French Revolution 1789

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Third in a series of sessions on the French Revolution

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French Revolution 1789

  1. 1. Thursday, July 15, 2010
  2. 2. Quatre-vingt-neuf French Revolution session iii ‘Eighty-nine Thursday, July 15, 2010
  3. 3. Quatre-vingt-neuf Prise de la Basti"e by Jean Pierre French Revolution Houël, 1790 session iii ‘Eighty-nine Thursday, July 15, 2010
  4. 4. It was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness, it was the epoch of belief, it was the epoch of incredulity, it was the season of Light, it was the season of Darkness, it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair, we had everything before us, we had nothing before us, … Charles Dickens, A Tale of Two Cities, (1859), p. 1 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  5. 5. Edmund Burke in his Reflections written in 1790 was right enough in perceiving the radicalism of the Revolution at its outset. By “radicalism” I mean a deep estrangement from the existing order, an insistence upon values incompatible with those embodied in actual institutions, a refusal to entertain projects of compromise, a mood of impatience, suspicion, and exasperation, an embittered class consciousness reaching the point of hatred, a determination to destroy and to create, and a belief that both destruction and creation would be relatively easy. In such a mood the men of 1789 took steps which never could be retracted. R.R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution, vol. i, pp. 447 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  6. 6. Major topics for this session • Causes • Summoning of the Estates General • 14 Jui"et • Jacquerie & la Grande Peur • National Constituent Assembly • Les Poissardes Thursday, July 15, 2010
  7. 7. Causes Thursday, July 15, 2010
  8. 8. Causes “The court created an irresponsible and frothy environment…-R.R. Palmer “...everything the revolutionaries had in mind when they characterized the court as a playpen of spoiled and greedy children.” -S. Schama Thursday, July 15, 2010
  9. 9. • political--a broken system • economic--agricultural and fiscal crisis • social--archaic class structure • intellectual--revolutionary ferment Thursday, July 15, 2010
  10. 10. a broken political system Thursday, July 15, 2010
  11. 11. a broken political system After me, the Deluge Louis xv-1710-1715-1774 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  12. 12. a broken political system Thursday, July 15, 2010
  13. 13. Louis a broken political system the last Louis xvi-1754-1774-1791 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  14. 14. The fatal flaw of le despotisme éclairé (enlightened despotism)? Everything depends on the despot Thursday, July 15, 2010
  15. 15. At a time [summer of 1787] when the King himself might have been expected to offer some leadership, he had collapsed into a world of hunting and eating, killing and gorging. Schama, Citizens. p. 260 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  16. 16. a foreign queen Thursday, July 15, 2010
  17. 17. “It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision.” --Edmund Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution, 1790 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  18. 18. “It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision.” --Edmund Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution, 1790 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  19. 19. “It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision.” --Edmund Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution, 1790 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  20. 20. “It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision.” --Edmund Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution, 1790 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  21. 21. “It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision.” --Edmund Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution, 1790 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  22. 22. “It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision.” --Edmund Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution, 1790 Élisabeth-Louise Vigée-Le Brun 1755-1842 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  23. 23. “It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision.” --Edmund Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution, 1790 Élisabeth-Louise Vigée-Le Brun 1755-1842 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  24. 24. “It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision.” --Edmund Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution, 1790 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  25. 25. “It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision.” --Edmund Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution, 1790 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  26. 26. “It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision.” --Edmund Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution, 1790 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  27. 27. “It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision.” --Edmund Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution, 1790 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  28. 28. “It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision.” --Edmund Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution, 1790 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  29. 29. “It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision.” --Edmund Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution, 1790 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  30. 30. “It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision.” --Edmund Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution, 1790 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  31. 31. the affair of the diamond necklace; 1785 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  32. 32. the affair of the diamond necklace; 1785 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  33. 33. the affair of the diamond necklace; 1785 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  34. 34. the affair of the diamond necklace; 1785 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  35. 35. With your kisses, excite my desires, I am, my darling, at the height of pleasure.” 18th-century pornographic portrayal of Marie Antoinette and the duchess of Pequigny. Louis Binet. From Marie-Jo Bonnet, Les Deux Amies (Paris: Éditions Blanche, 2000). Thursday, July 15, 2010
  36. 36. All these sexual demonologies--of the spy-whore, the King’s dominatrix, the infector of the constitution--were stirred up into a richly poisonous polemic and undoubtedly contributed to the rapid erosion of royal authority in the late 1780s…. The deconstruction of her image was a pathetic thing. She had stripped herself of the mask of royalty in the interests of Nature and Humanity (as well as her own predilections) only to end up represented as, of all women, unnatural and inhuman. Schama, Citizens. p. 225 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  37. 37. All these sexual demonologies--of the spy-whore, the King’s dominatrix, the infector of the constitution--were stirred up into a richly poisonous polemic and undoubtedly contributed to the rapid erosion of royal authority in the late 1780s…. The deconstruction of her image was a pathetic thing. She had stripped herself of the mask of royalty in the interests of Nature and Humanity (as well as her own predilections) only to end up represented as, of all women, unnatural and inhuman. Schama, Citizens. p. 225 1773 1793 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  38. 38. To say that Louis the Last’s weaknesses or the popular dislike of la putain Autrichienne are the causes of the French Revolution is as inadequate an explanation in the negative; as it is to say “the Reformation, Martin Luther, he did it!” is inadequate as a positive cause. Each of these “Great Men” certainly had their impact on events; the first two negatively; the last, positively. But to focus on them while ignoring the “Blind Forces” is simply bad history. Thursday, July 15, 2010
