that they
are in fact frequently operating at cross-purposes; national
security strategies may compromise other forms of security
quite
directly. Blaming climate change, and possibly the deliberate
use
of climate modification techniques for the lake’s demise adds a
key dimension to securitization discussions. This matters for
security studies more generally now because climate change is
increasingly being introduced as a macrosecuritization in
international politics.
KEYWORDS
Lake Urmia; environmental
security; Iran; sanctions;
geopolitics
Environmental security?
Protecting environments is now widely seen as key to
sustainable development. Indeed it
was the key theme in its original formulation three decades ago
in the deliberations that
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Midterm QuestionIs the movement towards human security a true .docx

  • 1. Midterm Question Is the movement towards human security a true paradigm shift? In answering this question make sure to consider which of the authors whom you have read in Weeks one to four of the course support your view and which do not. *The sole use of attached readings is required for the midterm* Midterm Assignment – Instructions (Read Carefully) In university courses, assignments (or assessments) are meant to give students the opportunity to demonstrate what they have been learning in the course – and give instructors evidence that such learning is occurring within the classroom. Because of these objectives, it is imperative to incorporate the specifics of what you’ve been studying in the course into your writing assignments. You accomplish this by answering the Midterm question in the assessment via the course objectives and readings from the course. The midterm will cover the following objectives: 1. Describe the role of rapid globalization in changing perceptions of security 2. Identify key threats to human security (food security, personal security, environmental security) 3. Apply the concepts of human security 4. Compare and contrast traditional international relations approaches to security with the doctrine of human security. Additional Instructions To answer the Midterm question you will write an analytical essay. The analytical essay is a practical approach to solving a problem. So think of this essay question as you would an assignment from your boss: “I need you to take a look at this
  • 2. problem and solve it for me using things from your IR toolkit (what you have learned, or know). Present a well-written, concise answer to me in four pages. I need it by tomorrow morning.” This is how it happens in the real world, and this is what we want to prepare you to do. To achieve this structure of the essay please keep the following tips in mind: 1. Remember that the analytical essay is highly-structured. Each paragraph should look like the others in terms of style and substance. Writing to the limit of four pages is an art and something you need to learn to do. So, don’t write fewer than four pages and don’t write more. You may need to write over just a little and then edit away the extra parts of the essay to reach the concise four pages. 2. Review your submission and make sure that you have covered the requirements of the assignment using only material from the lessons and readings. Format for the Essay: 1. Do not use a cover page. Instead, create a header with your name, assignment name, and date. To do this in Word, go to “insert” and then “header.” Do the same thing to insert a ‘footer’ and include page numbers. If you need help, use the ‘help’ function to learn more within Word. 2. Your submission should be four pages (no more, no less) and look like this: a. Introduction: Introduce your topic & include a thesis. To help you set up your analytical essay include three reasons why you agree or disagree with the midterm questions. By doing so, you will set up the body of your paper. The introduction should be ½ page. b. The Body: The body will focus on your three reasons that you either agree or disagree with the midterm question. Each reason should take up about 1 page and include support from the readings and lessons. c. Conclusion: The conclusion will wrap up your paper, and re-
  • 3. state your three reasons. This should be about ½ page. d. Reference List: Include a reference list in Turabian format. This list will not count towards the four pages. 3. Use Turabian in-text citation with a reference list. Do not include footnotes. 4. Make sure you have written your analytical essay in the third person format 5. Use standard word settings for the assignment. Double-space, 12 pt. font 6. Make sure your submission is no more and no less than 4 pages Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Global Food Security: Challenges and Policies Rosegrant, Mark W;Cline, Sarah A Science; Dec 12, 2003; 302, 5652; ProQuest pg. 1917 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at
  • 4. https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journal Code=cpar20 Global Change, Peace & Security formerly Pacifica Review: Peace, Security & Global Change ISSN: 1478-1158 (Print) 1478-1166 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cpar20 Environmental security, geopolitics and the case of Lake Urmia’s disappearance Simon Dalby & Zahra Moussavi To cite this article: Simon Dalby & Zahra Moussavi (2017) Environmental security, geopolitics and the case of Lake Urmia’s disappearance, Global Change, Peace & Security, 29:1, 39-55, DOI: 10.1080/14781158.2016.1228623 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14781158.2016.1228623 Published online: 15 Sep 2016. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 763 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 6 View citing articles https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journal
  • 5. Code=cpar20 https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cpar20 https://www.tandfonline.com/action/showCitFormats?doi=10.10 80/14781158.2016.1228623 https://doi.org/10.1080/14781158.2016.1228623 https://www.tandfonline.com/action/authorSubmission?journalC ode=cpar20&show=instructions https://www.tandfonline.com/action/authorSubmission?journalC ode=cpar20&show=instructions https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/mlt/10.1080/14781158.2016.1 228623 https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/mlt/10.1080/14781158.2016.1 228623 http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1080/14781158.20 16.1228623&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2016-09-15 http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1080/14781158.20 16.1228623&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2016-09-15 https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/citedby/10.1080/14781158.201 6.1228623#tabModule https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/citedby/10.1080/14781158.201 6.1228623#tabModule Environmental security, geopolitics and the case of Lake Urmia’s disappearance Simon Dalbya and Zahra Moussavib aBalsillie School of International Affairs, Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo, Canada; bFaculty of Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran ABSTRACT Geopolitics, climate change and environmental security operate in complicated and sometimes directly conflictual ways. Driven in part by national policies of food self-sufficiency in response to
  • 6. economic sanctions imposed on Iran by American and European policies, the destruction of one of the world’s largest inland lakes raises questions about the interaction of multiple forms of security, and in particular how securitizations by various actors interact at a number of scales. Lake Urmia in North Western Iran has rapidly dwindled in the last decade, a result of unsustainable water extractions to irrigate growing agricultural production of apples and other horticultural products. Clearly assumptions that security is additive across sectors and scales is not the case here as elsewhere, but the Urmia Lake episode emphasizes that they are in fact frequently operating at cross-purposes; national security strategies may compromise other forms of security quite directly. Blaming climate change, and possibly the deliberate use of climate modification techniques for the lake’s demise adds a key dimension to securitization discussions. This matters for security studies more generally now because climate change is increasingly being introduced as a macrosecuritization in international politics. KEYWORDS Lake Urmia; environmental security; Iran; sanctions; geopolitics Environmental security? Protecting environments is now widely seen as key to sustainable development. Indeed it was the key theme in its original formulation three decades ago in the deliberations that
  • 7. led to the publication of Our Common Future.1 This report is widely understood as a key origin of the subsequent discussion of environmental security, and how conflict, environ- ment and policy ought to be linked. However while the universalist aspirations of a common future continue to resonate in policy-making discussions, most recently in the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, the rapid pace of environmental change and the persistence of geopolitical rivalries make it clear that practicalities in © 2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group CONTACT Simon Dalby [email protected] 1World Commission on Environment and Development, Our Common Future (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987). GLOBAL CHANGE, PEACE & SECURITY, 2017 VOL. 29, NO. 1, 39–55 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781158.2016.1228623 mailto:[email protected] http://www.tandfonline.com many places are far from the hopes expressed in either the original report or its recent successors.2 Nonetheless environment and climate in particular is increasingly being addressed as a matter of security. President Obama’s crucial speech at the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin on 19 June 2013 suggested that climate change was now the
  • 8. overarching global security issue, a matter that now transcended the importance of nuclear weapons in international politics: With a global middle class consuming more energy every day, this must now be an effort of all nations, not just some. For the grim alternative affects all nations – more severe storms, more famine and floods, new waves of refugees, coastlines that vanish, oceans that rise. This is the future we must avert. This is the global threat of our time. In late 2015 the Paris Agreements on climate change supposedly elevated this crucial environmental matter to top priority in international politics. As numerous media critics of the agreement have made clear, this is neither a binding agreement, nor one that has a realistic plan for adhering to the aspirational target of limiting average global temperature increase to 1.5°C. Part of the problem is of course the divided political world, one in which environmental matters are considered of less importance than the ‘high politics’ of inter- national rivalries. Likewise the term environment frequently encompasses too much, and while understood as a global problem, it lacks efficacy as a policy framework because it lacks connection to the specificities of local conditions. When all this is considered in terms of security, things get even more complicated. As a term that gestures at a complicated series of political discussions and a contested realm of discourse, ‘environmental security’ is most useful.3
  • 9. Environmental security is clearly a pol- itical desideratum, but who tries to protect what form of security where complicates the use of the term so much that its utility as an analytical category is usually seriously in doubt. In many cases, development strategies that ignore long- term environmental con- sequences in favor of short-term rural production in the agricultural sector continue apace despite the rhetorical invocation of sustainable development. National self-sufficiency in produce to feed growing populations is frequently the priority, and as this paper shows, this can be aggravated by geopolitical rivalries that indirectly cause the natural environ- ment to suffer. The case of Urmia Lake in Iran, discussed in detail in this paper, also makes it clear that invoking climate change as a threat, without taking the specifics of local political ecology into consideration, can be seriously misleading when attempting to invoke some overarching notion of environmental security as a policy aspiration. Rhetorical flourishes and blaming external forces for domestic policy failures are also a persistent problem in thinking through the multiple entities and policies under the label environmental security. In some parts of the world, defense institutions have simply not engaged environment, or more recently, climate as a matter of security at all.4 In the United Nations, climate has been discussed as a matter of security, but it has repeatedly 2United Nations General Assembly Transforming Our World:
  • 10. the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (New York: United Nations A/70/L.1. 2015). 3Rita Floyd and Richard Matthews, eds., Environmental Security (New York: Routledge, 2013). 4Michael Durant Thomas, ‘Climate Securitization in the Australian Political–Military Establishment’, Global Change, Peace & Security 27, no. 1 (2015): 97–118. 40 S. DALBY AND Z. MOUSSAVI come up against arguments that climate is about development, not security.5 Elsewhere it has been connected to multiple complicated transformations and dangers, and increas- ingly to alarming predictions from climate science that major disruptions are on their way unless substantial course corrections are made to energy policy in particular.6 Climate change is now enmeshed in the environmental security discussion in various ways that complicate it considerably, not least when attributions of causal roles to climate change are made in international disputes, a matter that suggests there may be many good reasons for resisting the temptations to think of climate in security terms.7 To tease out these difficulties with the notion of environmental security, its recent extensions in matters of climate change and the frequently
