Marriage And Family, Empirical Article Best


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Marriage And Family, Empirical Article Best

  1. 1. Sex Roles (2007) 56:325–339 DOI 10.1007/s11199-006-9174-0 ORIGINAL ARTICLE Cross-ethnic Applicability of the Gender-based Attitudes Toward Marriage and Child Rearing Scales Michele Adams & Scott Coltrane & Ross D. Parke Published online: 28 February 2007 # Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2007 Abstract The reliability and validity of Hoffman and Theories about gender difference and inequality identify the Kloska’s (1995) Gender-based Attitudes toward Marital family as a primary site for the transmission of attitudes Roles (GATMR) and Gender-based Attitudes toward Child toward gender. Polarized gender attitudes, in turn, are consi- Rearing (GATCR) were assessed for a sample of Mexican dered a major cause of women’s disadvantage in a sexist American mothers and fathers (n=167) of fifth-grade society (Bem, 1993; Coltrane, 1998; Lorber, 1994). Over children in a large metropolitan area in the southwestern the past few decades, psychologists and sociologists have United States. Factor analysis was conducted, and the developed a wide range of measures to study gender attitudes results suggest that the 6-item GATMR is conceptually (e.g., Beere, 1990; McHugh & Frieze, 1997; Moradi, Yoder, distinct and reliable for this ethnic group. Correlation of & Berendsen, 2004), but only recently have they turned GATMR scores for mothers and fathers with divisions of their attention toward the development of specific measures family labor suggest good validity. A 5-item revised that focus on families. Hoffman and Kloska’s (1995) GATCR demonstrated modest reliability and good construct Gender-based Attitudes toward Marital Roles (GATMR) validity. The value of these scales for work with Mexican and Child Rearing (GATCR) were developed to fill this American families is noted. Theoretical implications for void. The measures were designed to tap attitudes that reflect gender socialization are explored, and suggestions for gender stereotypes about the husband-wife relationship further research are offered. (GATMR) and about how to raise boys and girls (GATCR); the scales were initially normed on a sample of European Keywords Gender . Family . Marriage . American and African American women and men. The goal Latino/a (hispanic) . Parenting of the present study was to explore the factor structure and validity of scores on these marriage and child rearing measures with a sample of Mexican American families. As Hoffman and Kloska (1995) noted, parental attitudes This research was supported by Grant # MH 54154-01A2 from the about how family roles are gendered have important National Institute of Mental Health. implications for children’s socialization. Children observe M. Adams (*) and learn about the gendered nature of family life indirectly Department of Sociology, Tulane University, from their parents’ interactions with each other, as well as 220 Newcomb Hall, directly from experiencing how their parents treat them. New Orleans, LA 70118, USA Both dimensions of gender attitudes-toward marriage and e-mail: toward child rearing-are posited to influence children’s S. Coltrane construction of the nature of the world, their self-concepts, Department of Sociology, University of California, and their behavior (Bem, 1993; Hoffman & Kloska, 1995). Riverside, CA, USA Socialization involves the ways in which children learn R. D. Parke to be “fully functioning members of adult society” (Coltrane, Department of Psychology, University of California, 1998, p. 110); the broad aim of socialization is to guide the Riverside, CA, USA “child to fit the adult role he or she will occupy” (Hoffman,
  2. 2. 326 Sex Roles (2007) 56:325–339 1977, p. 646). Traditional gender arrangements have Although child development theories postulate different focused on the wife-as-homemaker, husband-as-provider social and cognitive processes in the attainment of “gender- roles, around which traditional socialization practices have appropriate” self-concepts and behaviors, most acknowl- been organized (Hoffman, 1977). For this reason, studies edge the importance of parents’ attitudes in children’s have historically demonstrated gender differences in the gender development. Parents’ gender-based expectations ways that parents treat their children. As future breadwin- about appropriate child rearing may affect children directly ners, boys have been encouraged to be assertive, indepen- through their differential treatment of sons and daughters, a dent, achievement-oriented, and competitive; as future pattern to which fathers, in particular, are often prone homemakers and mothers, girls have been encouraged to be (Adams & Coltrane, 2005; Lytton & Romney, 1991; relationship-oriented, obedient, and nurturing (see Block, Maccoby, 1992). For instance, parents expect daughters, 1983; Hoffman, 1977). As girls move into adolescence, they more often than sons, to perform routine household labor may experience a conflict between “affiliative and achieve- such as cooking or cleaning, whereas boys are more often ment needs” (Block, 1983, p. 1339; see Hoffman, 1972), as expected to take responsibility for outdoor chores such as they see educational and career achievement as antagonistic lawn care (Antill, Goodnow, Russell, & Cotton, 1996; Blair, to marriage and motherhood (Hoffman, 1977). 1992). In this way, expectations about gendered family roles Because educational achievement is correlated with occu- are transmitted intergenerationally. pational success, educational guidance has historically been Moreover, boys’ and girls’ adjustment may be linked to channeled along stereotypical family-role lines. Boys have gender socialization processes (Huselid & Cooper, 1994) been expected to aspire to and achieve higher educational such that girls are more prone to internalize problems, and outcomes than girls, who have been expected to lower their boys to externalize them (Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1987). educational aspirations in favor of marriage and child rearing Socialization into stereotypical gender orientations, includ- (Haggstrom, Kanouse, & Morrison, 1986; Hanson, 1994). ing “masculine” instrumentality and “feminine” expressiv- This tendency reflects the outcome, at least in part, of various ity, may be linked to such gender-bifurcated symptoms of socialization practices that contribute to adolescent girls’ adjustment problems in adolescents (Hoffmann, Powlishta, lowered self-esteem, aspirations, and attainments (Carter & & White, 2004). Previous research has pointed to adoles- Wojtkiewicz, 2000). Although these tendencies are currently cence as an important period in the emergence and/or changing for some women (Mickelson, 1989), in several exacerbation of gender differences in symptoms of inter- ethnic/racial groups, including African Americans (Hanson, nalizing and externalizing behaviors (Nolen-Hoeksema & 1994) and Latino/as (Zambrana & Zoppi, 2002), educational Girgus, 1994; Rozario, Kapur, Rao, & Dalal, 1994); outcomes for women still lag behind those of men. adolescence is, therefore, “an ideal age at which to study Psychological and socialization theories suggest that the causes of gender differentiation of symptoms of gender-polarized stereotypes promote gender-based divi- pathology” (Hoffmann et al., 2004, p. 795). sions of labor in the home (Bem, 1993; Coltrane, 1998). Although the increasing salience of gender egalitarian Women’s egalitarian gender ideology is a consistent attitudes in the United States has weakened gender stereo- predictor of household labor sharing. When wives believe types somewhat, studies continue to show the prevalence of that both paid work and family work should be shared, and gender-bifurcated socialization practices (Huston & when they endorse equality between women and men, Alvarez, 1990; see Ruble, Martin, & Berenbaum, 2006, housework is more likely to be shared between partners. for a recent review). Moreover, gender socialization has Some studies also show that men who hold