  39. 39. The eighteenth century was a period of declining absolutism in France. The centralized administrative machine created by Richelieu, Mazarin and Louis XIV still governed the country from Versailles and the royal will was still the most important factor in determining almost every aspect of foreign, economic and religious policy. But the palace of Versailles was a complex institution that housed Court and Government under one roof. Louis XIV had tried to keep the two apart...he kept the nobility from political power…. Louis XV and Louis XVI had neither the ability nor the authority of their illustrious predecessor, with the result that the Court was able to infiltrate into the Government and eventually to monopolize ministerial posts. By 1789 all the ministers were noble, with the single exception of Necker, the Swiss banker whose professional skill and contacts alone kept the monarchy from bankruptcy. Norman Hampson, A Social History of the French Revolution, p. 2 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  40. 40. The word “democracy,” like “aristocracy” and “monarchy,” was of course as old as the Greeks or their translators, and the three terms had been in the common vocabulary of political thinkers continuously since the Middle Ages. There is some evidence that the most rural and innermost of the Swiss cantons, and some of the German free cities, thought of themselves as democratic in the eighteenth century. Except for “monarchy,” however, none of the three terms seems yet to have entered the common speech. They were the political scientists’ words, tools of analysis, closely defined, dry in connotation, and without emotional impact. It was generally agreed that “pure democracy’ could not exist, except possibly in very small states with simple habits. This was Rousseau’s view as expressed in the Social Contract. At the most, democracy was a principle, or element, which might profitably enter into a “mixed constitution,” balanced by principles of monarchy and aristocracy, as was believed to be the case in England or the Venetian Republic. It was rare, even among the philosophes of France before the Revolution, to find anyone using the word “democracy” in a favorable sense in any practical connection. Palmer, Democratic Revolution, vol. i, p. 14 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  41. 41. Aristotle’s taxonomy in the Politics, c. 325 BC ideal real one monarchy tyranny few aristocracy oligarchy many polity democracy Thursday, July 15, 2010
  42. 42. Aristocracy meant the rule of certain constituted bodies, which claimed sovereignty for themselves, were self-perpetuating in a limited number of families, and denied the rights of outside persons, or excluded classes, to have any influence on their policies or their personnel. The democratic movement, in one way or another, ...sought to broaden the basis of participation in political life, and to make the government accountable to some kind of a public. Palmer, Democratic Revolution. vol. 1, p. 365 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  43. 43. economic and fiscal crisis Thursday, July 15, 2010
  44. 44. economic and fiscal crisis Thursday, July 15, 2010
  45. 45. the Laki eruption; 1783 The two years previous to the revolution (1788–89) saw meager harvests and harsh winters, possibly because of a strong El Niño cycle caused by the 1783 Laki eruption in Iceland Thursday, July 15, 2010
  46. 46. Laki 1783 Eyjafjallajökull 2010 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  47. 47. the “Little Ice Age”? The impact of this phenomenon on the French crop failures of the late 1780s is not doubted. Only the current polemics about global warming make experts diverge about when and how much the cold spell from the late Middle Ages to the mid-nineteenth century affected European living conditions. Much of the movement from wheat to potatoes as the staple crop of the poor outside of France was attributable to the colder growing conditions of the Little Ice Age. Cultural prejudice in France against potatoes, a “dirty food,” alternately, “the Devil’s food,” prevented adoption of this root crop which better resisted cold climate, hailstorms, and even the scorched-earth of warfare or civil disturbances. In a country where 80% of the domestic product was agricultural, crop failures meant economic catastrophe. And the rural and urban poor were the most directly affected. Thursday, July 15, 2010
  48. 48. pain (bread) • In 1789, a normal worker, a farmer or a laborer, earned anywhere from fifteen to thirty sous per day; skilled workers received thirty to forty. • A family of four needed about two loaves of bread a day to survive. • The price of a loaf of bread rose by 67 percent in 1789 alone, from nine sous to fifteen • Many peasants were relying on charity to survive, and they became increasingly motivated by their hunger. The 'bread riots' were the first manifestations of a roots-based revolutionary sentiment • Mass urbanization coincided with the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, and more and more people moved into French cities seeking employment • The cities became overcrowded with the hungry, destitute, the boule (ball) and disaffected, an ideal environment for revolution baguettes are a 19th century style Thursday, July 15, 2010
  49. 49. “Let them eat cake!” • the most famous example of la Autrichienne’s (that Austrian woman’s) incredible callousness • not really! the anecdote appears in Rousseau’s Confessions in 1769 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  50. 50. “Let them eat cake!” • the most famous example of la Autrichienne’s (that Austrian woman’s) incredible callousness • not really! the anecdote appears in Rousseau’s Confessions in 1769 • Qu'ils mangent de la brioche (Let them eat brioche.) • there a “grand princess” thought her lady-in-waiting was informing her that the peasants had run out of a type of bread, the country loaf of the poor, and merely needed to choose another style • this unidentified naive princess was later brioche conflated with the hated “Austrian woman.” Brioche, though not a cake, was way beyond a peasant budget Thursday, July 15, 2010
  51. 51. • the Farmers-General was the IRS of the Ancien Regime. They ran the excise tax collection system on salt (gabe"e), tobacco (tabac) leather, ironware & soap. Also significant were the customs as grain & wine moved from zone to zone • they were brutally efficient and the gap between what the people paid and what the royal Treasury received was most glaring • 1789-as the famine effects were felt in Paris, rumors accused the Farmers of deliberately holding grain off the market to raise prices. Mobs attacked and destroyed the customs gates and walls (10 ft high, 18 mi in circumference, 54 barrières) Thursday, July 15, 2010
  52. 52. If there was one symbol of the callous unaccountability of the old regime to the basic wants of the people, the Farmers- General embodied it…. Not surprisingly they would be singled out for attention by the revolution….One of the earliest and most spectacular acts of the great uprising in Paris in July 1789 would be to tear down the Farmer ’s customs wall erected to thwart smugglers…. In May 1794, amidst one of the more spectacular mass executions, a group of [farmers] including the great chemist Lavoisier was guillotined. Schama, Citizens, pp. 72-73 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  53. 53. the Financial Crisis Thursday, July 15, 2010
  54. 54. If the causes of the French Revolution are complex, the causes of the downfall of the monarchy are not. The two phenomena are not identical, since the end of absolutism in France did not of itself entail a revolution of such transformative power as actually came to pass in France. But the end of the old regime was the necessary condition of the beginning of a new, and that was brought about, in the first instance, by a cash-flow crisis. It was the politicization of the money crisis that dictated the calling of the Estates- General. Simon Schama, Citizens; A Chronicle of the French Revolution, p. 62 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  55. 55. The end of the [American Revolutionary] war...left the monarchy with a burden of debt in the region of 3,400 million livres and an annual deficit of about 80 million. As the debt increased so did the proportion of the public revenue devoted to servicing it, on which no economy was possible without a breech of faith with the state’s creditors. The scope for retrenchment in the remaining sectors of the economy was inadequate to balance the budget. The level of taxation could not be materially increased in a period of declining real wages. Louis XVI, unlike some of his royal predecessors, regarded a partial repudiation of the Debt as dishonorable. In these circumstances the only course left open to him was to increase the taxation of the privileged orders. This provided the latter with an excellent opportunity to win a final victory over what was left of royal absolutism by using the power of the purse to force the king to accept some form of aristocratic constitution. Hampson, Social History, pp. 34-35 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  56. 56. an archaic social system Thursday, July 15, 2010