  • 11. contradictory efforts that result when different referent objects of security operate in policy discussions, we look first to some theoretical concerns with security, then to the complicated situation in Iran, under international sanctions of varying severity, and to the case of Urmia Lake, which has rapidly dried out in the last decade, and finally to some theoretical reflections on how the various scales and components of ‘security’ play in this situation. The final con- clusions are first that environmental security needs to be treated with great caution in policy deliberations, not least because the long-term implications of failing to think it through carefully, and act sensibly, are likely to be disastrous, and second, to reiterate the basic insight from critical security studies that who and what is secured where and how is rarely as simple as common rhetorical flourishes invoking security as a political desi- deratum suggest. Multiple insecurities The scholarly analysis of security has had numerous innovations since the cold war that emphasize not just the long-term provision of social stability as the key function of most forms of security, but complement this with an analysis of how and when political actors invoke notions of security and specify particular threats as being serious enough to require extraordinary measures.8 The analysis of these securitizing moves focuses on the link between rhetorical claims and policy outcomes, making
  • 12. it clear that not all claims generate policy effectively. This form of analysis does focus attention on how it is that claims of threat are related to invocations of particular identities that are thus deemed to be insecure. This heightens attention to endangered entities and may lead to a mobilization of national efforts in the face of a perceived external threat. Given the prime responsibility of states to protect their citizens from danger, this formulation aims to trump other policy priorities. In situations of international tensions, these matters fre- quently add to the difficulties of peaceful resolution of difficulties by emphasizing particu- lar priorities. 5Shirley Scott, ‘The Securitization of Climate Change in World Politics: How Close Have We Come and Would Full Securitiza- tion Enhance the Efficacy of Global Climate Change Policy?’ RECIEL 21, no. 3 (2012): 220–30; Simon Dalby, ‘Climate Change and the Insecurity Frame’ in Reframing Climate Change: Constructing Ecological Geopolitics, ed. Shannon O’Lear and Simon Dalby (London: Routledge, 2016), 83–99. 6John Barkdull and Paul G. Harris, ‘Climate-Induced Conflict or Hospice Earth: The Increasing Importance of Eco-socialism’, Global Change, Peace & Security 27, no. 2 (2015): 237–43. 7Angela Oels, ‘Resisting the Climate Security Discourse: Restoring “the Political” in Climate Change Politics’ in Reframing Climate Change: Constructing Ecological Geopolitics, ed. Shannon O’Lear and Simon Dalby (London: Routledge, 2016),
  • 13. 188–202. 8K.M. Fierke, Critical Approaches to International Security (Cambridge: Polity, 2007). GLOBAL CHANGE, PEACE & SECURITY 41 It is also important to note that when these dynamics play out in what the Copenhagen school authors discuss in terms of five different sectors of a state, there may be substantial contradictions between policy responses.9 Threats to military, social, political, economic and environmental policies may not be congruent, and none of these may line up well with traditional notions of national security or the claims to sovereignty that are key to regimes’ claims to be legitimate governments within national territory. The disjunction between claims to energy security and climate security in the case of US policy are especially clear in contemporary discussions. The disconnection between American pol- icies to drill and dig fossil fuels enthusiastically on the national territory to provide a par- ticular form of energy security are completely at odds with attempts to cut greenhouse gas emissions, the key policy requirement if reducing the impact of future global climate dis- ruptions is to be accomplished.10 Thus the lack of congruity between securitizing rhetorics may lead to policy incoherence, even though the logic of security supposedly trumps other priorities by specifying safety and order as the
  • 14. prerequisites for other socially desir- able actions. The initial Copenhagen framework for securitization analysis related invocations of exis- tential threat to a particular referent object, usually a particular state, to the need to take extraordinary measures to deal with the danger. But security does not only work in terms of simple political specifications of dangers to particular states from mostly external causes.11 In addition, complicated regional situations faced by states need to be worked into the analysis. Regional security complexes focus on groups of proximate states whose security situation is closely interconnected; the Indian subcontinent being a case in point where the conflicts between the states there occur relatively independently of either the Gulf to the west or the South East Asian situation to the east. But such com- plexes are also part of the overarching global geopolitical situation where superpowers sometimes penetrate the regional complex by making alliance arrangements with some of the powers in the region.12 This adds larger scale dynamics to the local regional situ- ation. In the Iranian case, both large-scale concerns with nuclear weapon proliferation and regional penetration in terms of American alliances with Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States and Israel are relevant. Which threats are seen as most important relate to the particular situation state policy- makers see as a priority, and how local circumstances place
  • 15. states within their particular security constellation.13 At the global scale, issues such as nuclear proliferation, or perhaps now climate, are seen as overarching issues that must be dealt with, and which require mobilizations by many states in a larger cause, a matter of ‘macrosecuritization’. In the Cold War, the United States fairly successfully posited the threats posed by com- munism to the capitalist world order as a matter of macrosecuritization. Partly this was done too with Islamic terror as a macrosecuritization in the subsequent ‘global war on terror’. Now the question in terms of climate is whether it is to be understood as a 9Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver, and Jaap de Wilde, Security: A New Framework for Analysis (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner 1998). 10Jonna Nyman, ‘Rethinking Energy, Climate and Security: A Critical Analysis of Energy Security in the US’, Journal of Inter- national Relations and Development (2015): 1–28. Advanced online publication doi:10.1057/jird.2015.26. 11Barry Buzan, People, States, and Fear: An Agenda for International Security Studies in the Post-Cold War Era (Colchester, ECPR Press, 2007; first ed. 1983). 12Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver, Regions and Powers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). 13Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver, ‘Macrosecuritisation and Security Constellations: Reconsidering Scale in Securitisation Theory’, Review of International Studies 35 (2009): 253–76. 42 S. DALBY AND Z. MOUSSAVI
  • 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/jird.2015.26 macrosecurity issue too, or if it will remain framed mostly as a matter of external threats to national security by the most powerful developed states that have produced most of the greenhouse gas emissions that are now causing climate change.14 When all this comes to international confrontations, as with the case of Iran’s fraught relations with both some of its neighbors, and in particular with the United States, the complexities of policy and the contradictions between the various sectors of security are emphasized. The regional matters of rivalry in the Gulf are complicated by the US con- cerns with what it portrays as a macrosecurity issue of nuclear proliferation. Given the very different geographical premises for foreign policy in Tehran, it might well be argued that Iranian policy sees American involvement outside its own region as a macrosecurity issue needing attention by the global community, but this is not a formulation that gains much traction either in the region or further afield.15 Sorting out the difficulties that result from these competing macrosecuritizations is important for any attempts to seriously confront the dangers of environmental disruption at the largest of scales, and in particular to engage with the urgent need to tackle greenhouse gas emissions and climate change. Indeed it seems that in much of the climate change issue, the
  • 17. problems of thinking through social innovation and sensible policy are aggravated rather than ameliorated by multiple invocations of security. The case of fossil fuel production and ‘energy security’ in the sense of reliable supplies under domestic control in contrast to global climate policy exemplify these tensions. Security politics can in some senses be reduced to a matter of choosing which disaster to confront.16 But the more important point here is to note how various invocations of security work at cross-purposes, and potentially dangerously so in this case in particular. Ironically too in the Iranian case, environmental insecurities can be blamed on external threats, both climatological and political, and as this paper discusses below, by claims of a dangerous linkage between the two. The tensions between political and environ- mental sectors are also played out through a complicated series of economic policies, ones shaped but not determined by the pressure brought to bear on Iranian political economy by both United Nations and other sanctions regimes. If environmental security, and climate change in particular, is to become an effective macrosecurization issue, then these contradictions need careful attention. The Iranian case, frequently ignored in more high-profile discussions of putative climate wars in Sudan or more recently Syria, illumi- nates the difficulties of doing so. Iran, sanctions and national self-sufficiency
  • 18. As has been made clear recently in the pages of this journal, the relations between the United States and Iran have a long and fraught history going back to the 1950s when American activities were partly responsible for the coup that brought the Shah to power, and subsequently become especially antagonistic following the revolution and 14Joshua S. Goldstein, ‘Climate Change as a Global Security Issue’, Journal of Global Security Studies (2016). Advanced access online doi:10.1093/jogss/ogv010. 15Simon Dalby, ‘Critical Geopolitics and the Control of Arms in the Twenty-First Century’, Contemporary Security Policy 32, no. 1 (2011): 40–56. 16Simon Dalby, ‘Anthropocene Formations: Environmental Security, Geopolitics and Disaster’, Theory, Culture and Society 2015. Online First http://tcs.sagepub.com/content/early/recent (August 2015). GLOBAL CHANGE, PEACE & SECURITY 43 http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogv010 http://tcs.sagepub.com/content/early/recent hostage crisis in the late 1970s. Partly this is also as a result of the geopolitical context of the region which has interacted with internal politics within each state; American percep- tions of Iranian ambitions are connected to Iranian fears of
  • 19. American attempts at regime change and the removal of the revolutionary government, one that it refused to recognize in 1979 and with which it continues to deny normal diplomatic relations.17 Both factors clearly influence matters related to numerous forms of security, and the substantial policy initiatives as well as the rhetorical performances by politicians. The American insis- tence that Iran not acquire nuclear weapons, both as part of its long-term counter prolifer- ation efforts and its penetration into the regional security complex, has until very recently, persistently run up against Iranian efforts to extend their nuclear capabilities as an attempt to guarantee national security in the face of external threats and sanctions. In the larger regional complex, Israelis’ fears of the implications of their losing their nuclear weapons monopoly in the region also play a role in Washington DC, where nuclear deterrence is still seen as a crucial bulwark to the existing arrangements of inter- national order. Iranian efforts to use proxies in Lebanon and elsewhere as a foreign policy counter-balance to Israeli and American influence have perpetuated claims of aggressive expansionist aims on the part of what is supposedly a putative regional Iranian-led Shia geopolitical entity. Mutual distrust has fed the confrontation, with the result that Iran has been under various sanction regimes for a long time.18 National pride in technological accomplish-
  • 20. ments, and an insistence that Iranian energy security be understood as about more than petroleum production, and hence involve nuclear electricity generation, clouds the issue of the regime’s intention regarding nuclear weapons. It certainly appears that while the regime may not aspire to make weapons any time soon, the desire to have the capability to do so, as a future possibility to provide deterrent capability, has influ- enced policy-making in at least substantial parts of the government. The inflammatory rhetoric of the Ahmadinejad Presidency (2005–13) aggravated fears in Washington DC concerning Iran’s intentions. Regardless, the international opprobrium generated by the prospect of a made in Tehran bomb has been the major point of contention. Conversely, Iranian irritation at the double standards in the current international nuclear non-prolifer- ation regime, where nuclear weapon states are held to different standards from those without the weapons, and a blind eye is turned to Israeli, Pakistani and Indian arsenals, 17Reza Sanati, ‘Beyond the Domestic Picture: The Geopolitical Factors That Have Formed Contemporary Iran–US Relations’, Global Change, Peace & Security 26, no. 2 (2014): 125–40. 18Sanctions against Iran date back to the United States executive order 12170, seizing Iranian property in the wake of the 1979 revolution. Over the years, the United States has issued more executive orders and imposed restrictions on trade and transactions with Iran notably including Iran’s energy and petrochemical sectors as well as nuclear technology (U.S.