egalitarian been shown to intensify during adolescence (Hill & Lynch, views share more housework or child care, although results 1983; Ruble et al., 2006), particularly when parents’ are mixed (Coltrane, 2000). Although rigid gender-based attitudes toward gender are more traditional (Arnett, differences in marriage and parenting are declining, hus- 2001). Prior research on family labor and gender socializa- bands and wives continue to perform different household tion has been largely based on non-Latino/a White families. tasks under somewhat different circumstances (Thompson Nevertheless, relevant studies suggest that divisions of & Walker, 1989). In general, husbands and wives who hold labor in Latino/a families are related to gender-based more stereotyped views of gender-bifurcated roles within attitudes toward marriage and that the development of marriage share less housework and parenting, whereas men adolescent Latino/as is shaped by gendered socialization and women with less polarized gender attitudes share more practices (Coltrane, Parke, & Adams, 2004; Raffaelli & family work (Coltrane, 2000). In addition, women continue Ontai, 2004). To explore such claims, researchers need to bear responsibility for household labor management; measures of gender attitudes whose scores exhibit accept- they notice when things need to be done and set the able levels of reliability and validity across ethnic groups. standards for doing them (Coltrane, 1996, 2000; Thompson However, scales that attempt to make distinctions among & Walker, 1989). the various dimensions of gender attitudes are rare. Hoffman
  3. 3. Sex Roles (2007) 56:325–339 327 and Kloska (1995) reported only one previous measure of spheres is more evident in the lower economic strata parents’ gender-based attitudes toward child rearing (Burge, (Coltrane, 2000; Press & Townsley, 1998). Moreover, non- 1981) and another measure that focuses on parents’ employed married women hold more stereotyped views than reactions to children’s counter-stereotyped behavior (Katz employed women do, and their husbands and children hold & Walsh, 1991). Designed to supplement these measures, more traditional views than their counterparts in mother- the GATCR (Hoffman & Kloska, 1995) focuses primarily employed families (Hoffman & Kloska, 1995; Greenberger, on attitudes of parents toward independence and achieve- Goldberg, Crawford, & Ganger, 1988). More stereotyped ment for boys and girls, and also includes one item about gender attitudes are also consistently found to correlate with counter-stereotyped toys (i.e., sons and dolls). fewer years of schooling (Glass, 1992), a relationship that Hoffman and Kloska (1995) validated the GATMR and tends to hold across different racial and ethnic groups GATCR in two different ways, with a sample of middle and (Hoffman & Kloska, 1995; Oropesa, 1996). Finally, as noted lower class African American and European American below, Latino/as are more likely than the general population families. First, they examined the relationship of each scale to endorse gender differentiated duties and obligations for to various demographic variables previously shown to relate husbands and wives. to gender traditionalism. Women, generally, and employed mothers, in particular, were less traditional in their gender attitudes, as were men and women who reported more Gender and Ethnicity: A Focus on Latino/a Families education and higher socioeconomic class; being African American was related to more gender traditionalism. Hoffman Comparatively little research has been done on the gender and Kloska then assessed the predictive validity of the scale role attitudes of Mexican American families (for some and found that marital role attitudes correlated with reports of exceptions, see Denner & Dunbar, 2004; Leaper & Valin, husbands’ share of household labor and that parents’ gender 1996; Raffaelli, 2005; Raffaelli & Ontai, 2001, 2004) attitudes, generally, related to their children’s gender stereo- despite the fact that Latino/as comprise the largest minority typing. Mothers’ more progressive attitudes toward child group in the United States (Coltrane et al., 2004). Although rearing predicted increased internal locus of control, indepen- assumptions abound concerning the traditionalism of dence, and higher academic achievement for daughters. Mexican American families, including hypermasculinized These gender-based attitude scales were also validated gender attitudes (machismo) of Latino men and family- by Hoffman and Youngblade (1999) in their study of the oriented, self-sacrificing attitudes (marianismo or hem- effects of maternal employment on well-being in European brismo) of Latina women (Denner & Dunbar, 2004; Garza, American and African American families. Maternal em- 2001; Gil & Vazquez, 1996), tests of these assumptions are ployment predicted less gender-stereotyped marital roles relatively rare (for exceptions, see Garza, 2001; Mirandé, and role attitudes for both women and their spouses but had 1997). Some studies show more traditional attitudes in no direct effect on gender-stereotyping in child rearing. Mexican American families than in either European Fathers who participated more frequently in child care or American or African American families (Kane, 2000), who performed more routine household tasks were less although other research suggests that, as families accultur- likely to hold traditional gender attitudes toward child ate, the gender attitudes of men and women become more rearing. Finally, fathers’ participation in routine housework egalitarian (Leaper & Valin, 1996). was also related to mothers’ more egalitarian gender Moreover, cultural values concerning the significance of attitudes toward child rearing. families may encourage Mexican Americans to experience the intersection of gender and family arrangements in a unique way. For instance, the notion of familismo adds Gender Attitudes, Ethnicity, and Social Class complexity to the study of gender attitudes in Latino/a families. Familistic values invoke solidarity and identifica- Prior researchers have identified links between social class tion with immediate and extended family, as well as strong and gender attitudes. More stereotyped gender attitudes (i.e., bonds of loyalty, devotion, and family-centered concern more “traditional” views) usually correlate with lower (Sabogal, Marín, Otero-Sabogal, Marín, & Perez-Stable, socioeconomic status. Less family income and lower levels 1987; Valenzuela & Dornbusch, 1994). Familism distin- of occupational prestige are often associated with a belief in guishes family as the consummate support network, separate spheres for men and women, though sometimes men particularly for new immigrants or families in economically with higher income are also found to hold more stereotyped challenging situations (Stack, 1974). An overarching gender attitudes (Schaninger & Buss, 1986). Although familistic orientation may influence how family members working-class couples are about as likely as professional- perceive and structure their gendered arrangements. For class couples to share family work, an ideology of separate instance machismo, seen as male dominance, sexism,