  57. 57. an archaic social system Thursday, July 15, 2010
  58. 58. A growing demand for equality went along with a more troubled class consciousness...a vague and widespread desire, among people hitherto outside the political scene, to take part in affairs, to do good for society, to play the patriot, to act the citizen. Palmer, Democratic Revolution. vol. 1, pp.253-254 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  59. 59. intellectual ferment Thursday, July 15, 2010
  60. 60. intellectual ferment Thursday, July 15, 2010
  61. 61. They were steeped in the philosophy of the eighteenth century...acutely aware of change. Business had been expanding for a century; new inventions were appearing on every side. Thinkers set forth elaborate theories of progress. Change seemed to be easy; the most ingrained customs were to be refashioned by the enlightened reason. Society was artificial; it needed only to be made more natural. It was confused; a mere hand-me-down from the past. It should be given a new and purposeful “constitution.” Never had there been an age with such faith in social planning. R.R. Palmer, Twelve Who Ruled; The Year of the Terror in the French Revolution, p. 18 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  62. 62. the Summoning of the Estates General “Messieurs, this is not a game for children; the first time France sees the Estates General she will also see a terrible revolution.” Thursday, July 15, 2010
  63. 63. the Summoning of the Estates General “Messieurs, this is not a game for children; the first time France sees the Estates General she will also see a terrible revolution.” Sa"e des Menus Plaisirs (hall of the lesser pleasures) Palais de Versai"es 5 May 1789 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  64. 64. Palmer’s “Constituted Bodies” In France there were two kinds of bodies of a public character that played an active role in political life, as distinct from the bureaucrats and functionaries of the king. They were the [1]Provincial [emphasis added] Estates and the [2]Parlements. The former resembled the assemblies of estates, diets, or parliaments found in other parts of Europe…. The French parlements were more important than the provincial estates. A parlement...was at work in every part of France, each a supreme court of law for the area under its jurisdiction. All the parlements, in addition to judicial functions, exercised an executive role...and also enjoyed what was in effect a share in legislation, claiming that they must register or “verify” every royal ordinance before it could take effect…. Palmer, Democratic Revolution, vol. i, pp. 41-43 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  65. 65. the Assembly of Notables--”...a group hand- picked for compliance discovering instead the excitement of opposition.”-Schama • a group of 144 “notables” invited by the king to consult on matters of state • composed of royal princes, peers, archbishops, important judges and, occasionally, major town officials • previous assemblies had met in 1583, 1596-97, 1617, & 1626 • 1787-88--the final such appointed body was summoned to advise on meeting the financial crisis Thursday, July 15, 2010
  66. 66. the Assembly of Notables--”...a group hand- picked for compliance discovering instead the excitement of opposition.”-Schama • a group of 144 “notables” invited by the king to consult on matters of state • composed of royal princes, peers, archbishops, important judges and, occasionally, major town officials • previous assemblies had met in 1583, 1596-97, 1617, & 1626 • 1787-88--the final such appointed body was summoned to advise on meeting the financial crisis Thursday, July 15, 2010
  67. 67. the Assembly of Notables--”...a group hand- picked for compliance discovering instead the excitement of opposition.”-Schama • a group of 144 “notables” invited by the king to consult on matters of state • composed of royal princes, peers, archbishops, important judges and, occasionally, major town officials • previous assemblies had met in 1583, 1596-97, 1617, & 1626 • 1787-88--the final such appointed body was summoned to advise on meeting the financial crisis • Charles Alexander de Calonne, the Controller-General of Finances, hoped that this aristocratic body would support a reform of the tax structure • the aristocratic push-back led to Calonne’s dismissal and another rejection of his reforms by the Parlement of Paris Thursday, July 15, 2010
  68. 68. royal indecision • May 1788-then Louis in effect abrogated the parlements countrywide by reducing them to mere judicial bodies. The edict also confined their jurisdiction to cases involving more than 20,000 francs • the parlements thus lost out in income, in volume of business and general importance in the world of lawyers. There was a universal outcry against the “royal despotism” • June 1788-the church also joined in criticizing the May Edicts and granted their smallest “free gift” (in lieu of taxes) ever, 10% of the last amount • it must be noted that the prelates were also facing “revolutionary” stirrings from the priests and lesser clergy • September 1788-as so often in the past, the benign Louis XVI yielded and revoked the edicts. He also promised that the Estates General would meet the following May Thursday, July 15, 2010
  69. 69. The Estates General • 1789-in contrast to the two types of existing “constituted bodies,” Provincial Estates and Parlements, the national Estates General had not met for 175 years! Not since Henri IV had convened them in 1614 • during the growth of royal absolutism the monarchs wanted no part of a parliament, which, like the English one, might be the focus of classes determined to share in the sovereignty • 1640-1660-as Louis XIV was growing up, England had fought a civil war and executed their king over just this issue • so, after this long hiatus, the exact form of the French Estates General was open to debate • how many delegates and how chosen for each of the three estates? • voting by “head” or by estate? Thursday, July 15, 2010
  70. 70. Cahiers des Doléances; March & April, 1789 • January 1789-along with the instructions that each province should elect delegates by estate, in stages for the Third, to convene at Versailles; came the royal instruction to prepare, by estate, lists of “observations and grievances” to provide the basis for the Estates’ debates • the First Estate’s cahiers reflected the discontent of the lower clergy. They objected to pluralism (bishops and others holding more than one appointment) and the requirement of nobility for becoming a bishop • the Second Estate’s showed a surprising (89%) willingness to make some concessions on tax privileges. They criticized the “despotic” monarchy • the Third Estate’s were consistently critical of the privileges of the first two and often had local objections to modern economic innovations and the “corruption” of city life--”the scum of the gilded world--bankrupts, usurers, grain speculators,” -Schama, p. 322 • each meeting was a little school of political education and there were forty thousand such meetings (speeches, debates, voting, airing of grievances) • the act of debating and drafting these lists, many of which survive, served to increase the expectations and dissatisfactions of the entire country Thursday, July 15, 2010