  • 21. Department of the Treasury, Resource Centre; Iran Sanctions, https://www.treasury.gov/resource-center/sanctions/ Programs/pages/iran.aspx). International sanctions against Iran began in 2006 when Iran was referred to the UN Security Council following collapse in negotiations on Iranian nuclear program. During 2006–2010, the Security Council passed 6 resolutions imposing sanctions on Iran, which mainly called upon states to prevent the transfer of any material related to Iran’s nuclear activities (United Nations Security Council, Resolutions 1696 (31 July 2006), 1737 (27 December 2006), 1747 (24 March 2007), 1803 (3 March 2008), 1835 (27 September 2008), 1929 (9 June 2010), http://www.un.org/en/sc/ documents/resolutions/). Between 2007–2012, following the UN resolutions, the EU imposed sanctions on Iran and restricted trade with Iran, in particular in the energy sector and related technologies. In 2012 the EU prohibited import of crude oil and petrochemicals from Iran and export to Iran of petrochemical equipment and technologies (Euro- pean Commission, Service for Foreign Policy Instruments, European Measures (sanction in force) (2015): 32–48, http://eeas. europa.eu/cfsp/sanctions/docs/measures_en.pdf). 44 S. DALBY AND Z. MOUSSAVI https://www.treasury.gov/resource- center/sanctions/Programs/pages/iran.aspx https://www.treasury.gov/resource- center/sanctions/Programs/pages/iran.aspx http://www.un.org/en/sc/documents/resolutions/ http://www.un.org/en/sc/documents/resolutions/ http://eeas.europa.eu/cfsp/sanctions/docs/measures_en.pdf http://eeas.europa.eu/cfsp/sanctions/docs/measures_en.pdf
  • 22. fueled determination to build nuclear facilities, which are seen as Iran’s sovereign right in the international system. The upshot has been a series of international sanctions, and both the symbolic and practical isolation of the Iranian regime. Domestic policies within Iran have been shaped by this geopolitical context but also by complex factional struggles tied into economic pol- icies and political mobilizations to deal with trade constraints. The punishing war that fol- lowed Saddam Hussein’s attack on the revolutionary regime in the 1980s led to a mobilization of the Iranian state for the war effort and the legacy of these innovations has shaped the role of the state since. American reflagging operations and naval patrols in the Gulf to protect tanker traffic in the 1980s during the Iraq–Iran war confronted Iranian forces directly in the region. Subsequently the American designation of Iran as part of the Axis of Evil in the rhetoric of the early stages of the global war on terror, and this, despite tacit cooperation in the removal of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan in 2001, fed escalation of the political rheto- ric. Growing concerns about the capabilities and intentions of the Iranian nuclear program led to sanctions by the United States, and European states too. American efforts to have bilateral arrangements extended to multilateral ones through attempts at restricting third- party trade have partly constrained the Iranian economy. However, growing ties with the
  • 23. Far East in particular have partly circumvented the pressures a more complete sanctions regime might have had. In early 2016 the international sanctions regime was partly removed as Iran dismantled the contentious parts of its nuclear program. Nonetheless the knock on effects of financial sanctions in particular had consequences for larger economic activity and the inability of companies to make international payments have restricted trade in agricultural and industrial equipment as well as food and medi- cines. United Nations statements on the sanctions regime that Iran has been subject to are clear on the consequences: The sanctions imposed on the Islamic Republic of Iran have had significant effects on the general population, including an escalation in inflation, a rise in commodities and energy costs, an increase in the rate of unemployment and a shortage of necessary items, including medicine. … Even companies that have obtained the requisite license to import food and medicine are facing difficulties in finding third-country banks to process the transactions. Owing to payment problems, several medical companies have stopped exporting medicines to the Islamic Republic of Iran, leading to a reported shortage of drugs used in the treatment of various illnesses, including cancer, heart and respiratory conditions, thalassemia and multiple sclerosis. (United Nations, General Assembly, 2012)19 The external pressure has had domestic consequences, and the
  • 24. Ahmadinejad adminis- tration from 2005 to 2013 reacted by taking a number of steps, including attempts to more widely spread what oil wealth there is in Iran. Autarkic policies that emphasize self-sufficiency are hardly new in warfare, or in times of international tension, but they are a factor in Iranian politics that has been reinforced by the international situation. Self-sufficiency has been an important part of Five-Year National Economic, Social and Cul- tural Development Plans ever since the initial attempts to rebuild the country after the war with Iraq. These have mostly aimed at reducing trade dependence, securing minimum 19United Nations, General Assembly, Situation of Human Rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran; Report of the Secretary- General (New York: United Nations A/67/327.2012), 15–16. GLOBAL CHANGE, PEACE & SECURITY 45 basic needs of the Iranian people, maximizing the utilization of factors of production to increase agricultural production, and increasing the country’s food security by relying on production from domestic sources.20 Key among these policies have been efforts to increase agricultural production, in part to feed a growing … Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community
  • 25. Development ISSN: 2152-0801 online www.AgDevJournal.com Volume 3, Issue 1 / Fall 2012 143 Community food security via urban agriculture: Understanding people, place, economy, and accessibility from a food justice perspective Mahbubur R. Meenar a Temple University Brandon M. Hoover b Ursinus College Submitted 30 March 2012 / Revised 27 June and 11 August 2012 / Accepted 11 August 2012 / Published online 28 November 2012 Citation: Meenar, M. R., & Hoover, B. M. (2012). Community food security via urban agriculture: Understanding people, place, economy, and accessibility from a food justice perspective. Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development, 3(1), 143–160. http://dx.doi.org/10.5304/jafscd.2012.031.013 Copyright © 2012 by New Leaf Associates, Inc. Abstract This paper examines the role of urban agriculture
  • 26. (UA) projects in relieving food insecurity in lower- income neighborhoods of post-industrial U.S. cities, using Philadelphia as a case study. Based on food justice literature and mixed-methods such as GIS, survey, field observations, and interviews, we discuss how neighborhoods, nearby residents, and the local food economy interact with UA projects. Our findings suggest that, although UA projects occupy a vital place in the fight against community food insecurity in disadvantaged inner-city neighborhoods, there are debates and concerns associated with the movement. These concerns include geographic, economic, and informational accessibility of UA projects; social exclusion in the movement; spatial mismatch between UA participants and neighborhood socioeconomic and racial profiles; distribution of fresh produce to populations under poverty and hunger; and UA’s economic contributions in underprivileged neighborhoods. Finally, we outline future research directions that are significant to understanding the practice of UA. Keywords community food security, community gardens, food access, food deserts, food justice, GIS, Philadelphia, post-industrial cities, urban agriculture a Corresponding author: Mahbubur R. Meenar, Center for Sustainable Communities and Department of Community and Regional Planning, School of Environmental Design, Temple University; 580 Meetinghouse Road; Ambler, Pennsylvania 19002 USA; +1-267-468-8314; [email protected] b Brandon Hoover, Research Assistant, Center for Sustainable
  • 27. Communities, Temple University. Brandon Hoover is now at Ursinus College, Office of Sustainability; 601 East Main Street; Collegeville, Pennsylvania 19426 USA; +1-610-409-3161; [email protected] http://dx.doi.org/10.5304/jafscd.2012.031.013 mailto:[email protected] mailto:[email protected] Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development ISSN: 2152-0801 online www.AgDevJournal.com 144 Volume 3, Issue 1 / Fall 2012 Introduction Community food insecurity is among the most pressing issues in many U.S. inner cities. By food insecurity, we not only mean the presence of hunger, but also the lack of physical and economic access to safe and nutritious foods that meet the dietary needs and cultural preferences of people of all socio-economic and racial backgrounds. As a response to these problems, and with the presence of ample vacant land parcels, urban agriculture (UA) has taken root in such cities. In addition, city residents are becoming increasingly aware of the environmental and social impacts associated with the food they eat and the proximity of where it is grown. The complexity of urban food systems, such as the availability of local organic produce in affluent neighborhoods and the apparent lack of healthy food options in disadvantaged neighbor-
  • 28. hoods, has given way to an increased interest in the equity of the local food movement. In this paper, we discuss two types of UA activities: community gardens and urban farms. A number of qualitative, and a limited number of quantitative, studies have been done on the many benefits of UA (Irazabal & Punja, 2009, pp. 9–10). Using geospatial and/or statistical methods, some researchers have analyzed the impacts of UA and urban greening programs on neighborhood property values (Been & Voicu, 2006), quality of life (Tranel & Handlin, 2006), and crime (Kuo & Sullivan, 2001). Other relevant quantitative studies have discussed community food access and spatial inequality (Hallett & McDermott, 2011; Hubley, 2011; Raja, Ma, & Yadav, 2008; Russell & Heidkamp, 2011; Smoyer-Tomic et al., 2008) and the potential and capacity of urban food produc- tion (Kremer & DeLiberty, 2011; Metcalf & Widener, 2011). On the other hand, many researchers have studied community gardening as a social process by using qualitative methods (Teig, Amulya, Bardwell, Buchenau, Marshall, & Litt, 2009). A smaller group has used mixed-methods or a qualitative GIS approach to combine these two types of research (Corrigan, 2011; Knigge & Cope, 2006). Our broader research objective was to use the food justice literature and a mixed-methods approach to examine the relationship between UA and the urban social environment. The methods included GIS analysis, survey, field observations, and interviews. This research was done within the context of Philadelphia, a post-industrial city with over 45,000 vacant parcels and various community-