  4. 4. 328 Sex Roles (2007) 56:325–339 hypermasculinity, and aggression, and applied stereotypi- pointed out, “Latino child-rearing practices encourage the cally to Latino men (Garza, 2001), may denote more development of a self-identity embedded firmly within the positive qualities such as honor, respect, courage, and context of the familia (family). One’s individual identity is responsibility when considered in the context of men’s therefore part of a larger identity with the familia.” Studies family relations. Mirandé (1997) found that the Latinos he show that these aspects of Latino/a culture, including respect studied often endorsed and adopted stereotypically femi- for family, elders, and the traditional gender roles of machismo nine attitudes such as empathy, tenderness, and affection, and marianismo, remain highly salient to Latino/a parents, and behaviors such as the propensity to cry. In support of which makes them likely topics of socialization (see his sense of the existence of a “distinct Latino cultural ethic González, Umaña-Taylor, & Bámaca, 2006). surrounding masculinity and fatherhood” (p. 115), Mirandé For these reasons, it is important to examine the gender observed that men “scoring high on traditionalism more attitudes of Latino/as, to evaluate the ways in which those often listed not supporting the family or being irresponsible attitudes are transmitted intergenerationally, and to assess as the worst or lowest thing” a man could do (p. 107). the applicability of measurement tools created for and Latinas are influenced by familism and the centrality of validated with other ethnic groups. The present study the virgin mother (Gil & Vazquez, 1996; Raffaelli & Ontai, extends the literature on gender attitudes by exploring the 2001; Tiano & Ladino, 1999). Femininity is symbolically extent to which the Hoffman and Kloska (1995) gender scales, tied to women’s preservation of virginity until marriage and or derivatives, may apply to Mexican American families. their subsequent engagement in the domestic sphere and Specifically, we examined the following research questions: self-sacrifice in the interest of husbands and children. 1. To what extent do factor analyses of responses to Attitudes toward gender roles for Latinas continue to reflect family-oriented gender attitude questions reflect the this symbolism, even as gender role attitudes, generally, factor structure of Hoffman and Kloska’s (1995) may be drifting toward equality (Guendelman, Malin, Gender-based Attitudes toward Marriage (GATMR) Herr-Harthorn, & Vargas, 2001; Parke & Buriel, 2006). and Gender-based Attitudes toward Child Rearing Studies of gender socialization in Latino/a families indicate (GATCR) scales in Mexican American families? that daughters and sons are still subjected to different 2. How do these scales correlate with various dimensions gender socialization experiences. For instance, young of social class within this ethnic group? Latinas experience tighter dating restrictions, more limits 3. How valid is the application of the GATMR to our on after school activities, and greater control over the age of sample? Do more traditional gender attitudes as employment than do their brothers (Espin, 1984/1997; reflected by the GATMR correlate with husbands’ Raffaelli, 2005; Raffaelli & Ontai, 2001, 2004; Villaruel, lowered participation in routine household labor? 1998). In their study of Latinas’ familial sexual socializa- 4. How valid is the application of the GATCR-R to our tion, Raffaelli and Ontai (2001) observed that parents sample? Do more traditional parental gender attitudes voiced concerns about the potential implications of daugh- as reflected by the GATCR-R correlate with gender- ters’ inappropriate sexual behavior for the family, as well as stereotyped outcomes for daughters and sons reported disdain for American-style courtship patterns, which they by mothers and fathers, as well as with children’s viewed as promiscuous. In spite, or because, of parental reports of events occurring in their lives? socialization practices that explicitly regulated romantic involvement for daughters, the majority of Raffaelli and Ontai’s (2001) sample of young Latinas engaged in covert dating, either without their parents’ knowledge or with the Method complicity of their mothers. Generally speaking, adults’ attitudes toward gender roles Participants and procedure can structure the attitudes and opportunities of the next generation, as parents invoke and model “appropriate” For this analysis we relied on two waves of data from a gender roles and children perceive differential expectations longitudinal study of the impact of economic stress on for boys and girls (Denner & Dunbar, 2004). Moreover, Mexican American and European American families living Latino/a parents’ gender attitudes, couched in values of in southern California (Coltrane et al., 2004; Parke et al., familism, may have a particularly strong effect on their 2004). With the help of public elementary schools, 278 children. Latino/a family relationships are also conditioned families (167 Mexican American, 111 European American) by respect based on age. Children are expected to respect with at least one child in the fifth grade were recruited. Data their parents for as long as they live (Parke & Buriel, 2006), were first collected in 1998 via separate face-to-face which could reinforce receptivity to their parents’ gender interviews with mothers, fathers, and focal children; the (and other) values. As Parke and Buriel (2006, p. 464) same method was used to collect the second wave of data in
  5. 5. Sex Roles (2007) 56:325–339 329 1999 when the focal child was in sixth grade (see Tables 1 Table 2 Characteristics of mothers and fathers in sample at Wave 1: and 2 for characteristics of the Mexican American sub- means, standard deviations, and differences by parental status. sample; also Coltrane, Melzer, Vega, & Parke, 2005). For Fathers (N=167)a Mothers (N=167)a the present study, we focused solely on the Mexican American subsample of the data. Mean (SD) Mean (SD) Approximately three-fourths of the Mexican American Age (yrs.) 38.9*** (6.20) 37.6 (6.06) parents in the study were born in Mexico and came to the Education (in yrs) 9.3 (4.11) 9.3 (4.20) United States after the age of 15, which makes them first Traditional gender 14.1** (3.71) 13.1 (3.86) generation immigrants and their children part of the second attitudes about marriage generation. Following sampling criteria designed to focus Traditional gender 9.1 (2.50) 8.6 (2.50) on children who had completed all their schooling in the attitudes about childrearing United States, all families had been living in the United Routine housework 11.9 (11.44) 49.2*** (20.64) States for at least 5 years. More than 80% of the Mexican (in h) American children in the sample were born in the United a States. Seventy-one percent of the Mexican American N varies for each variable parents elected to be interviewed in Spanish (rather than *p<.05 **p<.01 ***p<.001 English). In contrast, over 80% of the Mexican American children chose to be interviewed in English. The Accultur- ative Rating Scale for Mexican Americans (Cuellar, Arnold, normed on a sample comprised of European Americans & Maldonado, 1995) was administered to the Latino/a (77%) and African Americans (23%); psychometrics were parents, 57% of whom scored in the “Mexican-oriented” good, and reliabilities for the scale scores ranged from .77 range, 32% in the bi-cultural range, and 11% in the “Anglo- to .85 (Hoffman & Kloska, 1995). Both scales were shown oriented” range. Forty percent of Mexican American to have good face reliability (see also Hoffman & mothers were employed at Wave 1, and Mexican American Youngblade, 1999). households averaged 5.9 individuals at that time (Table 1). Items that comprise the full scales are shown in Table 3. Cronbach’s alphas for Mexican American mothers and Instruments fathers in the current sample are .82 (mothers and fathers) for the 6-item GATMR and .62 (mothers) and .58 (fathers) Hoffman and Kloska’s (1995) gender attitudes scales for the 7-item GATCR, both measured at Wave 1 of data collection. The battery of measures administered to mothers and fathers in our sample included the 6-item Gender-based Household division of labor Attitudes toward Marital Roles (GATMR) and the 7-item Gender-based Attitudes toward Child Rearing (GATCR) To assess household labor, we used items and response scales developed by Hoffman and Kloska (1995). The formats taken from the National Survey of Families and scales were created to measure the presence of gender- Households (Sweet, Bumpass, & Call, 1988). Fathers and stereotypical attitudes in the context of family arrange- mothers rated themselves and their spouses on the number of ments. The GATMR incorporates items related to the weekly hours devoted to each of five household tasks: meal division of labor, and the GATCR incorporates items preparation, house cleaning, shopping for groceries and related to childhood socialization into values of indepen- household goods, washing dishes or meal cleanup, and dence and achievement. These scales were originally laundry. We used Wave 1 data and the mean of estimates by father and mother, and computed father’s percentage contribution to the total couple hours of housework (for a Table 1 Characteristics of families in sample at Wave 1. discussion of methodological issues in collection and reporting of household labor data, see Coltrane, 2000). For Mexican-American Families child supervision, as with household labor, fathers and (N=167)a mothers estimated the number of hours that they and their Mean/% (SD) spouses spent per week supervising their children. Using mother’s and father’s mean estimates at Wave 1, we Income 35,769 (29,067) computed father’s percentage contribution to the total couple Percent mothers employed 40% (.49) hours of child supervision performed. Household size 5.9 (1.94) Responsibility for housework was assessed by asking a N varies for each variable fathers and mothers two questions: (1) Who notices when