  71. 71. With considerable rhetorical skill, these grievances were fed into a great furnace of anger by the radical politicians of 1789. And from the other end issued a language of accusation, which was also a means of classifying enemies and friends, traitors and Patriots, aristocrats and the Nation. Schama, Citizens. p. 292 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  72. 72. Twenty-five thousand cahiers were drawn up in a simultaneous act of consultation and representation that was unprecedented in its completeness.--Schama, Citizens. p. 308 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  73. 73. Twenty-five thousand cahiers were drawn up in a simultaneous act of consultation and representation that was unprecedented in its completeness.--Schama, Citizens. p. 308 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  74. 74. Twenty-five thousand cahiers were drawn up in a simultaneous act of consultation and representation that was unprecedented in its completeness.--Schama, Citizens. p. 308 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  75. 75. Twenty-five thousand cahiers were drawn up in a simultaneous act of consultation and representation that was unprecedented in its completeness.--Schama, Citizens. p. 308 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  76. 76. Twenty-five thousand cahiers were drawn up in a simultaneous act of consultation and representation that was unprecedented in its completeness.--Schama, Citizens. p. 308 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  77. 77. Twenty-five thousand cahiers were drawn up in a simultaneous act of consultation and representation that was unprecedented in its completeness.--Schama, Citizens. p. 308 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  78. 78. This was, of course, to ask for the impossible. But asking for the impossible is one good definition of a revolution. Schama, p. 322 Twenty-five thousand cahiers were drawn up in a simultaneous act of consultation and representation that was unprecedented in its completeness.--Schama, Citizens. p. 308 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  79. 79. the Abbé Sieyès • son of a provincial commoner, a tax collector • wanted to be a soldier, but his frail health and his parents’ piety led to the seminary of St Sulpice • 1772-after courses at the Sorbonne, where he preferred the Philosophes to theology, still, he was ordained • 1775-as secretary to a bishop in Brittany, he sat in the provincial estates and became disgusted by the behavior of the privileged classes • 1780-he followed his bishop to Chartres where he became vicar general, later chancellor of the diocese • his vocation was more one of convenience as he wrote, by ordination, he had "freed himself from all superstitious sentiments and ideas." Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès ( 1748 – 1836) • 1789-he was elected to the Third Estate for the painting in 1817 district of Paris Thursday, July 15, 2010
  80. 80. Qu'est-ce que le tiers-état? (January, 1789) “What is the Third Estate? Everything. What has it been in the political order until now? Nothing. What does it wish to be? Something. ...who would dare to deny that the Third Estate has within itself all that is necessary to constitute a nation? … Take away the privileged orders, and the nation is not smaller, but greater…. What would the Third Estate be without the privileged orders? A whole by itself, and a prosperous whole. Nothing can go on without it, and everything would go on far better without the others…. This privileged class is assuredly foreign to the nation by its do nothing uselessness.” a famous pamphlet by Sieyès Thursday, July 15, 2010
  81. 81. Honoré Gabriel Riqueti, comte de Mirabeau; 1749-1791 • fifth son of a minor noble (d’épée) he was destined for the army • surrounded by sexual and financial scandal, he was thrice imprisoned by lettre de cachet (lastly at Vincennes with the Marquis de Sade) • his risky publications, denouncing political and financial practices, led both to exiles and public popularity as a reformer • 1789-denied a place in the First Estate, he stood for and won a seat in the Third as a delegate from Aix • his hard work, vigorous oratory and previous notoriety as a critic of the regime made him an early leader in the National Assembly Thursday, July 15, 2010
  82. 82. By his own account Mirabeau was not just esteemed. He was loved. The black sheep of his family had become the white knight of the People. The man whose own reactionary brother hated and despised him had a whole province of brothers. The son who could never please his implacable father had become father to a country of adopted children. “I was obeyed like an adored father,” he wrote of this time, “women and children bathed my hands, clothes, steps, with their tears.” Schama, Citizens. p. 345 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  83. 83. Pleurons la perte de Mirabeau, plat commémoratif de la mort d'Honoré Mirabeau. c. 1791. Musée Carnavalet, Paris. ■ Photography : Luis Fernández García (L. Fdez.). 2005-07-24. ■ License : Creative Commons ■ “Let’s weep for the death of Mirabeau” Thursday, July 15, 2010
  84. 84. a disappointing beginning • 5 May 1789-the opening ceremony set somber mood after so much anticipation • Louis’ address seemed of “two voices,” hopeful and fearful • Necker’s was too long, three hours of figures, with no plan for recovery, just bad financial news • the next six weeks were spent in a parliamentary deadlock: • the Third Estate would not proceed as a separate body. They insisted on combining with the other two orders for debate and voting • the Second Estate was becoming even more uncompromising. The rural disorders were beginning, and although the nobles were willing to give ground on taxes, they were digging in on seigneurial dues. They adamantly refused to sit with the Third. Thursday, July 15, 2010
  85. 85. Things stood quite otherwise, however with the clergy. And that, in the end, was what broke the deadlock. Where small electorates often produced disproportionately archaic results in the second order, the opposite was true for the first. For it was in the Church, more than any other group in France, that the separation between rich and poor was most bitterly articulated. At stake was not some abstractly defined principle of social justice or natural rights--but the fate of the Christian mission itself. The Enlightenment cliché of a steadily secularizing France completely fails to take into account of just how deeply rooted the hold of Christian belief was in a very large areas of the country. (Of all the failures of the French Revolution, none would be so inevitable and so dismal as the campaign of “dechristianization”) … [The Church] “was going through one of its periodic upheavals in which the claims of the pastoral clergy to embody the true spirit of the primitive evangel--humble, propertyless and teaching the Gospel through works of charity and education--were argued against the worldly reality of episcopal big business. Schama, Citizens. pp. 349-350 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  86. 86. the impasse is broken • 13 June-three curés join the Third Estate as Sieyès calls the roll. Their leader, Jallet, the curé of Cherigny, well known for his piety and patriotism • they are greeted with a roar of acclaim, embraced, carried shoulder-high to their seats • 14 June-more priests from Brittany and Lorraine • 19 June-more than a hundred join the assembly which had debated its new name: • “The Known and Verifiable Representatives” --Sieyès • “Representatives of the People”--Mirabeau • “National Assembly,”the final choice, at 10 p.m. • Mirabeau proposed the final act of defiance, all present taxes were repealed Thursday, July 15, 2010
  87. 87. the royal response • as the Third Estate became more and more militant Necker urged the King to preempt them by making a royal counterproposal • this was to be done in a séance royal in the Sa"e des Menus Plaisirs the original site of the opening meeting and where the Third Estate was accustomed to meeting • 20 June-when the National Assembly arrived at their meeting place they found it locked, armed guards barring the way, carpenters were inside installing a dais and preparing for the séance • chagrin turned to fury as the deputies stood about in heavy rain • Dr. Guillotin remembered a tennis court owned by a friend of his in the rue du Vieux Versailles • the six hundred wet delegates trooped there followed by a gathering crowd Thursday, July 15, 2010
  88. 88. Serment du jeu de paume(tennis court oath); 20 June 1789 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  89. 89. Serment du jeu de paume(tennis court oath); 20 June 1789 Sketch by Jacques-Louis David of the Tennis Court Oath. David later became a deputy in the National Convention in 1792 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  90. 90. the Tennis Court Oath that wherever they might meet the National Assembly would be in being, and that they would not dissolve without writing a constitution “...Mounier’s motion set the vessel of state off on a sea of abstraction. Wherever they were gathered was to be the National Assembly.” Schama, Citizens. p. 359 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  91. 91. the Tennis Court Oath that wherever they might meet the National Assembly would be in being, and that they would not dissolve without writing a constitution Le Serment du Jeu de paume, Jacques-Louis David, 1791 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  92. 92. the Tennis Court Oath that wherever they might meet the National Assembly would be in being, and that they would not dissolve without writing a constitution Le Serment du Jeu de paume, Jacques-Louis David, 1791 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  93. 93. Jacques-Louis David, Le serement des Horaces (The Oath of the Horatii), 1784 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  94. 94. aftermath • 23 June-the séance royale with the three orders forcibly seated separately, was delivered by a nervous king • Necker’s policy of reconciliation and compromise had been overruled by the king’s brothers Artois and Provence and his conservative ministers • after the royal party left the Sa"e des Menus Plaisirs and the carpenters came in to noisily dismantle the royal dais, the Third, joined by over 150 clergy and several nobles remained and began to debate their next step • a nervous young master of ceremonies returned with the command that they leave the hall immediately • Mirabeau later insisted that he had replied, “Go tell those who have sent you that we are here by the will of the people and that we will not be dispersed except at the point of bayonets.” Thursday, July 15, 2010