  • 29. based foodcentric programs. Our primary research question was whether or how UA can be consid- ered as a viable solution to community food inse- curity. This study also examined the following questions: What are the socio-economic and racial characteristics of active UA participants, and are they consistent with the neighborhood demo- graphics? What distribution networks exist to move food to the neediest populations? Is UA socially accessible to disadvantaged community residents? What external and internal pressures do UA project representatives have to deal with? To what extent do UA projects make an impact on the local economy? Background Alternative Food to Food Justice The alternative food movement seeks to relink food production and food consumption through emphasizing a local foodshed that promotes regional economies, sustainable growing practices, and social justice (Allen, 1999; Starr, 2000). The movement works in direct opposition to the cor- porate food regime, which is a global food supply system where a select few multinational corpora- tions control the production and distribution of food products (Allen, 2010). This regime operates under, and also produces, unjust social practices, such as low wages, poor working conditions, hunger and starvation, and misdistribution of resources (Allen, 2010). Much of the research and practices associated with the alternative food movement can be under- stood from a food justice theory that is related to environmental justice, race, history, and socioeco-
  • 30. nomics. Food justice argues for a more democratic process that distributes power more equitably, not just to the hands of the purchaser (Alkon & Agyeman, 2011). As a theory, food justice “opens up linkages to a wider range of conceptual frame- works drawn from the literature on democracy, citizenship, social movements, and social and Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development ISSN: 2152-0801 online www.AgDevJournal.com Volume 3, Issue 1 / Fall 2012 145 environmental justice” (Wekerle, 2004, p. 379). It scrutinizes power, resource control, and lack of participation within a food system, and problema- tizes the hegemonic agro-food industry by calling for alternative solutions such as local agriculture, farmers’ markets, and community supported agri- culture (CSA) (Allen, 2010; Macias, 2008). A food justice framework assumes that basic human needs are met through equal access and opportunity at participation, without exploitation. Thus a socially just food system is one that equitably shares power so that people and communities can meet those needs (Allen, 2008, 2010). Based on this under- standing, food justice work engages racial, eco- nomic, and political inequality associated with any and all food systems (Alkon & Agyeman, 2011). In practice, the alternative food movement, working from a food justice background, plays out as a creation of local food campaigns; a promotion
  • 31. of food access and hunger relief; a concern for sustainable food production and public health; a focus on economic development based in a regional food economy; and occasionally a concern for race, ethnicity, class, and gender issues asso- ciated with the power structure of food (Gottleib & Joshi, 2010). An example of this movement is its attempts to provide services to underserved popu- lations. Many farmers’ markets and alternative food outlets have begun to accept supplemental nutri- tion assistance program (SNAP) benefits, and some CSAs provide alternatives to the relatively high financial commitment for membership in order to create a more equitable member base (Gottleib & Joshi, 2010). A closer examination of the alternative food movement from a food justice perspective demon- strates that, while working to create greater democ- racy, sustainability, and access, this movement may unintentionally be creating its own inequality. Although such campaigns promote the support of local farmers in the economy, few movements acknowledge that the “existing patterns of local livelihood and exchange could be unequal or unfair” (Hinrichs & Allen, 2008, p. 335). The “selective patronage” of “buy local” campaigns, as it is understood by Hinrichs and Allen (2008), may aim to support an approved list of farms or farm- ers’ markets and may not be equitable in their support. Additionally, Born and Purcell (2006) argue that, “there is nothing inherent about any scale” (p. 195), suggesting that just because food is local, that does not make it socially just. Such structural problems are rarely addressed in local campaigns.
  • 32. UA and Food Justice UA participants practice a bottom-up and multi- actor approach to decision-making (Lang, 1999), and gives power to women, minorities, and other disadvantaged populations (Smit & Bailkey, 2006). According to Anderson and Cook (1999), UA supports a food system that is “decentralized, environmentally-sound over a long time-frame, supportive of collective rather than only individual needs, effective in assuring equitable food access, and created by democratic decision-making” (p. 141). However, UA needs to be more thoroughly examined from a food justice perspective to under- stand if it truly is making the food system more democratic, secure, and socially and environmen- tally just. Much research has shown that poor urban neighborhoods have insufficient and inconsistent access to healthy foods, causing social, environ- mental, and health concerns to neighborhood resi- dents (Raja et al., 2008). In addition, U.S. urban development patterns have contributed to spatial inequalities that separated communities along racial and class lines (Ball, Timperio, & Crawford, 2009). These inequalities lead to what the literature under- stands as food deserts: areas lacking easy access to supermarkets or full-size grocery stores that sell a wide range of healthy and fresh food. By growing food in blighted neighborhoods, UA project par- ticipants bring fresh and local food to food desert areas, often with the added benefit of environ- mental and community development goals (Block, Chávez, Allen, & Ramirez, 2012). Community-based UA has shown positive effects in the surrounding neighborhoods, bene-
  • 33. fiting the residents with healthy food access, food equity, social interaction, natural human capital, and learning opportunity (Macias, 2008). UA projects may increase neighborhood property values, act as a catalyst for neighborhood revitali- zation and stabilization, create venues for commu- Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development ISSN: 2152-0801 online www.AgDevJournal.com 146 Volume 3, Issue 1 / Fall 2012 nity organizing and networking, offer opportunities for recreation, exercise, and therapy (Been & Voicu, 2006); improve social, physical, ecological, and environmental conditions of a neighborhood (Tranel & Handlin, 2006); and reduce neighbor- hood crime (Kuo & Sullivan, 2001). Overall, local- ized agriculture addresses the issues of food access and food justice (Wekerle, 2004) and it also has economic benefits. A study of Philadelphia-based programs found that community garden partici- pants reported an annual savings of USD700 per family (Brown & Carter, 2003). In the U.S., the idea of providing lower- income and unemployed households with access to urban vacant or underutilized land for the purpose of growing food dates back to the 1890s (Lawson, 2004). This movement is particularly gaining momentum now in many post-industrial cities that have lost jobs, population, and other resources, and
  • 34. have been affected by the recent housing crisis. UA in these cities has become a symbol of local reaction to two consequences of inner-city decline: urban blight and food deserts. Since the beginning of the 1970s, UA projects have been developed “as a way to counteract inflation, civic unrest, aban- doned properties, and to satisfy new environmental ethics and open space needs” (Lawson, 2004, p. 163). As a subversive movement, the practice of UA generally increases social capital, civic involvement, community efficacy, and empowerment (Armstrong, 2000; Ferris, Norman, & Sempik, 2001; Gittelsohn & Sharma, 2009; Teig et al., 2009). In addition, studies have identified public participation as a crucial component of the food security planning process (Jacobsen, Pruitt-Chapin, & Rugeley, 2009; McCullum, Desjardins, Kraak, Ladipo, & Costello, 2005; Vasquez, Lanza, Hennessey-Lavery, Facente, Halpin, & Minkler, 2007). Urban farming can transform its participants into urban ecological citizens who not only receive agriculture and environmental education, but also acquire the political and social skills necessary for effective citizenship and community building (Travaline & Hunold, 2010). Under these assumptions, UA projects can achieve justice at a myriad of levels — socially, economically, and environmentally — although UA sometimes faces similar criticisms as the local food movement for not being socially just. Based on food justice and food access literature, we have identified the following components to discuss the role of UA in community food security within the context of a post-industrial city: socio-economic
  • 35. characterization of UA project participants; geo- graphic, economic, and informational access to fresh and healthy food; hunger relief; social exclu- sion; and food production, distribution, and eco- nomic contribution. Context Philadelphia’s population decreased between the 1950s and 2010, when the census indicated it had increased slightly. Our comparative analysis of land use change in Philadelphia from 1990 to 2005 shows that residential, wooded, and agricultural lands are diminishing, but parking areas and vacant lands are growing. Following the trend of other post-industrial cities, over that period Philadelphia experienced a decrease in property values, jobs, educational attainment, and community resources, and an increase in vacant land, blight, concentrated poverty, and racial segregation. Many lower-income neighborhoods of this city face significant food insecurity. According to a national survey created for the Gallup-Healthways Well-Being Index, Pennsylvania’s first congres- sional district, which includes a major portion of Philadelphia, was named the second hungriest in the nation (Lubrano, 2011). Another national study completed by The Reinvestment Fund (TRF) has identified many low-access areas throughout the city that are underserved by full-service supermarkets (TRF, 2011). Philadelphia’s local food landscape, on the other hand, is celebrated on a national scale for various programs, including a healthy corner store initiative and Fresh Food Financing Initiative (FFFI). The UA community in Philadelphia is an extensive network of community gardens, farms,
  • 36. and backyard or rooftop gardens. More than 700 food cupboards and soup kitchens are located in the city (Greater Philadelphia Coalition Against Hunger, 2011), some of which distribute fresh produce through innovative programs. The UA community, however, faces major challenges. Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development ISSN: 2152-0801 online www.AgDevJournal.com Volume 3, Issue 1 / Fall 2012 147 Between 1996 and 2008, the number of food- producing community and squatter gardens in the city dropped from 501 to 226 for reasons such as land tenure issues and lack of financial support (Vitiello & Nairn, 2009). Figure 1 shows the con- centration of vacant land parcels and community gardens with respect to Philadelphia’s 18 planning districts. There are more than 230 ecologically defined neighborhoods in the city, and boundaries of these neighborhoods are not universally accepted. We decided to use planning district boundaries in our maps. Data and Methodology We collected data for GIS analysis from various sources. Demographic data were downloaded from the U.S. Census Bureau (2009, 2010). Vacant land parcels data were purchased by Temple Univer- sity’s Center for Sustainable Communities (CSC)