  6. 6. 330 Sex Roles (2007) 56:325–339 Table 3 Factor analysis of gender-based attitudes by mothers and fathers: 13-item model. Item Oblimin Loading Mothers Fathers F1 F2 F1 F2 GATMR Some equality in marriage is okay, but by and large, the man should have the main say-so. .66 .11 .68 −.06 A husband’s job is more important than a wife’s. .65 .26 .64 .13 It isn’t always possible, but ideally the wife should do the cooking and the housekeeping .71 .12 .72 −.17 and the husband should provide the family with money. For a woman, taking care of the children is the main thing, but for a man his job is. .61 .24 .60 −.05 Men should make the really important decisions in the family. .72 .28 .66 −.01 A man should help in the house, but housework and child care should mainly be a woman’s job. .59 .25 .65 .09 Cronbach’s Alpha .82 .82 GATCR It’s okay for children to help around the house, but I would not ask a son to dust or set the table. .34 .45 .47 .07 Education is more important for sons than for daughters. .30 .50 .35 .20 It is as important to steer a daughter toward a good job as it is with a son. (Reverse coded) −.06 .31 .09 .52 I would give a daughter as much encouragement and help in getting an education .10 .39 .13 .61 as I would with a son. (Reverse coded) It is more important to raise a son to be strong and independent than to raise a daughter that way. .47 .58 .61 .48 It is more important to raise a son so he will be able to hold down a good job when he’s .55 .67 .68 .50 grown, but that’s not so major with a daughter. I see nothing wrong with giving a little boy a doll to play with. (Reverse coded) .17 .04 .05 −.18 Cronbach’s Alpha .62 .58 Note. Factors are labeled as follows: F1 indicates Gender-based Attitudes toward Marriage, and F2 indicates Gender-based Attitudes toward Child Rearing. All items are measured at Wave 1. things need to be done around the house?, and (2) Who sets Internalizing scores and externalizing scores were comput- standards for how housework should be done? Responses ed separately and generated for mothers and fathers by were based on a 5-point scale (Always me/Usually me/ summing mothers’ or fathers’ scores for all items of each Both/Usually spouse/Always spouse). Answers were subscale. Higher scores reflected mothers’ or fathers’ recoded so that higher scores reflect fathers taking more re- perceptions that their children exhibited greater internaliz- sponsibility. Mothers’ and fathers’ responses to the two items ing or externalizing behavior. were summed to create an index of Father’s Responsibility for Housework. Dimensions of social class Child adjustment problems To examine the relationship of social class to gender attitudes, we created categorical levels of various class We measured child adjustment at Wave 1 by drawing on the dimensions, based on Wave 1 data, to enable within-group internalizing and externalizing subscales of the parent comparisons. Income level was developed based on the version of the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL; median group income of $28,000. Education level was Achenbach, 1991). Cronbach’s alphas for the internalizing determined based on the number of years of school subscale were .80 and .83 for Mexican American mothers attendance, either fewer than 12 years or 12 years and more. and fathers, respectively. For the externalizing subscale, Families were also categorized based on mothers’ employ- Cronbach’s alphas were .83 and .88 for Mexican American ment (full- or part-time) or non-employment status. mothers and fathers, respectively. Parents were asked about behaviors or attitudes their children may be exhibiting, such Life Events Checklist as “feels worthless or inferior” (internalizing behavior) or “gets into many fights” (externalizing behavior) that We examined the relationship of parental gender attitudes to suggest problems with adjustment. Possible responses to events that occurred in the focal child’s life by looking at individual items included “(0) not true”, “(1) somewhat or the child’s responses to the Life Events Checklist at both sometimes true”, and “(2) very true or often true”. waves of data collection. As discussed above, parental
  7. 7. Sex Roles (2007) 56:325–339 331 gender socialization has previously been shown to affect Results of the first stage of the analysis are presented in child behavioral outcomes, particularly as they relate to Table 3, which uses the data from our sample of Mexican dating, education, and aggressive behaviors. This checklist American families (n=167) to factor analyze, by parental was adapted from the Iowa Youth and Families Project (see status, the 13 gender attitude items employed by Hoffman Conger & Elder, 1994, for project description). The original and Kloska (1995). Item loadings on Factor 1 (GATMR) checklist was taken from the Junior High Life Experiences are relatively unambiguous for both mothers and fathers; Survey, which exhibited good psychometric properties (Ge, item loadings (all except one in excess of .60) are Lorenz, Conger, Elder, & Simons, 1994; Swearingen & considered to be “very good” (see Comrey & Lee, 1992). Cohen, 1985). Reliabilities for the GATMR were acceptable, calculated to The Life Events Checklist used in the present study be .82 for mothers and fathers. Item loadings on Factor 2 consisted of 45 events that could have occurred in the focal (GATCR) are more ambiguous. For mothers, all items, child’s life, some of which were under the child’s control except two, load above .32, which is considered to be the and some of which were not. In the first wave of data minimum adequate loading by Tabachnick and Fidell (2001) collection, the child was asked whether or not the event had and generally load distinctly on Factor 2. One exception (“It occurred during the previous year; in the second wave, the is as important to steer a daughter toward a good job as it is child was asked whether the event had occurred since the with a son”) loads at .31. One additional item (“I see nothing time of the first response. Children responded either “no” wrong with giving a little boy a doll to play with”) loads (coded 0) or “yes” (coded 1) to each item. From the full list higher on Factor 1 at .17. For fathers, four items load higher of 45 events, for this study we examined the results of five on Factor 1 than on Factor 2. Two of the remaining three separate occurrences over which the child had some items load uniquely on Factor 2 at .45 (“fair” according to ostensible control and which included outcomes that other Comrey and Lee (1992)) or above, and the remaining item research has shown to correlate with traditional socializa- regarding giving dolls to boys loads negatively at −.18 on tion practices. These items included: “You began to date”, Factor 2. Cronbach’s alphas for Factor 2 were .62 for “You argued more with parents”, “You got into trouble with mothers and .58 for fathers, respectively, both of which were classmates”, “You were not accepted into an important below the alpha level of .70 generally considered to be school activity”, and “You were suspended from school”. desirable (Schmitt, 