  95. 95. Philippe Citoyen Egalité • born eldest son of Louis Philippe d’Orléans, Duke of Chartres and Louise Henriette de Bourbon he was cousin to King Louis XVI • 1771-his mother became the richest woman in France by inheritance and his family was identified with opposition to the efforts of Louis XV to increase monarchial power • 1785-at his father’s death, Philippe, the new duke, became head of the House of Orléans, one of the wealthiest families of France, and Premier Prince du Sang, next in line to the throne should the main Bourbon line die out Louis Philippe d'Orléans (Louis Philippe Joseph d'Orléans, duc d'Orléans) 1747, – 6 November 1793 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  96. 96. Philippe Citoyen Egalité • born eldest son of Louis Philippe d’Orléans, Duke of Chartres and Louise Henriette de Bourbon he was cousin to King Louis XVI • 1771-his mother became the richest woman in France by inheritance and his family was identified with opposition to the efforts of Louis XV to increase monarchial power • 1785-at his father’s death, Philippe, the new duke, became head of the House of Orléans, one of the wealthiest families of France, and Premier Prince du Sang, next in line to the throne should the main Bourbon line die out • he was the most prominent liberal noble, a freemason, an open advocate of the ideas of Rousseau, despised for this by the queen and the conservatives at court Insignia of the grand master of the • 25 June-he brought over 47 nobles to sit with the National Grand Orient de France, the governing Assembly body of French freemasonry. Thursday, July 15, 2010
  97. 97. Palais Royale becomes Palais de l’Égalité Thursday, July 15, 2010
  98. 98. Palais Royale becomes Palais de l’Égalité Thursday, July 15, 2010
  99. 99. Palais Royale becomes Palais de l’Égalité • 1629-originally the residence of Cardinal Richelieu, it was called the Palais Cardinal • 1661- it passed to Louis XIV’s younger brother, Philippe de France, duc d’Orleans • 1769-Louis Philippe II expanded the gardens and theaters • 1784-he opened the gardens to the public, he later added a shopping and entertainment complex, 145 boutiques, cafés, salons, bookshops, museums and countless refreshment kiosks • it became a place where the classes mixed, it was frequented by both freemasons and prostitutes--”a quotidian carnival of the appetites”--Schama Thursday, July 15, 2010
  100. 100. 14 Jui"iet Thursday, July 15, 2010
  101. 101. 14 Jui"iet L’arrestation du gouverneur de la Bastille, le 14 juillet 1789. Jean-Baptiste Lallement, 1790 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  102. 102. detail of the arrest of de Launay Thursday, July 15, 2010
  103. 103. the spark that lit the fuse (part i) • 1762-sent from Geneva to Paris to work in a family bank. Founded his own bank! • becomes independently wealthy through speculations (risky investments) • further enriched by loans to the French government • 1776-1781--is made director-general of finances, funded the American Revolution expenses through loans • advocates tax reforms and laissez-faire ■ ■ Sujet : Jacques Necker (1732-1804) Auteur : Joseph Siffred Duplessis (1725-1802) • 1784--is banished from Paris by lettre de ■ Date : 4e quart du XVIIIe siècle cachet for publishing pamphlets attacking ■ Lieu : Château de Versailles his successor Calonne Thursday, July 15, 2010
  104. 104. the spark that lit the fuse (part ii) • 1788-as France reeled from economic and financial crises, he is recalled and again made Director-General • 1789-widely regarded as the savior of France, he convinces Louis to call the Estates General • 4 May-his speech at the opening session is a great disappointment, dry statistics rather than reforms. Still, the people see him as their advocate ■ Sujet : Portrait allégorique de Jacques Necker (1732-1804) ■ Date : v. 1788-1789 flanked by Commerce and Prosperity Thursday, July 15, 2010
  105. 105. A James Gillray (1757-1815) caricature contrasting France under Necker after his recall in the summer of 1789 with Britain under Pitt the Younger. A wildly optimistic view of the revolution! Thursday, July 15, 2010
  106. 106. the spark that lit the fuse (part ii) • 1788-as France reeled from economic and financial crises, he is recalled and again made Director-General • 1789-widely regarded as the savior of France, he convinces Louis to call the Estates General • 4 May-his speech at the opening session is a great disappointment, dry statistics rather than reforms. Still, the people see him as their advocate • 11 July-when word of his dismissal reaches Paris, this is taken as proof that the king ■ Sujet : Portrait allégorique de plans to dismiss the National Assembly by Jacques Necker (1732-1804) force ■ Date : v. 1788-1789 flanked by Commerce and Prosperity Thursday, July 15, 2010
  107. 107. café orator, publicist, later Jacobin • raised in Picardy, father a government official • scholarship classmate of Robespierre and Fréron at the Co"ège Louis-le-Grand in Paris • 1785-destined for the law, his father gained him a seat in the Parlement of Paris. His stammer hampered his practice • March 1789-elected at the lower levels but not as a deputy to the Third Estate • observer to the early meetings of the Estates General • 12 July-leaps onto a table outside one of the cafés in the garden of the Palais Royal and announces Necker’s dismissal to the crowd • losing his stammer due to excitement: “take up arms and Lucie Simplice Camille Benoist Desmoulins adopt cockades...this dismissal is the tocsin of the St 1760 – April 5, 1794 Bartholomew of the patriots” draws two pistols… • 13 July-riots begin, arms are seized, militias organize Thursday, July 15, 2010
  108. 108. MOTION MADE AT THE PALAIS ROYAL BY CAMILLE DESMOULINS on the 12 July 1789 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  109. 109. PILLAGE OF THE MONASTERY OF ST LAZARE on Monday 13 July 1789 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  110. 110. royal forces • June 1789-at the urging of his aristocratic privy council, Louis had concentrated 25,000 troops around Paris and Versailles • approximately half these regiments were Swiss and German mercenaries, considered more likely than French troops to be willing to fire on the people • the regular security in Paris was provided by the household regiment, the Gardes Françaises • However, in addition to local ties with the Parisians, the regiment was resentful of the harsh Prussian style discipline introduced by its colonel the Duc du Châtelet, who had taken up his appointment the year before • also, most of the officers had negligently left the day-to-day management of their men to the NCOs • 13 & 14 July-so when push came to shove, all but one of the sergeants and virtually all of the men refused orders and went over to the side of the revolutionary mobs • amazingly, the commanders of the other loyal regiments took no initiative to try to suppress the attacks on private and government stores of food and weapons Thursday, July 15, 2010
  111. 111. the iconic event NOTE 1. the Vauban fortifications 2. the Bastille, survival of an earlier era 3. the customs gate & fence Thursday, July 15, 2010
  112. 112. the iconic event Thursday, July 15, 2010
  113. 113. the iconic event Thursday, July 15, 2010
  114. 114. the iconic event Thursday, July 15, 2010
  115. 115. the iconic event Thursday, July 15, 2010
  116. 116. the iconic event Thursday, July 15, 2010
  117. 117. the iconic event Thursday, July 15, 2010
  118. 118. the iconic event Thursday, July 15, 2010
  119. 119. the iconic event Thursday, July 15, 2010
  120. 120. the iconic event Thursday, July 15, 2010
  121. 121. the iconic event Thursday, July 15, 2010
  122. 122. Ce sang était-il donc si pur? (Was this blood so pure, then?)--Barnave Thursday, July 15, 2010