  • 37. from Philadelphia’s Office of Property Assessment (OPA, 2010). Planning district boundary data was collected from Philadelphia City Planning Com- mission (2011). Land use data for the years 1990, 1995, 2000, and 2005 were purchased by CSC from Delaware Valley Regional Planning Commission (DVRPC, 2009). Household-level survey data were purchased by Temple University’s Metropolitan Philadelphia Indicators Project from Public Health Management Corporation (PHMC, 2010). The survey, known as Community Health Data Base — Southeastern Pennsylvania Household Health Survey, is conducted every two years and provides timely information on more than 13,000 residents living in the five-county Philadelphia metro region; Figure 1. Land Use and Vacant Land Trends in Philadelphia, 2010 Data sources: U.S. Census; City of Philadelphia; Philadelphia Office of Property Assessment; and Philadelphia Redevelopment Authority. (a) (b) (a) Location of vacant land parcels (N = 45,139) and urban agriculture projects (b) Number of vacant lots in Philadelphia’s planning districts. Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community
  • 38. Development ISSN: 2152-0801 online www.AgDevJournal.com 148 Volume 3, Issue 1 / Fall 2012 we narrowed the responses down to just those in zip codes located within Philadelphia for the pur- poses of this study. UA project location data were collected from Pennsylvania Horticulture Society (PHS, 2011), Philadelphia Orchard Project (POP, 2011), and Philadelphia Urban Food Network (PUFN, 2011). We created primary GIS data, such as locations of UA projects that participated in our survey, food cupboards that receive produce donations from those projects, and gardeners of three UA projects in three neighborhoods. We used the following GIS techniques: (1) geocoding addresses, (2) joining PHMC data with zip code boundaries and census data with census tract boundaries, (3) mapping and interpreting relationships between UA project locations and vacant land parcels, race, population under poverty, and population facing hunger, and (4) analyzing network connectivity between gardens and their active participants, and between gardens and food cupboards. We used ESRI ArcGIS 10 software and its Network Analyst extension. In addition to GIS work, we developed a 36- question online survey in Qualtrics and conducted it for a two-week period, from February 21 to March 7, 2011. The survey was distributed through the listservs of PHS, POP, and PUFN. Overall, the survey reached out to representatives of 120 UA projects throughout the city. We received 46
  • 39. responses (a 38 percent response rate) from indi- viduals and nonprofit organizations who manage a total of 81 community gardens and urban farms in Philadelphia (N = 81). In addition, we conducted 20 semistructured interviews of the representatives of community gardens, urban farms, and nonprofit organizations. The interview process was done in two stages: one during the summer of 2011 and the other during the winter of 2012. Two-thirds of the interviews took place at the locations of commu- nity gardens, farms, or organizational offices. The rest were done by telephone. Most of the inter- viewees were selected from neighborhoods that face higher rates of poverty and hunger. Finally, 35 field visits (to food cupboards, gardens, and farms) and observations (of community events) were made from spring to fall of 2011. Findings and Discussions The People: Characterization of Food Producers and Produce Recipients Of the 81 UA projects represented by respondents to our survey, 30 are smaller than 2,000 sq. ft. (186 sq. meters), 16 are between 2,000 and 10,000 sq. ft. (186 sq. m and 929 sq. m), and the remaining 35 range from 10,000 sq. ft to 2 acres (929 sq. m to 0.8 hectare). Altogether, the respondents reported serving about 18,000 people in an average year. They reported that many community gardens in Philadelphia are initiated by the unemployed or underemployed who want to grow their own food. Included in this characterization are the “creative class,” “hipsters,” immigrant and ethnic popula- tion, and young people — mostly White — inter- ested in a sustainable lifestyle. According to
  • 40. respondents, although community gardeners are mostly in their 30s or 40s, overall they represent a wide range of age groups, from school-age children to 85 year olds, with or without prior experiences in gardening. The primary recipients of food pro- duced through UA are lower- and middle-income households. Schoolchildren are more likely to par- ticipate in gardening, but less likely to be the pri- mary recipients of produce. In contrast, house- holds on government assistance and seniors are more likely to be the main recipients, but less likely to participate in production. Twenty-five garden representatives mentioned that they get fewer than 25 participants from their own neighborhoods, eight gardens get 25–100, and five gardens (primarily urban farms) get more than 100 participants from immediate neighborhoods. From this data alone, we could not conclude that Philadelphia’s UA projects are not drawing the majority of their participants from their respective neighborhoods. Low neighborhood participation happens mostly in smaller gardens (the majority of survey respondents), which also have an overall lower number of active gardeners. In addition, our follow-up GIS network analysis of three randomly selected small to medium-size gardens in North, West, and South Philadelphia revealed that most active gardeners come from their immediate neigh- borhoods. Figure 2 shows that most gardeners of a South Philadelphia community garden live within a Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development ISSN: 2152-0801 online
  • 41. www.AgDevJournal.com Volume 3, Issue 1 / Fall 2012 149 Figure 2. Locations of a South Philadelphia Community Garden and its Members Data sources: Survey by authors; Delaware Valley Regional Planning Commission (DVRPC). Note: 2 miles = 3.2 km. half-mile (0.8 km) walking distance. The map is a result of the shortest path distance calculation between this garden’s loca- tion and its participants’ locations. Routes are dis- played on top of five network buffers, ranging from 1 ⁄8 mile to 2 miles (0.2 km to 3.2 km). The UA projects represented in this survey are located in neighbor- hoods of diverse race and ethnic backgrounds, each of them contributing something unique to the landscape. Figure 3 shows the co-existence of higher non-White population density and the locations of community gardens. Although the primary racial
  • 42. group in Philadelphia is Black, it is mostly White population who are more active in UA activities, sometimes in predominantly Black neighborhoods. As shown in figure 3, the average racial and ethnic compositions of active gardeners were reported by survey respondents as 47 percent White, 36 percent Black, 12 percent Hispanic, and 5 percent Asian. The composition of White and Black races did not match proportion- ately with census demographics (41 percent White and 43 percent Black). We found the high percen- tage of White gardeners in some predominantly non-White neighborhoods a surprising trend, and we have discussed it in another section (social exclusion). Accessibility — Geographic, Economic, and Informational The number of vacant land parcels in Philadelphia increased almost 50 percent from 1999 to 2010 (Econsult Corporation & Penn Institute for Urban Research, 2010). Over the past decade, the major geographic concentration of these vacant parcels remains almost the same. Philadelphia’s planning districts with higher percentages of vacant lands also have higher concentrations of poverty and underrepresented populations. The UA community tries to play an important role in the redevelop- ment of many blighted neighborhoods. Acquiring, leasing, preparing, and maintaining vacant lands for gardening purposes, however, is a challenging task. Respondents from several organizations trying to start community gardens expressed frustration about working with the city to gain access to
  • 43. vacant property (see the quote in table 1(i)). This makes gardens much less accessible for neighbor- hoods with little social or political capital. In terms of external difficulties, many garden respondents faced unsupportive land use policies and redevel- opment pressure. A few interviewees commented that Philadelphia’s community gardens cannot be utilized to their full potential and contribute to the communities because of little or limited support from the city. Many areas within these neighborhoods do not have easy access to healthy and fresh food. About 43 percent of the survey respondents believe their Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development ISSN: 2152-0801 online www.AgDevJournal.com 150 Volume 3, Issue 1 / Fall 2012 neighborhoods to be food deserts, broadly defined. In contrast, a number of interviewee expressed dislike for the term “food desert.” They com- mented how confusing the term food desert has become in literature, political circles, or neighbor- hood conversations, and how many different meanings the phrase conjures up. One interviewee commented that food is available in all parts of the city, but is not always of good quality or culturally appropriate. Promoting healthy and fresh food is also a challenging task (see the quote in table 1(ii)). In general, community gardens are
  • 44. economically accessible to neighborhood residents, according to respondents. About 67 percent of gardens do not require a membership fee, which for the rest of the gardens vary from USD5 to USD100 per season. Poor neighborhood residents, however, face issues with informational access. The majority of garden representatives surveyed use the Internet and digital technologies to communicate with their members (76 percent) and promote UA activities (88 percent). Many lower-income and elderly residents with limited or no access to the Internet cannot be part of such outreach efforts. Figure 4 shows locations of UA projects and the pattern of Internet use throughout the city. Fresh Produce as Hunger Relief Many lower-income households practice subsistence agriculture or participate in UA activities, as they do not have easy access to healthy and fresh food. A visual inspection of GIS maps (figure 5) shows that there is a spatial connection between higher concentrations of UA projects and higher concentrations of people experiencing hunger. A similar relationship exists between UA projects and poverty concentration. Many UA practitioners donate their harvests to hungry people through religious institutions, food cupboards, and shelters. Philadelphia’s major Figure 3. Comparison of the Racial Profiles of City Residents and Urban Agriculture Participants Data sources: U.S. Census; City of Philadelphia; survey by authors.