1996). Because of the discrepancy in factor structure between mothers’ and fathers’ Factor 2, a revised GATCR (hereafter Results referred to as GATCR-R) was developed in the second stage of the analysis. Two items (“Education is more important for Our first research question was explored by factor analysis of sons than for daughters” and “I see nothing wrong with the 13 gender attitude questions previously used by Hoffman giving a little boy a doll to play with”) from the original and Kloska to construct their gender scales (see Table 3). Our GATCR were dropped to bring fathers’ Factor 2 structure analytical goal was to advance exploration of these scales into greater alignment with mothers’. Principal axis factor- with a differently composed sample, so we employed factor ing using oblimin rotation with Kaiser normalization was analytic techniques informed, but not necessarily con- used on the remaining 11 items, and results are shown in strained, by Hoffman and Kloska’s two-factor solution. We Table 4. This table presents the final baseline factor models, employed exploratory factor analysis in order to explore the which include a 6-item GATMR scale and a 5-item underlying processes that produced correlations among the GATCR-R scale. Although one item shown under mothers’ 13 gender attitude items rather than to confirm a priori and three items under fathers’ GATCR-R continue to load hypotheses (see Tabachnick & Fidell, 2001). higher on Factor 1 than Factor 2, we retained all items as Specifically, we used principal axis factoring to extract part of the GATCR-R because they were conceptually factors and oblimin rotation with Kaiser normalization consistent with other Factor 2 items. Cronbach’s alphas for because this method better addresses our goal of developing the GATCR-R are .61 for mothers and .65 for fathers, both theoretical assumptions regarding gender attitudes as of which remain modest. Although these alphas are below underlying constructs than does principal components the desirable .70 reliability level, some researchers have analysis (see Tabachnick & Fidell, 2001). Because “real- argued that lower alpha values may be reasonable, parti- world” implications of attitudes toward gender norms led us cularly when the measure is complex or when it provides to believe that the resulting factors might be correlated, we “meaningful content coverage of some domain” (Schmitt, chose an oblique (direct oblimin) rather than orthogonal 1996, p. 352; also see Kember, Biggs, & Leung, 2004). rotation method (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2001). Considered in this light, the reliabilities for the GATCR-R Statistical analyses were conducted in stages in order to can be viewed as acceptable, albeit on the modest side. For accommodate emerging results in subsequent phases. GATMR, as mentioned previously, Cronbach’s alphas are
  8. 8. 332 Sex Roles (2007) 56:325–339 Table 4 Factor analysis of gender-based attitudes by mothers and fathers: 11-item baseline model. Item Oblimin Loading Mothers Fathers F1 F2 F1 F2 GATMR Some equality in marriage is okay, but by and large, the man should have the main say-so. .66 .11 .69 .03 A husband’s job is more important than a wife’s. .65 .17 .63 .20 It isn’t always possible, but ideally the wife should do the cooking and the housekeeping .71 .07 .75 −.09 and the husband should provide the family with money. For a woman, taking care of the children is the main thing, but for a man his job is. .61 .21 .60 .03 Men should make the really important decisions in the family. .72 .23 .65 .07 A man should help in the house, but housework and child care should mainly be a woman’s job. .59 .27 .64 .18 Cronbach’s Alpha .82 .82 GATCR-R It’s okay for children to help around the house, but I would not ask a son to dust or set the table. .36 .35 .45 .14 It is as important to steer a daughter toward a good job as it is with a son. (Reverse coded) −.03 .31 .03 .52 I would give a daughter as much encouragement and help in getting an education .12 .37 .08 .61 as I would with a son. (Reverse coded) It is more important to raise a son to be strong and independent than to raise a daughter that way. .49 .61 .59 .54 It is more important to raise a son so he will be able to hold down a good job when he’s .58 .72 .67 .60 grown, but that’s not so major with a daughter. Cronbach’s Alpha .61 .65 Note. Factors are labeled as follows: F1 indicates Gender-based Attitudes toward Marriage, and F2 indicates Gender-based Attitudes toward Child Rearing (as revised). All items are measured at Wave 1. an acceptable .82 for mothers and fathers. Response those above the median to hold traditional attitudes toward categories for the final scale items ranged from (1) strongly marriage, although the differences in fathers’ attitudes bet- disagree to (4) strongly agree; several items were reverse ween the two income groups did not quite reach statistical coded, as noted on Table 4. Higher scores on the GATMR significance (p<.10). The difference in mothers’ gender atti- and GATCR-R reflect more traditional gender attitudes. tudes toward marriage between the two income groups was These baseline models were used in all subsequent analyses. statistically significant, t=3.28, df=143, p<.001, as were the As reported by Hoffman and Kloska (1995), the two differences in attitudes between both mothers and fathers subscales were correlated with each other. For Mexican with less than 12 years of education and their counterparts American mothers in our sample the GATMR and GATCR-R with 12 or more years of education, t=4.61, df=159, p<.001, are correlated at r=.44 (p<.0001), and for Mexican American and t=3.57, df=154, p<.001, respectively. Although non- fathers at r=.48 (p<.0001). Husbands’ and wives’ responses on employed Mexican American mothers were significantly the GATMR are correlated at r=.29 (p<.0001), although their more traditional in their attitudes toward marriage than were responses on the GATCR-R are not significantly correlated. employed Mexican American mothers, t=3.48, df=164, p<.001, fathers whose wives were employed were not Construct validation significantly different in their attitudes toward marriage than were fathers whose wives were not employed. Construct validity was addressed first by examining the Significant differences in the GATCR-R were mostly relation of the scales to various dimensions of social class. evident for Mexican American mothers. Those with lower We expected parents to hold traditional gender attitudes incomes, t=2.58, df=143, p<.01, and less education, t=2.41, when they were less educated, when they lived in non- df=159, p<.05, held more traditional attitudes toward child employed-mother households, and when family income was rearing than did their higher income, more educated counter- lower. After dividing relevant demographic variables into parts. Similarly, non-employed mothers were significantly dichotomous categories as described above, we performed more traditional in their child rearing attitudes than were t-tests on the differences in mean scores between categories employed mothers, t=3.35, df=164, p<.001. Mexican for both mothers and fathers. Analyses (see Table 5) showed American fathers with fewer than 12 years of education that Mexican American fathers and mothers below the were also significantly more traditional in their child rearing median group income of $28,000 were more likely than attitudes than were their more highly educated counterparts,