  123. 123. François-Noel Babeuf witnessed personally the murder of Foulon and Bertier. Babeuf did not try to explain away or downplay the violence; he tried to understand it in its own contemporary context. “Our punishments of every kind, quartering, torture, the wheel, the stake, and the gibbet, and the multiplicity of executioners on all sides, have had such a bad effect on our morals! Our masters, instead of policing us, have made us barbarians, because they are barbarians themselves. They are reaping and will reap what they have sown.” Thursday, July 15, 2010
  124. 124. aftermath • 15 July-Jean Sylvain Bailly, President of the Third Estate/National Assembly comes to Paris as the new mayor of a new government, le Commune de Paris Thursday, July 15, 2010
  125. 125. aftermath • 15 July-Jean Sylvain Bailly, President of the Third Estate/National Assembly comes to Paris as the new mayor of a new government, le Commune de Paris • the marquis de la Fayette (Lafayette) took command of the newly created National Guard Thursday, July 15, 2010
  126. 126. aftermath • 15 July-Jean Sylvain Bailly, President of the Third Estate/National Assembly comes to Paris as the new mayor of a new government, le Commune de Paris • the marquis de la Fayette (Lafayette) took command of the newly created National Guard Thursday, July 15, 2010
  127. 127. aftermath • 15 July-Jean Sylvain Bailly, President of the Third Estate/National Assembly comes to Paris as the new mayor of a new government, le Commune de Paris • the marquis de la Fayette (Lafayette) took command of the newly created National Guard • Louis ordered the recently concentrated regiments to return to their frontier depots • 27 July-in Paris, he accepted a tricolor cockade from Bailly and entered the Hôtel de Vi"e, as cries of "Long live the King" were changed to "Long live the Nation" • the tricoleur combined the royal white with the colors of Paris, red and blue Thursday, July 15, 2010
  128. 128. aftermath • 15 July-Jean Sylvain Bailly, President of the Third Estate/National Assembly comes to Paris as the new mayor of a new government, le Commune de Paris • the marquis de la Fayette (Lafayette) took command of the newly created National Guard • Louis ordered the recently concentrated regiments to return to their frontier depots • 27 July-in Paris, he accepted a tricolor cockade from Bailly and entered the Hôtel de Vi"e, as cries of "Long live the King" were changed to "Long live the Nation" • the tricoleur combined the royal white with the colors of Paris, red and blue Thursday, July 15, 2010
  129. 129. les émigrées • despite Louis’ decision to accept the fait accompli of 14 Juliette, many of the royals did not • his youngest brother, the Count of Artois led the exodus, in his case, to Turin Charles Philippe de France as comte dʼArtois 1757-1836 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  130. 130. les émigrées • despite Louis’ decision to accept the fait accompli of 14 Juliette, many of the royals did not • his youngest brother, the Count of Artois led the exodus, in his case, to Turin • he was accompanied by his sons, the princes de Conde & Conti, and (slightly later) Calonne, the former finance minister • the ultra aristocratic Polignacs Yolande Martine Gabrielle de Polastron Duchesse de Polignac 1749 – 9 December 1793 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  131. 131. the Jacquerie & la Grande Peur Thursday, July 15, 2010
  132. 132. the Jacquerie & la Grande Peur Portrait d'un sans-culotte by Louis-leopold Boilly (1761-1845) Thursday, July 15, 2010
  133. 133. origin of the term “jacquerie” • 1358-a popular revolt in late medieval Europe by peasants that took place in northern France • it was violently suppressed after a few weeks of violence, centered in the Oise valley • the rebellion acquired the name “Jacquerie” because the nobles derided the peasants as “Jacques” or “Jacques Bonhomme” for their padded surplice called “jacque” • their leader, Guillaume Cale was referred to by the aristocratic chronicler Froissart as Jacques illumination from a manuscript Bonhomme (“Jim Goodfellow”) of Froissart’s history of the Hundred Years’ War. Révolte des Jacques, 1358 • the word jacquerie has become synonymous for peasant uprisings Thursday, July 15, 2010
  134. 134. The small people[sic] never resigned themselves to explaining scarcity and high prices simply by the weather. They knew that the...manorial lords who collected dues in kind had considerable stores of grain, which they withheld from sale while waiting calmly for higher prices. Even more bitterly they blamed the dealers in grain--the small merchants...the millers and bakers…. All were suspected of withholding... to precipitate...a price increase…. It is not surprising that want and high prices were frequent causes of rioting…. The crisis shook the existing order no less violently...by uprooting part of the population…. Beggars and unemployed left their own parishes, became vagabonds and descended upon the towns. Their numbers grew beyond belief in times of crisis…. In rural districts the situation was worse; homeless persons banded together and resorted to threats and actual violence. They were regarded as “brigands,” and their ranks did include troops of malefactors, salt smugglers and others…. The “fear of brigands” spread from country to town. Well before July, 1789 local panics broke out. Lefebvre, The Coming of the French Revolution, pp. 105-108 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  135. 135. Brigand (from Old French, Brigaunt) A morta"y wounded brigand quenches his thirst, by Delacroix, c. 1825 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  136. 136. Between the “fear of brigands” and the fear of the aristocracy a connection was rapidly and generally formed. It was maintained from an early date that the aristocracy favored the hoarding of food, that it held back its grain in order to crush the Third Estate and that for the same reason it was not displeased to see the harvest pillaged…. Those who feared that the aristocrats were resorting to arms naturally expected them to recruit followers among vagrants and vagabonds, just as the king’s recruiting officers enrolled their men among the lowest class. op. cit., pp. 108-109 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  137. 137. The Great Fear; most intense, 20 July-6 August • beginning in the Franche-Comté, it spread south down the Rhône valley to Provence; east towards the Alps and west into central France • neighboring villages mistook armed peasant crop guards for the “brigands” • châteaux were invaded to destroy the charters recording feudal dues, in some cases the houses were burned as well • “the seigneurs hunted down like wild beasts, their wives and daughters ravished.” Such rumors left more fortunate seigneurs little inclined to press for the payment of the dues owing to them. Hampson, p.79 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  138. 138. It was a crucial moment in the collapse of royal authority. First came the recognition that the père nourricier --the King-as-Father-Provider--could not feed his subjects. Then followed the ample evidence that neither could he protect them. Schama, Citizens. p. 325 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  139. 139. So fear on both sides of the class divide swelled together into la Grande Peur (the Great Fear) of July - August, 1789. The privileged classes feared the widespread Jacquerie and the exaggerated rumors of its atrocities. The Third Estate, both urban and rural, feared the “aristocratic conspiracy.” It had begun as paranoid rumor but by this time was becoming real enough. Also in the mix in the border regions was the rumor of invasion by foreign armies in the pay of Artois and the émigrés; in the north, Austrians, in the south, Spaniards, in the west, British. “It was the first instance of the patrie en danger syndrome: the patriotic emergencies that would empower ever more radically punitive regimes.” Schama, p. 430 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  140. 140. National Constituent Assembly Thursday, July 15, 2010
  141. 141. National Constituent Assembly Thursday, July 15, 2010