  • 45. Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development ISSN: 2152-0801 online www.AgDevJournal.com Volume 3, Issue 1 / Fall 2012 151 hunger relief organizations (such as Philabundance and Share) have specific programs that distribute produce to populations in need. Additionally, as part of the PHS City Harvest program, 33 cupboards receive donations of fresh, local produce grown in 44 community gardens. In a regular growing season, this program reaches out to 1,000 lower-income families, and between 2006 and 2009 it distributed more than 64,000 pounds of produce (PHS, 2011). Typically, … HUMAN RIGHTS QUARTERLY Human Rights Quarterly 34 (2012) 88–112 © 2012 by The Johns Hopkins University Press Human Security: Undermining Human Rights? Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann* AbSTRAcT
  • 46. This article warns that the human security discourse and agenda could inadvertently undermine the international human rights regime. Insofar as human security identifies new threats to well-being, new victims of those threats, new duties of states, or new mechanisms for dealing with threats at the inter-state level, it adds to the established human rights regime. When it simply rephrases human rights principles without identifying new threats, victims, duty-bearers, or mechanisms, however, at best it complements human rights and at worst it undermines them. A narrow view of human security is a valuable addition to the international normative regime requir- ing state and international action against severe threats to human beings. By contrast, an overly broad view of human security ignores the human rights regime; by subsuming human rights under human security, it also undermines the primacy of civil and political rights as a strategic tool for citizens to fight for their rights against their own states. I. INTRodUcTIoN This article warns that the human security discourse and agenda has the capacity to inadvertently undermine the international human rights regime. * Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann is Canada Research Chair in
  • 47. International Human Rights at Wilfrid Laurier University, Canada, where she holds a joint appointment in the Department of Global Studies and the Balsillie School of International Affairs. She is also a Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada. In 2006 the Human Rights section of the American Political Science Association named Dr. Howard-Hassmann its first Distinguished Scholar of Human Rights. Among many other published works on human rights, she is co-editor of the 2008 volume, The Age of Apology, and author of Reparations to Africa (2008) and Can Globaliza- tion Promote Human Rights? (2010). Her most recent article in the Human Rights Quarterly is “Mugabe’s Zimbabwe 2000–2009: Massive Human Rights Violations and the Failure to Protect,” (Nov. 2010). 2012 Human Security 89 It argues that insofar as human security identifies new threats to well-being, new victims of those threats, new duties of states, or new mechanisms of dealing with threats at the inter-state level, it adds to the established human rights regime. Insofar as it simply rephrases human rights principles with- out identifying new threats, victims, duty-bearers, or mechanisms, at best it complements human rights and at worst it could undermine them. The narrow view of human security, as defined below, is a valuable
  • 48. addition to the international normative regime requiring state and international action against severe threats to human beings. By contrast, the broader view of human security at best repeats, and possibly undermines, the already extant human rights regime, especially by converting state obligations to respect individuals’ inalienable human rights into policy decisions regarding which aspects of human security to protect under which circumstances. The two may be competing discourses, despite arguments by some scholars that they are not.1 II. HUMAN SEcURITY: THE coNcEpT The term “human security” was introduced into international discussion in the 1990s as a response to new (or more generalized) “downside risks” that could affect everyone. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) defined human security as both “safety from such chronic threats as hunger, disease and repression” and “protection from sudden and hurtful disruptions in the patterns of daily life.”2 Although the actual term “human security” was first used by the UNDP in 1994, its origins can be traced to earlier UN commissions on the environment, development, and global governance.3 The Clinton administration used the term in many foreign policy
  • 49. speeches in 1993 and 1994.4 Even earlier, the Helsinki Accords of 1975 linked state security to individual human rights.5 The 1994 UNDP report focused on the risks of “Unchecked population growth, Disparities in economic opportunities, Excessive international mi- gration, Environmental degradation, Drug production and trafficking, [and] International terrorism.”6 Later, other risks such as the spread of disease and 1. Shahrbanou TadjbakhSh & anuradha M. Chenoy, huMan SeCuriTy: ConCepTS and iMpliCaTionS 12 (2007). 2. uniTed naTionS developMenT prograMMe [undp], huMan developMenT reporT 1994, at 23 (1994) [hereinafter huMan developMenT reporT 1994]. 3. See Gerd Oberleitner, Human Security: A Challenge to International Law?, 11 global governanCe 185, 185 (2005). 4. Emma Rothschild, What is Security?, daedaluS, Summer 1995, at 53, 55. 5. jaCk donnelly, univerSal huMan righTS: in Theory and praCTiCe 249 (2d ed. 2003). 6. huMan developMenT reporT 1994, supra note 2, at 34. Vol. 3490 HUMAN RIGHTS QUARTERLY
  • 50. instability in financial markets were added.7 The human security agenda focuses on “early warning and prevention” of all these downside risks,8 to which almost everyone, rich and poor, in the North or South, is vulnerable. Thus, the human security agenda identifies “new” threats to human well- being in the sense that the threats are actually new (climate change), more extreme than in previous decades (terrorism), or previously not thought of as a threat to human security (excessive migration). The stress on “human” security was meant to be a counterweight to the view that the only form of security that mattered was state security, defined quite narrowly as “military defense of state interests and territory.”9 The focus of human security is “people,” as opposed to states. Human security’s prin- cipal goal is to extend the concept of security beyond national security, as one way to force states to pay more attention to the needs of their citizens. The choice of the term “security” is meant to persuade governments that citizens’ security is state security; if citizens are insecure, then states are insecure. Furthermore, the term implies that states can be adversely affected by the insecurity of citizens outside their own borders: for example, by un- controllable flows of illegal economic migrants. As a matter of self-interest,
  • 51. therefore, governments should participate in the protection of citizens of other states against standard threats to their security. Thus, human security can identify new victims of threats in the sense that it proposes broadening each state’s responsibilities to citizens of other states, not only through the mechanisms of international laws or courts to which states may be party, but also through other aspects of each state’s foreign and, indeed, domestic policies. For example, a state might decide to devote more resources to international efforts to ameliorate the threat of climate change or terrorism, or to liberalize its immigration laws. The other innovation of the human security agenda is its suggestion that the international community has obligations to protect “people” by inter- vening to protect citizens’ security when their own states cannot provide it. Human security, in the view of one of its advocates, is a form of “forward defense” against common threats to humanity, utilizing new diplomatic and other tools.10 It identifies new duty-bearers to protect human security and suggests new mechanisms that they can use. Thus, the original 1994 hu- man security agenda intersects with the later agenda of the Responsibility to Protect Doctrine (R2P)11 in an on-going attempt to legitimize and regularize
  • 52. 7. Sakiko Fukuda-Parr, New Threats to Human Security in the Era of Globalization, 4 j. huM. dev. 167, 175–76 (2003). 8. Id. at 171. 9. Roland Paris, Human Security: Paradigm Shift or Hot Air?, inT’l SeCuriTy, Fall 2001, at 87, 87. 10. Paul Heinbecker, Human Security: The Hard Edge, Canadian Mil. j., Spring 2000, at 11,13. 11. Lloyd Axworthy, Foreword to Trade, aid and SeCuriTy: an agenda for peaCe and developMenT xiii (Oli Brown et al. eds., 2007). 2012 Human Security 91 international intervention when states cannot, or will not, protect their own citizens. The R2P report, commissioned by the government of Canada as one of its human security initiatives, argues that the international community is justified in undertaking military intervention when states fail to protect their citizens from large scale loss of life that is a product of deliberate state ac- tion, state neglect, or inability to act; when there is a failed state situation; or when there is large-scale ethnic cleansing.12 In 2005 the UN
  • 53. General Assembly agreed in principle with these recommendations.13 Despite the fairly compact list of generalized threats in the 1994 UNDP Report, there is substantial analytical disagreement about precisely what constitutes human insecurity. The narrower view focuses on crisis situations that require international remedies.14 In some instances, the human security agenda can transcend professional distinctions such as between “humani- tarian relief, development assistance, human rights advocacy and conflict resolution,”15 requiring new, coordinated mechanisms of international coop- eration or intervention to replace the piecemeal institutional approach that characterized international attempts to remedy large-scale crises in the past. This narrow approach stems in part from the human security agenda proposed and implemented by the then Liberal Foreign Minister of Canada, Lloyd Axworthy, in the late 1990s.16 In his view, human security referred to such matters as “[p]rotecting civilians, addressing the plight of war-affected children and the threat of terrorism and drugs, managing open borders, and combating infectious diseases.”17 Human security lost its premier place in Canadian foreign policy after Axworthy’s tenure as Foreign Minister ended
  • 54. in 2000, even under succeeding Liberal Ministers.18 Other attempts to define human security take a broader approach than did Axworthy. Convened in 2001 at the behest of Japan, the Commission on Human Security delivered its Report in 2003, arguing inter alia that human security included protection against extreme impoverishment, provision of basic education, and provision of health care and social protection.19 This 12. inTernaTional CoMMiSSion on inTervenTion and STaTe SovereignTy, The reSponSibiliTy To proTeCT xi–xii (2001). 13. gareTh evanS, The reSponSibiliTy To proTeCT: ending MaSS aTroCiTy CriMeS onCe and for all 3–4 (2008). 14. Nicholas Thomas & William T. Tow, The Utility of Human Security: Sovereignty and Humanitarian Intervention, 33 SeCuriTy dialogue 177, 178 (2002). 15. Peter Uvin, A Field of Overlaps and Interactions, 35 SeCuriTy dialogue 352, 352 (2004). 16. Lloyd Axworthy, Human Security and Global Governance: Putting People First, 7 global governanCe 19 (2001); Nik Hynek & David Bosold, A History and Genealogy of the Freedom-from-Fear Doctrine, 64 INT’L J. 735, 738 (2009). 17. Axworthy, supra note 16, at 19.