  9. 9. Sex Roles (2007) 56:325–339 333 Table 5 Means, standard deviations, and t-test results on the GATMR and the GATCR-R for fathers and mothers by dimensions of social class at Wave 1. Fathers Mothers N Mean (SD) t-val N Mean (SD) t-val GATMR Incomea Below median 70 14.74 (3.72) 1.91 71 14.16 (3.92) 3.28*** Median and above 74 13.58 (3.60) 74 12.15 (3.43) Education Fewer than 12 yrs. 99 14.98 (3.71) 3.57*** 102 14.21 (3.45) 4.61*** 12 yrs. or more 57 12.86 (3.32) 59 11.51 (3.79) Mother’s Employment Mother not employed 99 14.30 (3.42) .85 99 13.96 (3.75) 3.48*** Mother employed 66 13.80 (4.09) 67 11.91 (3.67) GATCR-R Incomea Below median 70 9.30 (2.60) 1.46 71 9.07 (2.67) 2.58** Median and above 74 8.69 (2.42) 74 8.01 (2.25) Education Fewer than 12 yrs. 99 9.73 (2.12) 4.10*** 102 8.95 (2.41) 2.41* 12 yrs. or more 57 8.11 (2.78) 59 7.98 (2.52) Mother’s Employment Mother not employed 99 9.10 (2.34) .29 99 9.10 (2.47) 3.35*** Mother employed 66 8.99 (2.73) 67 7.82 (2.34) a Median income: $28,000 *p<.05 **p<.01 ***p<.001 t=4.10, df=154, p<.001. There was, however, no statistically the smaller the percent of child supervision the men perform, significant difference in child rearing attitudes between fathers although results do not reach significance (p<.10) for either in the different income groups or between those whose wives’ mothers or fathers: both r=−.14. Taken together, these worked and those whose wives were not employed. findings provide support for this test of construct validity The second stage of construct validation involved corre- of the GATMR with Mexican American families. lations between the gender-based attitude scales and other We took two approaches to testing for the validity of the behaviors that previous research suggests may be related to GATCR-R. The first approach involved examining the gender traditionalism (research questions 3 and 4). To the relation between the scale scores and children’s reports of extent that higher scores on the GATMR correlate with various events that had occurred in their lives (see Table 7). fathers’ decreased share of household labor and other family Based on theory, previous research, and Latino/a cultural work, validity of the scale can be supported. We correlated values, we expected that events in the lives of daughters three measures of the division of family labor with the whose parents held more traditional gender attitudes toward GATMR for mothers and fathers (see Table 6). Fathers’ child rearing would be more oriented toward marriage and percent of housework hours is consistently and significantly less oriented toward educational achievement than would correlated with higher GATMR scores in the predicted direction, mothers: r = −.33, p < .001; fathers: r = −.17, Table 6 Correlations between mothers’ and fathers’ GATMR scores p<.05. For families in which mothers and fathers hold more and fathers’ participation in family labor at Wave 1. traditional views about marital gender roles, men do proportionately fewer hours of housework. GATMR Scores Results are similar for father’s responsibility for house- Mothers Fathers work and his share of child supervision (Table 6). When (N=167)a (N=167)a either mothers or fathers hold more traditional views about gender roles in marriage, the men take less responsibility Father’s percent housework hours −.33*** −.17* for noticing when housework should be done or setting Father’s percent child supervision hours −.14 −.14 Father’s responsibility for housework −.20** −.26*** standards for how to do it, mothers: r=−.20, p<.01; fathers: r=−.26, p<.001. Similarly, the more traditional mothers and a N varies for each variable fathers are in their attitudes toward gender roles in marriage, *p<.05 **p<.01 ***p<.001
  10. 10. 334 Sex Roles (2007) 56:325–339 events in the lives of daughters with less traditional parents. rearing appear to be less appreciably related to their sons’ On the other hand, we expected that events in the lives of activities. Mothers’ GATCR-R scores are significantly and sons of gender-traditional parents would be more likely to negatively correlated with their sons’ reports of beginning to demonstrate the boys’ assertiveness than would events in date, at Wave 1: r=−.23, p<.05. Fathers’ GATCR-R scores, the lives of sons with more gender-liberal parents. The on the other hand, are significantly correlated with sons’ second approach involved investigating parental percep- reports of arguing more with parents, at Wave 1: r=.23, p<.05. tions of their children’s adjustment behaviors. Here we For the second analysis of construct validity, we again expected that traditional gender attitudes toward child divided the sample by parental status and sex of focal child, rearing would be related to an increased likelihood of then correlated scores on parents’ gender attitudes toward parents perceiving externalizing behaviors in sons and child rearing with their rating of children’s internalizing and internalizing behaviors in daughters. externalizing behaviors (see Table 7). Scores on mothers’ To conduct the first of these analyses, we divided the gender-based attitudes toward child rearing are significantly sample by parental status and sex of focal child, then calcu- and positively correlated with their perceptions of daugh- lated correlations between scores on parents’ gender attitudes ters’ internalizing, r=.26, p<05, and externalizing, r=.24, toward child rearing and children’s responses to the five life p<.05. Gender-traditional Mexican American mothers are event questions described previously; Table 7 presents the significantly more likely to perceive symptoms of adjust- results. Specifically, mothers’ GATCR-R scores are signifi- ment problems in their daughters’ behaviors, whereas cantly and positively correlated with their daughters’ reports fathers’ gender traditional attitudes toward child rearing of initiation of dating, at both Waves 1 and 2 of data are not related to their perceptions of daughters’ internal- collection: r=.23, p<.05 for both, their exclusion from izing or externalizing behaviors. Results also show that important school activities, at Wave 1: r=.26, p<.01, and neither mothers’ nor fathers’ gender attitudes toward child their reports of getting into trouble with classmates, at Wave rearing are significantly related to their perceptions of sons’ 1: r=.27, p<.01. Also positively correlated, but not reaching externalizing or internalizing. statistical significance (p<.10), are mothers’ GATCR-R scores and daughters’ reports of arguing more with their Discussion parents, at Wave 1: r=.18. Fathers’ GATCR-R scores are significantly and positively correlated with their daughters’ Our purpose was to explore and extend the cross-ethnic reports of suspension from school, at Wave 2: r=.22, p<.05, applicability of the Hoffman and Kloska (1995) gender- and significantly and negatively correlated with daughters’ based attitudes measures and to assess subscale score reports of increased arguments with parents, at Wave reliability and validity in a sample of Mexican Americans. 1: r=−.25, p<.05. Fathers’ scores are also positively With respect to our research question 1 regarding factor correlated with daughters’ reports of dating initiation by structure, although the 13 original items loaded well for Wave 1, but the correlation does not quite reach significance mothers, they loaded less consistently for fathers. A revised (p<.10), r=.19. Parents’ gender attitudes toward child Gender-based Attitudes toward Child Rearing scale Table 7 Correlations between mothers’ and fathers’ GATCR- GATCR-R Scores R scores and children’s life events and parental perceptions Mothers (N=167)a Fathers (N=167)a of children’s behaviors. Boys Girls Boys Girls Child’s rating of life events: Began to date (Wave 1) −.226* .226* −.090 .193 Began to date (Wave 2) −.199 .226* −.083 −.026 Argued more with parents (Wave 1) −.102 .175 .228* −.247* Got into trouble w/ classmates (Wave 1) −.067 .271** −.080 −.037 Not accepted into important school activity (Wave 1) .058 .259** −.047 −.105 Suspended from school (Wave 2) −.108 −.145 .067 .223* Fathers’ rating of: Child’s internalizing behaviors (Wave 1) .116 −.029 −.068 .073 Child’s externalizing behaviors (Wave 1) −.093 −.165 −.189 −.102 Mothers’ rating of: Child’s internalizing behaviors (Wave 1) .195 .261* .029 .098 a N varies for each variable Child’s externalizing behaviors (Wave 1) .036 .239* .146 .042 *p<.05 **p<.01 ***p<.001