  142. 142. The Night of 4 August “the abolition of feudalism” • the next major event of the revolution occurred when the National Constituent Assembly abolished feudalism, sweeping away both the seigneurial rights of the Second Estate and the tithes gathered by the First Estate • the Viscount de Noailles and the Duke d'Aiguillon proposed the redemption and consequent abolition of feudal rights and the suppression of personal servitude, as well as the various privileges of the nobility • members of the First Estate were at first reluctant to enter into the patriotic fervour of the night but eventually the Bishops of Nancy and Chartres sacrificed their tithes • in the course of a few hours, France abolished game-laws, seigneurial courts, the purchase and sale of posts in the magistracy, of pecuniary immunities, favoritism in taxation, of surplice money, first-fruits, pluralities, and unmerited pensions. Towns, provinces, companies, and cities also sacrificed their special privileges • a medal was struck to commemorate the day, and the Assembly declared Louis XVI the "Restorer of French Liberty." • in this enthusiasm nobody remarked the clause for redeeming the feudal rights and tithes, which the two nobles and the two bishops had introduced into their speeches — a clause terrible even in its vagueness, since it might mean all or nothing, and did, in fact, postpone… the abolition of feudal rights for four years - until August 1793 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  143. 143. The Rights of Man and of the Citizen 26 August 1789 Preamble The representatives of the French people, organized as a National Assembly, believing that the ignorance, neglect, or contempt of the rights of man are the sole cause of public calamities and of the corruption of governments, have determined to set forth in a solemn declaration the natural, unalienable, and sacred rights of man, in order that this declaration, being constantly before all the members of the Social body, shall remind them continually of their rights and duties; in order that the acts of the legislative power, as well as those of the executive power, may be compared at any moment with the objects and purposes of all political institutions and may thus be more respected, and, lastly, in order that the grievances of the citizens, based hereafter upon simple and incontestable principles, shall tend to the maintenance of the constitution and redound to the happiness of all. Therefore the National Assembly recognizes and proclaims, in the presence and under the auspices of the Supreme Being, the following rights of man and of the citizen: [emphasis added, JBP] Thursday, July 15, 2010
  144. 144. The Rights of Man and of the Citizen 26 August 1789 1. Men are born and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions may be founded only upon the general good. 2. The aim of all political association is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man. These rights are liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression. 3. The principle of all sovereignty resides essentially in the nation. No body nor individual may exercise any authority which does not proceed directly from the nation. 4. Liberty consists in the freedom to do everything which injures no one else; hence the exercise of the natural rights of each man has no limits except those which assure to the other members of the society the enjoyment of the same rights. These limits can only be determined by law. 5. Law can only prohibit such actions as are hurtful to society. Nothing may be prevented which is not forbidden by law, and no one may be forced to do anything not provided for by law. 6. Law is the expression of the general will. Every citizen has a right to participate personally, or through his representative, in its foundation. It must be the same for all, whether it protects or punishes. All citizens, being equal in the eyes of the law, are equally eligible to all dignities and to all public positions and occupations, according to their abilities, and without distinction except that of their virtues and talents. Thursday, July 15, 2010
  145. 145. 7.! No person shall be accused, arrested, or imprisoned except in the cases and according to the forms prescribed by law. Any one soliciting, transmitting, executing, or causing to be executed, any arbitrary order, shall be punished. But any citizen summoned or arrested in virtue of the law shall submit without delay, as resistance constitutes an offense. 8.! The law shall provide for such punishments only as are strictly and obviously necessary, and no one shall suffer punishment except it be legally inflicted in virtue of a law passed and promulgated before the commission of the offense. 9.! As all persons are held innocent until they shall have been declared guilty, if arrest shall be deemed indispensable, all harshness not essential to the securing of the prisoner's person shall be severely repressed by law. 10.! No one shall be disquieted on account of his opinions, including his religious views, provided their manifestation does not disturb the public order established by law. 11.! The free communication of ideas and opinions is one of the most precious of the rights of man. Every citizen may, accordingly, speak, write, and print with freedom, but shall be responsible for such abuses of this freedom as shall be defined by law. 12.! The security of the rights of man and of the citizen requires public military forces. These forces are, therefore, established for the good of all and not for the personal advantage of those to whom they shall be entrusted. 13.! A common contribution [taxes] is essential for the maintenance of the public forces and for the cost of administration. This should be equitably distributed among all the citizens in proportion to their means. 14.! All the citizens have a right to decide, either personally or by their representatives, as to the necessity of the public contribution; to grant this freely; to know to what uses it is put; and to fix the proportion, the mode of assessment and of collection and the duration of the taxes. 15.! Society has the right to require of every public agent an account of his administration. 16.! A society in which the observance of the law is not assured, nor the separation of powers defined, has no constitution at all. 17.! Since property is an inviolable and sacred right, no one shall be deprived thereof except where public necessity, legally determined, shall clearly demand it, and then only on condition that the owner shall have been previously and equitably indemnified. Thursday, July 15, 2010
  146. 146. Two chief constitutional thinkers (1) the right: Jean Joseph Mounier • fully familiar with the United States, “a kind of French John Adams” --Palmer • often alluded to the events and constitutions of America, Britain, Holland, and Poland • felt that the constitution had to be negotiated with the king, and that he should have a veto • wanted bicameralism, with men of property in both chambers, the lower house to be elected by a very wide popular suffrage • he insisted that his plan was approved by the American minister, Thomas Jefferson • his critics dubbed him and his followers Monarchials or Anglomaniacs • the Assembly debated this plan for ten days. The spectators in the gallery added their vocal comments 1758-1806 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  147. 147. Two chief constitutional thinkers (2) the left: the Abbé Sieyès • he adamantly rejected the idea of a veto. “See how the king hesitates to approve the Declaration of the Rights of Man…” • in a great speech against Mounier’s plan he invoked the principle of equality, “one man one vote” How could you let the king cancel the will of the Assembly? • he attacked the idea of an upper house as the breeding ground of a new aristocracy • the Assembly voted 849 to 89 for a single house, with 122 abstaining • where Mounier had insisted on an absolute veto, the Assembly adopted a suspensive veto by 673 to 325 ( measures would pass over the king’s veto if they 1748-1836 were passed in three consecutive 2-year sessions) Thursday, July 15, 2010
  148. 148. The King thus received a power to delay, for as long as six years, a program repeatedly endorsed by the legislature and presumably by the electorate. This was surely a dangerous kind of appel au peuple. In any government such institutionalized confrontation or stalemate would have been impolitic; in time of revolution and war it might be fatal. And in 1792 it was to prove ruinous to the constitution and to the King, “Monsieur Veto,” himself. Palmer, op. cit., p. 498 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  149. 149. “...the essence of the revolution of 1789 was the revolt of the Third Estate against the nobility. With a hostile nobility to overcome, and a king sympathetic with the nobility to contend with, the creation of an upper house and a strong independent executive [like our constitution of 1787] was simply not among the possible choices for men interested in furthering the French Revolution.” The King could not be trusted even by moderate partisans of the new order. Yet his very existence made it impossible for the French to create a new executive office as the Americans had done. Palmer, Democratic Revolution. vol. 1, p. 282 & p. 499 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  150. 150. Les Poissardes (the female fishmongers) Thursday, July 15, 2010