  • 55. 18. Hynek & Bosold, supra note 16; Francis J. Furtado, Human Security: Did it Live? Has it Died? Does it Matter?, 63 inT’l j. 405, 418 (2008). 19. CoMMiSSion on huMan SeCuriTy, huMan SeCuriTy now 6–7 (2003). Vol. 3492 HUMAN RIGHTS QUARTERLY Japanese “security-development nexus”20 was partly a reaction to the im- poverishment caused by the Asian economic crisis of 1997 to 1999,21 which resulted in a heightened sense of vulnerability in the Asian region to world economic events.22 Japan set up a UN Trust Fund for Human Security in 1999, with a budget of $170 million by 2002.23 The Trust’s geographical focus was Southeast Asia and Africa, and its substantive focus was development.24 The “Japanese” approach, ostensibly stressing development or freedom from want, is sometimes contrasted with the “Canadian” approach, ostensibly stressing freedom from fear.25 However, in 2006 Japan and Mexico estab- lished a Friends of Human Security network within the United Nations.26 This discussion forum for state and UN representatives leaned towards a broad, multidimensional view of human security, focusing on both freedom from want and freedom from fear.27
  • 56. Some scholars advocate an even broader definition of human security than freedom from want and fear, referring to almost any aspect of an indi- vidual’s life that might make her insecure. Gary King and Christopher J.L. Murray, for example, redefine human security as “the number of years of future life spent outside a state of ‘generalized poverty.’”28 Gunhild Hoo- gensen and Svein Vigeland Rottem include domestic violence as an indicator of human insecurity, while Mary Caprioli applies the language of human security to the entire range of women’s rights.29 Even more nebulous is the idea of human security as “social, psychological, political, and economic factors that promote and protect human well-being through time.”30 Thus, 20. David Roberts, Human Security or Human Insecurity? Moving the Debate Forward, 37 SeCuriTy dialogue 249 (2006). 21. CoMMiSSion on huMan SeCuriTy, supra note 19, at 8–9. 22. Amitav Acharya, Human Security: East Versus West, 56 inT’l j. 442, 448 (2001); Paul Evans, A Concept Still on the Margins,but Evolving from Its Asian Roots, 35 SeCuriTy dialogue 363 (2004). 23. David Bosold & Sascha Werthes, Human Security in Practice: Canadian and Japanese
  • 57. Experiences, 1 inTernaTionale poliTik und geSellSChafT [inT’l poliTiCS and SoC’y] 84, 95 (2005). 24. Id. 25. Id. at 94–95. 26. Gerd Oberleitner, Human Security, in enCyClopedia of huMan righTS 486–87 (David P. Forsythe ed., 2009). 27. Meeting Summary, UN Trust Fund for Human Security, Third Meeting of Friends of Hu- man Security—New York (2007), available at http://ochaonline.un.org/OutreachandABHS/ Outreach/2007Activities/ThirdmeetingoftheFriendsofHumanSec urity/tabid/2877/language/ en-US/Default.aspx. 28. Gary King & Christopher J.L. Murray, Rethinking Human Security, 116 pol. SCi. Q. 585, 585 (2002). 29. Gunhild Hoogensen & Svein Vigeland Rottem, Gender Identity and the Subject of Security, 35 SeCuriTy dialogue 155, 167 (2004); Mary Caprioli, Democracy and Human Rights Versus Women’s Security: A Contradiction?, 35 SeCuriTy dialogue 411 (2004). 30. Jennifer Leaning, Psychological Well-Being over Time, 35 SeCuriTy dialogue 354, 354 (2004). 2012 Human Security 93
  • 58. in the broader interpretations proposed by some scholars, human security now seems to refer to any possible need that any individual might have, including needs, such as provision of psychological security, never before defined as an obligation of either states or the international system. This broad view of human insecurity sometimes identifies new threats to individuals’ well-being and perhaps new victims of such threats, depending on each researcher’s view of what human security should comprise. Moreover, it implicitly proposes new duties on states to protect the victims of violations of well-being, both internally and within other states, and implicitly suggests that new mechanisms for protection are needed. However, it is not clear what these new duties are or what new mechanisms might be used to realize them. If the duty-bearer for human security is the international community, or some subset of it, then the new mechanisms the community could use to combat generalized poverty, domestic violence, or psychological factors that undermine human well-being are far from clearly explained. III. INTERNATIoNAL HUMAN RIGHTS LAw coMpAREd wITH HUMAN SEcURITY
  • 59. Human rights are rights that, in principle, all human beings are entitled to, merely by virtue of being biologically human. They are individual rights, not tied to any particular social status or to group, communal, national, or any other membership. Human rights do not have to be earned, nor can they be limited except by conformity to the rule of law, for example when convicted criminals are deprived of freedom of movement. Individual human beings can assert their human rights, while states and other entities are obliged to respect, protect, and fulfill them. To respect human rights means not to violate them; to protect them means to ensure that they are not violated by others; and to fulfill them means to implement positive measures to ensure that individuals enjoy their rights. Human rights are also inalienable, mean- ing that the state may not withdraw any individual’s human rights except under conditions prescribed by the rule of law or (for some rights only) in situations of national emergency. The international human rights legal regime precedes the discourse on human security by over forty years. Human rights were originally enshrined in the UN International Bill of Rights, which consists of the1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the 1966 International
  • 60. Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the 1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).31 Civil and political rights 31. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted 10 Dec. 1948, G.A. Res. 217A (III), U.N. GAOR, 3d Sess., U.N. Doc. A/RES/3/217A (1948) [hereinafter UDHR]; International Vol. 3494 HUMAN RIGHTS QUARTERLY include, for example, protection against torture, the right to a fair trial, and the right to vote.32 Economic, social, and cultural rights include, for example, the right to work, the right to form trade unions, and the rights to education, social security, an adequate standard of living, and the highest attainable standard of health.33 There are also so-called collective rights, such as the right to development.34 Many other more specific human rights treaties, some of which are mentioned below, have been agreed to since 1966. Since the United Nations World Conference on Human Rights was held in Vienna in 1993, international law has recognized that all human rights are universal, indivisible, interdependent, and interrelated: it is impossible to enjoy one set of rights without enjoying the other sets. 35 This
  • 61. principle thus predates assumptions of inter-connectedness among solutions to problems of human insecurity. Human rights were originally designed to protect the individual against the state.36 Gross human rights violations such as extra-judicial execution, arbitrary arrest, and torture are usually committed by the state, although they can also be committed by non-state entities such as armed rebel militias. Civil rights such as due process, a fair trial, and habeas corpus are neces- sary to protect citizens against these abuses, as are political rights such as freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and the right to vote. The ubiquity of the state makes a universal human rights standard necessary, regardless of the type of political regime. Since the inception of the UDHR, however, human rights have gradually evolved to also protect individuals against non-state actors;37 all organs of society are expected to protect human rights. An emerging normative regime obliges transnational corporations and international organizations such as in- ternational financial institutions (IFIs) to also respect human rights.38 Moreover, Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, adopted 16 Dec. 1966, G.A. Res. 2200 (XXI), U.N.
  • 62. GAOR, 21st Sess., 1496th plen. mtg., Supp. No. 16, at 52, U.N. Doc. A/6316 (1966) [hereinafter ICCPR], 999 U.N.T.S. 171 (entered into force 23 Mar. 1976); International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, adopted 16 Dec. 1966, G.A. Res. 2200 (XXI), U.N. GAOR, 21st Sess., 1496th plen. mtg., Supp. No. 16, at 49, U.N. Doc. A/6316 (1966) [hereinafter ICESCR], 993 U.N.T.S 3 (entered into force 3 Jan. 1976). 32. ICCPR, supra note 31, arts. 7, 14, 25. 33. ICESCR, supra note 31, arts. 6, 8, 10–12. 34. Declaration on the Right to Development, adopted 4 Dec. 1986, G.A. Res. 41/128, U.N. GAOR, 41st Sess., 97th plen. mtg., Supp. No. 53, at 186, U.N. Doc. A/41/53 (1986). 35. Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, adopted 25 June 1993, U.N. GAOR, World Conf. on Hum. Rts., U.N. Doc. A/CONF.157/23 (1993); daniel j. whelan, indiviSible huMan righTS: a hiSTory 1 (2010). 36. See MiCheline r. iShay, The hiSTory of huMan righTS froM anCienT TiMeS To The globalizaTion era 63–116 (2004); lynn hunT, invenTing huMan righTS (2007). 37. non-STaTe aCTorS in The huMan righTS univerSe (George Andreopoulos, Zehra F. Kabasakal Arat & Peter Juviler eds., 2006). 38. Ralph G. Steinhardt, Corporate Responsibility and the International Law of Human Rights: The New Lex Mercatoria, in non-STaTe aCTorS and huMan
  • 63. righTS 177 (Philip Alston 2012 Human Security 95 human rights obligations now extend to what was earlier considered to be the “private” societal and familial level. Society, the family, and individuals bear human rights obligations to the disabled, the aged, women, children, and increasingly to sexual minorities. Treaties such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) protect women and children against social actors and against abuse by family members, as well as against abuse by the state.39 Regarding the interplay between the international human rights legal regime and the discourse of human security, it is of utmost importance to recognize that respect for, protection of, and fulfillment of human rights are not policy choices. States may not pick and choose which rights to protect, whose rights to protect, or when to protect them. States that have signed and ratified the relevant human rights treaties are not permitted to prioritize one right, or set of rights, over another in the fulfillment of policy objectives.40
  • 64. Nor may states use real or perceived security threats as excuses to pick and choose which rights to respect, whether the threats are traditional state security threats such as military attack or new human security threats such as climate change. Although some human rights may be suspended during states of emergency, others—such as the protection against torture41—may not be derogated from regardless of the situation. Furthermore, states must protect the rights of their individual citizens. They may not derogate from the rights of some individuals in the name of protection of the national people, or any subset thereof. Individual citizens possess the legal right to demand that their human rights be enforced, whereas ed., 2005); Report of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the Issue of Human Rights and Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises, John Ruggie. Business and Human Rights: Mapping International Standards of Responsibility and Accountability for Corporate Acts, U.N. GAOR, Hum. Rts. Council, 4th Sess., Prov. Agenda Item 2, U.N. Doc. A/HRC/4/35 (2007); Mark Gibney, Katarina Tomasěvski, & Jens Vedsted-Hansen, Transnational State Responsibility for Violations of Human Rights, 12 harv. huM. rTS. j. 267 (1999); Mark gibney, inTernaTional huMan righTS law: reTurning To univerSal prinCipleS (2008); david kinley, CiviliSing
  • 65. globaliSaTion: huMan righTS and The global eConoMy (2009); andrew ClaphaM, huMan righTS obligaTionS of non-STaTe aCTorS (2006). 39. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, adopted 18 Dec. 1979, G.A. Res. 34/180, U.N. GAOR, 34th Sess., 107th plen. mtg., Supp. No. 46, at 193, U.N. Doc. A/34/46 (1980) [hereinafter CEDAW], 1249 U.N.T.S. 13 (entered into force 3 Sept. 1981); Convention on the Rights of the Child, adopted 20 Nov. 1989, G.A. Res 44/25, U.N. GAOR, 44th Sess., 61st plen. mtg., Agenda Item 108, Supp. No.49, at 166, U.N. Doc. A/44/49 (1989), 1577 U.N.T.S. 3 (entered into force 2 Sept. 1990). 40. Gerd Oberleitner, Porcupines in Love: The Intricate Convergence of Human Rights and Human Security, 6 eur. huM. rTS. l. rev. 588, 596 (2005). 41. ICCPR, supra note 31, arts. 4, 7. Vol. 3496 HUMAN RIGHTS QUARTERLY the individual has no standing in the human security discussion.42 National laws; regional treaties such as the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, the American Convention on Human Rights, and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights;43 and