  11. 11. Sex Roles (2007) 56:325–339 335 (GATCR-R) that eliminated two of the original items and with focal children’s reports of events occurring in their brought mothers’ and fathers’ factor loadings into greater lives. Parental socialization tends to occur along the lines of congruence was developed. Factor analysis of the final 11 accepted cultural beliefs, and our analysis suggests that items demonstrated very good loadings for the GATMR, traditional Latino/a cultural patterns of machismo and weaker loadings for the GATCR-R, but acceptable reli- marianismo guide bifurcated patterns of parental gender abilities for both scales for mothers and fathers. socialization. In terms of the former, we found significant Our second question involved testing the construct correlations between fathers’ more traditional attitudes validity for each scale by examining the relation of the toward child rearing and sons’ reports of increased scales to dimensions of social class. In accord with previous assertiveness characterized by arguing more with parents. research, within-group differences supported the validity of This finding corresponds to previous research findings (see the GATMR and the GATCR-R, particularly for Mexican Block, 1983), which suggest that traditional fathers instill American mothers. Thus, mothers with less income, fewer more instrumental traits (assertiveness and independence, than 12 years of education, and those who were not for instance) in their sons and that, at times, instrumentality employed were significantly more likely to hold traditional taken to an extreme may become aggressiveness (see gender attitudes toward marital roles and child rearing. Payne, 1987; also Silvern & Katz, 1986). This finding also Mexican American fathers with fewer than 12 years of suggests that more traditional Latino fathers are likely to education were also more likely to hold traditional gender promote machismo in their sons. attitudes toward marital roles and child rearing, although Marianismo, on the other hand, is a bit more nuanced in neither income level nor wife’s employment status were its practical application, and might be perceived as sending related to their gender attitude traditionalism. Generally somewhat contradictory messages to adolescent Latinas. As speaking, then, we found support for the validity of both the a cultural belief, marianismo implies a woman’s complete GATMR and the GATCR-R for Mexican Americans. devotion to family and supreme valuation of her role as Our research questions 3 and 4 deal with the second test wife and mother, as well as the value of preserving a girl’s of the construct validity of scores for each of the gender virginity until marriage. Previous researchers (Raffaelli & scales. Validity of the GATMR was supported in terms of Ontai, 2001) have noted that Latino/a parents restrict their the generally strong negative correlations between tradi- daughters’ dating activities in order to accomplish the latter tional gender-based attitudes toward marriage and father’s goal, and their daughters engage in covert dating in order to share of housework, and between gender-based attitudes advance the former. This dilemma was articulated in and his taking responsibility for household labor. When Raffaelli and Ontai’s (2001) study by “Olivia,” a 25- year- mother or father held more traditional attitudes, the father old Latina who described her parents’ expectations regard- did less of the routine household chores, and he was less ing her romantic involvement: “because you’re a girl you likely to notice when things needed doing or to set stan- can’t date until a certain age...and so I always thought how dards for the housework. Although not reaching signifi- are we supposed to get married if we can’t even meet cance, the negative correlation between fathers’ share of somebody?” (p. 304). Thus, although traditional parental child supervision and both mothers’ and fathers’ GATMR socialization practices may curb romantic activities, tradi- scores suggested a similar pattern. The lower correlations tional parental beliefs about the value of marriage for among Mexican Americans between gender attitudes and women may serve as an enticement for their daughters to men’s performance of child supervision could be influenced engage in romantic encounters. In our study, the finding by several factors, including economic marginality, large that adolescent Latinas with more gender traditional parents families, and family-centered ideals and practices. The begin dating sooner than those with more progressive ability of familism to pull Mexican American men into parents may reflect either a reaction to repressive dating more involved fathering has been explored in previous rules or it may reflect these adolescents’ internalization of studies (see Coltrane et al., 2004). Family rituals common the traditional gendered message that women’s primary life in Mexican American families, such as eating the evening goal is to be a wife and mother. Either way, we believe that meal together and spending time together on weekends, are these findings contribute to support of the validity of the associated with high levels of family cohesion, father-child gender attitude toward child rearing scale. interaction, and paternal monitoring. Such findings help to Additional validation is provided for the GATCR-R by explain why gender-based attitudes might be less strongly our findings regarding the relation of gender traditional associated with paternal child supervision in Mexican parenting to daughters’ relative disengagement from school. American families. Here we found that girls whose parents held more tra- We took two approaches to examining the validity of the ditional attitudes toward child rearing were more likely to GATCR-R (research question 4), the first of which involved experience various school-related problems. Other studies correlating parental scores on the gender attitudes scale have shown that, although this is beginning to change, it is
  12. 12. 336 Sex Roles (2007) 56:325–339 during adolescence that girls may start to scale back their As discussed below, the relative lack of significant educational aspirations in response to the increased rele- correlations between parents’ traditional gender attitudes and vance of heterosexual relationships (Hoffman, 1977) or the their sons’ reports of life events is not surprising, given that realization that occupational opportunity is relatively most of the events examined in the Life Events Checklist are limited for them (Carter & Wojtkiewicz, 2000). Latinas somewhat negative. Generally speaking, traditional gender- are at particular risk for dropping out of school, having the bifurcated socialization focuses on instilling instrumental lowest graduation rate of any female ethnic group (Zambrana characteristics in boys. These traits tend to be culturally & Zoppi, 2002). Moreover, when they do aspire to higher valued (both in American culture and in conjunction with education, they are often scolded by family or boyfriends for machismo), and it is only when those traits are exacerbated being too educated (Ginorio & Huston, 2001). Our findings, to become aggressiveness that they take on a negative cast. along with those of other researchers, are in concert with Parents’ gender traditionalism in child rearing was also theories of traditional socialization that speak to the ways in seen to correlate with daughters’ tendency to argue with which girls are channeled into marriage and motherhood, as parents. Girls with gender-traditional fathers were less like- well as with empirical findings that daughters’ achievement ly to report increased arguments with parents in the orientation is affected by parents’ traditional gender attitudes preceding year. This finding coalesces with previous theory (see Carter & Wojtkiewicz, 2000; Eccles, Jacobs, & Harold, and empirical research (see Block, 1983), which suggests 1990; Hoffman, 1972; Hoffman & Kloska, 1995). that girls are socialized to be obedient and sensitive to Somewhat more ambiguous is our finding that boys with others’ feelings in preparation for their familial roles as gender-traditional mothers were less likely to begin dating wives and mothers. by fifth grade (Wave 1 of the study) than were boys whose Our second approach to ascertaining the validity of the mothers were less traditional. One possible reason for this GATCR-R produced somewhat more ambiguous