  151. 151. Les Poissardes (the female fishmongers) contemporary print Thursday, July 15, 2010
  152. 152. two harridans from the market led by Marianne, the symbolic personification of la Liberté. Marianne wears the g a r m e n t o f 1 8 t h ce n t u r y women’s lib, a flowing white muslin gown, no stays and corset. She holds up the red “liberty,” or Phr ygian cap. Another is more clearly visible, held up on a pole behind her. Thursday, July 15, 2010
  153. 153. ...the working women of Paris increasingly turned to [violence]. As those immediately responsible for putting bread on the table, they were correspondingly most desperate and angry at the shortages which, following a good harvest, seemed to be all the more inexplicable. The October terme for rent and tradesman’s bills was fast approaching and throughout September the tempo of assault on bakers’ shops suspected of giving short weight or hoarding speeded up…. There is no evidence that, faced with the news of this hunger, Marie- Antoinette ever did say anything like “Let them eat cake.” But the apocryphal fable is nonetheless eloquent testimony to the gathering suspicion and hatred directed at the court, which...was held responsible for the plight of the common people. Schama, Citizens. p. 457-458 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  154. 154. the political press fans the flame • a Swiss-born physician, political theorist, and scientist better known as a radical journalist and politician from the French Revolution • September 1789-Marat began his own paper, which was at first called Moniteur patriote ("Patriotic Watch"), changed four days later to Publiciste parisien, and then finally L'Ami du peuple ("The Friend of the People") Jean-Paul Marat 1743 – 13 July 1793 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  155. 155. the political press fans the flame • a Swiss-born physician, political theorist, and scientist better known as a radical journalist and politician from the French Revolution • September 1789-Marat began his own paper, which was at first called Moniteur patriote ("Patriotic Watch"), changed four days later to Publiciste parisien, and then finally L'Ami du peuple ("The Friend of the People") • His journalism was renowned for its fiery character and uncompromising stance towards "enemies of the revolution" and demands for basic reforms for the poorest members of society Jean-Paul Marat 1743 – 13 July 1793 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  156. 156. “Open your eyes” he commanded his readers, “shake off your lethargy, purge your committees, preserve only the healthy members, sweep away the corrupt, the royal pensioners and the devious aristocrats, intriguers and false patriots. You have nothing to expect from them except servitude, poverty and desolation” Schama, Citizens. p. 459 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  157. 157. the Parisian women gather at Versailles • 2 October-a banquet welcoming the Flanders Regiment to Versailles becomes “a drunken orgy” according to Marat’s paper • court women had given out black cockades, the Queen’s colors. Worse still, the tricoleur cockade had been trampled! • 4 October-anger and hunger combined. At a bread protest, one woman suggested a march the next day to Versailles • 5 October-Lafayette, threatened by his own troops with mutiny, agreed to lead 15,000 of the National Guards and would try to keep the 6-7,000 women’s march orderly • after a rainy six hour march, the women were welcomed to the town of Versailles with speeches and wine. But both the Flanders Regiment and the Swiss guards barred them from the grounds of the palace Thursday, July 15, 2010
  158. 158. the Parisian women gather at Versailles • 2 October-a banquet welcoming the Flanders Regiment to Versailles becomes “a drunken orgy” according to Marat’s paper • court women had given out black cockades, the Queen’s colors. Worse still, the tricoleur cockade had been trampled! • 4 October-anger and hunger combined. At a bread protest, one woman suggested a march the next day to Versailles • 5 October-Lafayette, threatened by his own troops with mutiny, agreed to lead 15,000 of the National Guards and would try to keep the 6-7,000 women’s march orderly • after a rainy six hour march, the women were welcomed to the town of Versailles with speeches and wine. But both the Flanders Regiment and the Swiss guards barred them from the grounds of the palace • the wet angry women then invaded the National Assembly. • A small delegation was permitted to see the King Thursday, July 15, 2010
  159. 159. Théroigne de Méricourt Thursday, July 15, 2010
  160. 160. Théroigne de Méricourt Thursday, July 15, 2010
  161. 161. Théroigne de Méricourt Thursday, July 15, 2010
  162. 162. Théroigne de Méricourt Thursday, July 15, 2010
  163. 163. Théroigne de Méricourt Thursday, July 15, 2010
  164. 164. At about six o’clock Louis agreed to accept without demur or qualification both the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen and the August decrees. He then took counsel from his ministers on the best course of action. Saint-Priest [the war minister] urged either flight or resistance; Necker opposed both, arguing that either course would give comfort to those who said that the King was making war on the Revolution rather than endorsing it. Louis was torn between concern for the safety of his family and his distaste for appearing to shirk his duty. He decided to stay put. Not much before midnight, the National Guard tr udged into Versailles….the guardsmen had already determined that they should return to Paris with the royal family and henceforth keep them there. Everything, then, was set for a violent tug-of-war between the royal bodyguard and the National Guard. Schama, Citizens. p. 465 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  165. 165. caught in between • at midnight Lafayette told the National Assembly that the Guard had no coercive purpose but confessed that he had no choice but to bring it to Versailles • calm could be restored if the King sent away the Flanders Regiment and made some sympathetic gestures • the King agreed to see him if he came unaccompanied • as he entered, he heard a courtier remark, “There goes Cromwell.” “Cromwell,” he snapped back,”would not have come unarmed.” • “I have come to die at the feet of Your Majesty.” Such would not be necessary if Louis would send some food to the capital and consent to come there to live “in the palace of your ancestors.” Louis promised to consider Lafayette • 6 October-exhausted, Lafayette returned, reported to age 32 the National Assembly, his officers, and finally fell asleep at 5:00 a.m. Thursday, July 15, 2010
  166. 166. the Queen’s Bedchamber Thursday, July 15, 2010
  167. 167. the Queen’s Bedchamber Thursday, July 15, 2010
  168. 168. the Queen’s Bedchamber Thursday, July 15, 2010
  169. 169. [At one o’clock] an immense cortège, which Lafayette put at sixty thousand, moved off from Versailles. At the front and rear were the National Guard; in their midst the royal carriage escorted by Lafayette, with ministers of Necker’s government, deputies of the National Assembly and the remnant of the court of France following. Behind them was a train of wagons and carts filled with flour from the palace bins. Soldiers and women carried bread loaves on the ends of their pikes and bayonets and sang that they were bringing “the baker, the baker’s wife and the baker’s lad to Paris.” Schama, Citizens. p. 465 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  170. 170. The memorable day at Versai"es, Monday 5 October 1789 In this general riot, several bodyguards have been massacred; two among them were decapitated and their heads carried in triumph by this same people, +iend of national liberty Thursday, July 15, 2010
  171. 171. Our Modern Amazons, glorious for their victories, return on horse and upon cannons, with several good men of the National Guard, holding poplar branches to the repeated cries of Vive la Nation, Vive le Roi Thursday, July 15, 2010
  172. 172. No one dreamed that the Revolution was barely beginning. And, after all, the popular feeling was not entirely mistaken, for the days of October, by securing the decrees of August, had consecrated the demise of the Old Regime beyond hope of revival, and at least the Revolution of 1789 was over. Georges Lefebvre, The Coming of the French Revolution. p. 205 Thursday, July 15, 2010
  173. 173. LIVE FREE OR DIE Thursday, July 15, 2010

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