  • 66. international bodies such as the United Nations Human Rights Committee are all entities to which individuals can appeal violations of their rights, although their enforcement powers differ. On the other hand, rarely can an individual appeal to a state to protect his human rights if he is not a citizen of that state. This leaves stateless in- dividuals unprotected, while migrants, whether legal or illegal, frequently have no recourse against violation of their human rights even if they remain citizens of a state where they no longer reside. Human security’s broadening of states’ responsibilities to include non-citizens, even if only in principle rather than practice, is thus a significant change from the international hu- man rights regime, with its insistence primarily on states’ responsibilities to their own citizens.44 Defenders of the human security approach might argue that although the human rights legal regime is extensive, it has not had much, if any, real positive effect since 1945. Some scholars argue that there is no evidence that when a state signs a human rights treaty, its actual human rights performance improves.45 It seems that states sign treaties and take part in the ritual of UN human rights monitoring to gain international and internal legitimacy,
  • 67. rather than to improve their domestic human rights performance. On the other hand, some states are acculturated by international norms to improve their own human rights performance,46 and states that UN monitoring bodies criticize for poor protection of human rights after signing the ICCPR and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treat- ment or Punishment (CAT)47 improve their performance.48 Recent statistical 42. Rothschild, supra note 4, at 70–71. 43. European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, opened for signature 4 Nov. 1950, art. 34, 213 U.N.T.S. 221, Eur. T.S. No. 5 (entered into force 3 Sept. 1953); American Convention on Human Rights, signed 22 Nov. 1969, art. 44, O.A.S. Doc. OEA/Ser.L/V/II.23, doc. 21, rev. 6 (1979), O.A.S.T.S. No. 36, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143 (entered into force 18 July 1978); African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, adopted 27 June 1981, art. 55, O.A.U. Doc. CAB/LEG/67/3/ Rev. 5, 1520 U.N.T.S. 217 (entered into force 21 Oct. 1986). 44. Rothschild, supra note 4, at 83. 45. Linda Camp Keith, The United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights: Does It Make a Difference in Human Rights Behavior?, 36 j. peaCe reS. 95 (1999). 46. helen M. STaCy, huMan righTS for The 21ST CenTury:
  • 68. SovereignTy, Civil SoCieTy, CulTure 124 (2009). 47. Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Pun- ishment, adopted 10 Dec. 1984, G.A. Res. 39/46, U.N. GAOR, 39th Sess., 93d plen. mtg., Agenda Item 99, Supp. No. 51, at 197, U.N. Doc. A/39/51 (1985) [hereinafter CAT], 1465 U.N.T.S. 85 (entered into force 26 June 1987). 48. STaCy, supra note 46, at 130. ann Marie Clark, inTernaTional SourCeS of huMan righTS Change (2009). 2012 Human Security 97 work shows that on average, state ratification of human rights treaties does improve internal human rights performance.49 The human rights legal regime is also the underpinning for a strong, in- ternational civil society movement that has penetrated all areas of the world during the last three decades. The regime is a standard of achievement upon which citizens can rely in criticizing not only their own governments, but also non-state entities such as private corporations, and supra- state interna- tional organizations such as the World Bank and the International Monetary
  • 69. Fund. Even when the human rights obligations of non-state and supra-state entities are not yet strongly enshrined in law, the normative power of human rights is compelling.50 On the other hand, the human rights regime does not make strong de- mands on the international system. Few international mechanisms exist that can actually check human rights abuses. The UN Security Council (UNSC) can pass resolutions regarding human rights abuses it deems to adversely affect international peace and security. The International Criminal Court (ICC) can convict individuals of war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocide, but only after they have already severely abused human rights. Various UN human rights committees dealing with civil and political rights; economic, social, and cultural rights; racial discrimination; discrimination against women; protection against torture; children’s rights; and rights of … International Dialogue on Migration (IDM) 2012 Managing Migration in Crisis Situations
  • 70. MIGRANTS IN TIMES OF CRISIS: AN EMERGING PROTECTION CHALLENGE Venue: International Peace Institute, New York Date: 9 October 2012 9:00am-1:00pm BACKGROUND PAPER 1 Introduction The recent political upheaval in North Africa, the food crisis in the Horn of Africa, major natural disasters such as the 2010 Haiti earthquake or the floods in Pakistan in the same year, and other events of similar magnitude have captured global attention and entailed immense humanitarian challenges. One important feature that these crises had in common was the large-scale movement of populations within and across borders. In effect, international migration will always be a factor in crises.
  • 71. At the end of 2011, a total of more than 42 million people were in a situation of forced displacement as a result of sudden or protracted crises. 2 As such crises 3 - natural or man-made - emerge they typically generate disorderly and predominantly forced movements of people (either internally or across borders), requiring a well-functioning humanitarian response. This workshop and paper focus on the situation of international migrants when their destination countries undergo crises. In other words, we will examine the challenges facing non-nationals, mainly migrant workers and their families, in a State that is experiencing a crisis. 4 As a group of persons affected by crisis, migrants have often been less visible or neglected and may not be accounted for in traditional humanitarian responses. Given the growing number of migrants around
  • 72. 1 This paper is based on two earlier background papers prepared by IOM as part of its International Dialogue on Migration 2012 “Managing migration in crisis situations”: see www.iom.int/idmcomplexcrises and www.iom.int/idmmigrantsincrisis. 2 UNHCR Global Trends Report 2011. Worldwide, 42.5 million people ended 2011 either as refugees (15.2 million), internally displaced (26.4 million) or in the process of seeking asylum (895,000). 3 For the purpose of this paper, the term “crisis” encompasses slow- and sudden onset natural disasters as well as internal and international armed conflict (e.g. war, civil war or unrest). 4 It is explicitly recognized that refugees and asylum seekers may also be among vulnerable mobile populations in a crisis situation and require specific protection, in line with international law. A detailed discussion of the specific issues facing refugees and asylum seekers, however, is beyond the scope of this paper. http://www.swiftpage6.com/SpeClicks.aspx?X=2Y0V4WJPI4N VPNG0000TXA 2
  • 73. Date: 18 September 2012 www.iom.int/idmnewyork the world – 214 million international migrants according to latest estimates 5 – the consequences of crises for migrant populations will likely be a significant feature of future crises and need to be factored into humanitarian response frameworks. This background paper aims to enhance this understanding of the migration context in times of crises and to facilitate constructive, open and informal discussions during the 2012 International Dialogue on Migration 6 workshop taking place on 9 October in New York. First, this paper explores both migration management and humanitarian response frameworks, as well as migrant-specific vulnerabilities, including the characteristics of stranded migrants. Second, the legal provisions available and possible responses are explained, providing background for the first session of the day
  • 74. - “Protecting Migrants in Crisis Situations”. The third and final section focuses on the subject of the second session of the workshop, namely “Addressing Long Term Consequences”, thereby focusing on the linkage between migration, humanitarian, development and security perspectives and providing possible long-term responses. 1. Background Migration management and humanitarian response frameworks In times of crisis, affected populations by nature seek safety elsewhere. As a result, migrants experience numerous barriers to accessing basic services, assistance, and protection. When migrants’ host countries experience crises, migrant populations often have few means to ensure their own safety. In some cases migrants may be unable or unwilling to leave the crisis area; in others they may be unable to access humanitarian assistance, while in others they may seek refuge across borders in adjacent countries. Such population movements have lasting implications for
  • 75. societies, economies, development, the environment, security and governance, and exacerbate risks for already vulnerable populations, including migrants themselves. Last year’s events in North Africa 7 demonstrated the vulnerability of migrants when their host countries experience crises: many migrants were unable to escape the fighting and were trapped inside Libya, where they were sometimes deliberately targeted by the warring factions. Others were stranded at the borders between Libya and neighbouring countries in an attempt to seek safety. Eventually, more than 800,000 migrant workers and their families crossed the borders into neighbouring countries and returned or were evacuated to their countries of origin. The majority were nationals of North-African, Sub-Saharan African and South-Asian countries, but altogether migrants of more than 120 nationalities fled the crisis in Libya. Sub-Saharan Africans were one of the largest groups of migrant workers in Libya: as a result of the crisis, more than 200,000 returned to
  • 76. 5 United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA), Trends in International Migrant Stock: The 2008 Revision, http://esa.un.org/migration/index.asp?panel=1 6 The International Dialogue on Migration 2012 is IOM’s principal forum for migration policy dialogue. It aims to integrate humanitarian and migration perspectives to improve preparedness for managing population movements in the context of political crises, natural disasters and other emergencies. For more information on the workshop organized by the International Peace Institute and IOM in New York on 9 October 2012, see: www.iom.int/idmnewyork. 7 For more on the crisis in North Africa and its repercussions for migrants and migration, see: IOM 2012 Returnees from Libya: the bittersweet experience of coming home. Policy brief; and IOM 2012 Migrants caught in crisis: The IOM experience in Libya. Available at http://publications.iom.int/bookstore. http://esa.un.org/migration/index.asp?panel=1 3 Date: 18 September 2012 www.iom.int/idmnewyork their home countries in just a few months time, giving rise to
  • 77. critical challenges in an already fragile region. The international humanitarian system has produced well- developed mechanisms to coordinate international responses to crisis situations. The humanitarian framework aims at providing a comprehensive response to all affected by a crisis. Within these responses there are long established mechanisms to respond to refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), with refugees clearly under the mandate of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and an inter-agency collaborative approach toward IDPs. However, these defined groups of crisis- affected persons may not fully capture the varied conditions of all those on the move in crisis situations. International migrants in particular have often been less visible or neglected and are often not accounted for in traditional humanitarian responses. In a world in which more and more people are on the move and countries host large migrant populations, an inclusive humanitarian response framework is