results, finding may be that traditional Latina mothers may be which may relate to the complexity of evaluating adoles- discouraging both daughters and sons from participating in cents’ externalizing and internalizing behaviors. Our find- “Americanized” dating patterns, which they consider to be ings show that mothers who hold traditional gender-based promiscuous and potentially dishonorable to the family. attitudes toward child rearing are more likely than mothers Moreover, Latinos, unlike Latinas, have fewer cultural who are more progressive in their gender attitudes to per- pressures to marry. Although they have been shown to have ceive their daughters’ behaviors as symptoms of psycho- fewer formal parental constraints on their romantic endeav- pathology. Because we were examining mothers’ ratings of ors, they may also be in no particular hurry to begin dating. daughters’ behaviors, we were unable to definitively On the other hand, some research has suggested that ascertain whether these findings result from a characteristic Latinos start dating earlier than Latinas, they date women of traditional mothers that predisposes them to view younger than themselves, and they are less likely than daughters’ behaviors as psychopathological or whether Latinas to date within their ethnic group (Raffaelli, 2005). their daughters are in fact displaying more maladjustment Possibly, sons of traditional mothers are more traditional than those whose mothers are less traditional. We acknowl- and ethnic-identified themselves (see González et al., edge that we cannot, in fact, make a definitive causal 2006), and they desire to postpone dating until they are attribution in this instance; we can, however, speculate that able to find a “suitable” Latina partner who has officially if mothers’ traditional attitudes caused them to view their “come of age.” Because most of the research to date on daughters’ behaviors as maladjusted, fathers’ traditional Latino/a dating patterns has focused on young women, attitudes would likely cause fathers to view sons’ behaviors future research is needed to resolve this question. similarly (as the same-sex socializing agent). As fathers’ Although fewer in number, life events reported by boys traditional gender attitudes toward child rearing have no also lend support to validation of the GATCR-R. Sons with relation to their perception of sons’ (or daughters’) traditional gender-oriented fathers were significantly more behaviors, we are led to speculate that daughters may, in likely to report that they argued more with their parents fact, exhibit more maladjustment when their mothers are than were sons of non-traditional fathers. This finding also gender-traditional than when their mothers are not. correlates with traditional socialization theories and empir- If we assume the latter, how can this finding be ical studies that suggest that boys are socialized to be more explained, and does it lend validity to the GATCR-R? We assertive and independent in order to prepare them to assume predicted, above, that when parents were more gender- family breadwinning duties (see Block, 1983). These values traditional in their child rearing attitudes, daughters would are reinforced by the cultural notion of machismo, which exhibit more internalizing behaviors and sons would exhibit prepares Latinos not only to be family providers, but for more externalizing behaviors. Previous research does hierarchical, patriarchal family relations in which they are suggest that boys tend to externalize more than girls and the authority figures. girls tend to internalize more than boys, nevertheless
  13. 13. Sex Roles (2007) 56:325–339 337 research indicates that neither behavior type is “exclusive to fathers. Thus, if we take into account this more nuanced one gender” (Hoffmann et al., 2004, p. 796). Moreover, interpretation of adolescents’ psychopathology, our findings rather than a function of sex, per se, psychopathology ap- lend support to the validity of the GATCR-R. pears to be more a function of instrumentality and ex- Although our findings support Hoffman and Kloska’s pressivity, generally considered to be masculine and (1995) Gender-based Attitudes toward Child Rearing Scale, feminine traits, respectively. That is, the tendency of boys/ as adapted, we note the complexity of child rearing values men to externalize is due more to the negative relationship and behaviors in Mexican American families. Rather than between expressivity and externalizing than it is to the detracting from the validity of existing measures such as weaker positive relationship between instrumentality and those developed by Hoffman and Kloska, the intersection of externalizing behaviors (Hoffmann et al., 2004). Similarly, Latino/a cultural values with more mainstream American the tendency of girls/women to internalize is largely due to socialization practices calls for a more in-depth and nuanced the negative relation between instrumentality and internal- interpretation of results. Additional research is warranted to izing, particularly as researchers find little connection explore the meaning of traditional attitudes toward child between expressivity and internalizing (Hoffmann et al., rearing for Mexican Americans, particularly in light of the 2004; Huselid & Cooper, 1994). Moreover, prior research cultural values of familismo, machismo, and marianismo. suggests that perceived self-competence mediates the Future research on the meaning of traditional child rearing gender trait differences in psychopathology, such that in Latino/a families, in the context of these cultural values greater perceptions of self-competence lead to less inter- and how they change (or not) as they intersect with more nalizing and less externalizing behavior (see, for instance, mainstream American notions of child rearing, would add Cate & Sugawara, 1986). Finally, whereas both instrumen- richness and depth to the burgeoning literatures both on tality and expressivity lead to increased self-competence, child rearing attitudes and on immigrant families. the former relation appears to be stronger than the latter. Our findings add to the literature on the applicability of Thus, instrumentality buffers against both internalizing and gender-based attitude scales for Latino/a families. We externalizing symptoms by bolstering one’s perception of believe that further research, with larger and more diverse self-competence (Hoffmann et al., 2004). samples, is warranted. Taken together, our findings support The Latina adolescents in our sample of Mexican the validity and value of using Hoffman and Kloska’s American families may be subject to “gender intensifica- Gender-based Attitudes toward Marriage and Gender-based tion” (Crouter, Manke, & McHale, 1995) when they live Attitudes toward Child Rearing Scales with Latino/a with parents who are traditional in their attitudes toward families in future research. Above all, our findings suggest gender socialization. Traditional Latino/a parents are likely the importance of continued exploration of the relationship to see marianismo not only as a socialization practice but as of gender attitudes to family arrangements for different a cultural value. Rather than merely transmitting these ethnic and cultural groups. gender attitudes intergenerationally, when parents transmit a belief in marianismo to their daughters, they are transmit- ting the Latino/a culture, as well, and potentially intensify- References ing the gender socialization experience. Neither traditional gender socialization practices nor marianismo attempt to Achenbach, T. (1991). Child behavior checklist. Burlington, VT: instill instrumental characteristics in daughters; both, in University Associates. Achenbach, T., & Edelbrock, C. (1987). Manual for the youth self- fact, avoid these traits as “not feminine.” Because in- report and profile. Burlington, VT: University of Vermont, strumental behavior bolsters one’s perceptions of self- Department of Psychiatry. competence, the lack of instrumentality is likely to foster Adams, M., & Coltrane, S. (2005). 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