MEDIA INDUSTRIES.pptx

MEDIA INDUSTRIES.pptx
MEDIA INDUSTRIES
Contents Power and Media Industries … Curran and Seaton… P.6 Regulation … Livingstone and Lunt … P.58 Cultural Industries … Hesmondhalgh… P.89
Power and Media Industries – Curran and Seaton A political economy approach to the media – arguing that patterns of ownership and control are the most significant factors in how the media operate. Media industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration of ownership in fewer and fewer hands. This leads to a narrowing of the range of opinions represented and a pursuit of profit at the expense of quality or creativity. The internet does not represent a rupture with the past in that it does not offer a level playing field for diverse voices to be heard. It is constrained by nationalism and state censorship. News is still controlled by powerful news organisations, who have successfully defended their oligarchy.
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt Livingstone and Lunt studied four case studies of the work of Ofcom. Ofcom is serving an audience who may be seen as consumers and/or citizens, with consequences for regulation: consumers have wants, are individuals, seek private benefits from the media, use the language of choice, and require regulation to protect against detriment; citizens have needs, are social, seek public or social benefits from the media, use the language of rights, and require regulation to promote the public interest. Traditional regulation is being put at risk by: increasingly globalised media industries, the rise of the digital media, and media convergence.
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Cultural industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration and integration – cultural production is owned and controlled by a few conglomerates who vertically integrate across a range of media to reduce risk. Risk is particularly high in the cultural industries because of the difficulty in predicting success, high production costs, low reproduction costs and the fact that media products are ‘public goods’ – they are not destroyed on consumption but can be further reproduced. This means that the cultural industries rely on ‘big hits’ to cover the costs of failure. Hence industries rely on repetition through use of stars, genres, franchises, repeatable narratives and so on to sell formats to audiences, then industries and governments try to impose scarcity, especially through copyright laws. The internet has created new powerful IT corporations, and has not transformed cultural production in a liberating and empowering way – digital technology has sped up work, commercialised leisure time and increased surveillance by government and companies.
Power and Media Industries – Curran and Seaton A political economy approach to the media – arguing that patterns of ownership and control are the most significant factors in how the media operate. Media industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration of ownership in fewer and fewer hands. This leads to a narrowing of the range of opinions represented and a pursuit of profit at the expense of quality or creativity. The internet does not represent a rupture with the past in that it does not offer a level playing field for diverse voices to be heard. It is constrained by nationalism and state censorship. News is still controlled by powerful news organisations, who have successfully defended their oligarchy. Oligopoly: When and industry is dominated by a small number of large sellers or producers.
Power and Media Industries – Curran and Seaton A political economy approach to the media – arguing that patterns of ownership and control are the most significant factors in how the media operate. Media industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration of ownership in fewer and fewer hands. This leads to a narrowing of the range of opinions represented and a pursuit of profit at the expense of quality or creativity. The internet does not represent a rupture with the past in that it does not offer a level playing field for diverse voices to be heard. It is constrained by nationalism and state censorship. News is still controlled by powerful news organisations, who have successfully defended their oligarchy. Oligopoly: When and industry is dominated by a small number of large sellers or producers. Oligopolies often result from the desire to maximise profits, which can lead to collusion between companies or…
Power and Media Industries – Curran and Seaton A political economy approach to the media – arguing that patterns of ownership and control are the most significant factors in how the media operate. Media industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration of ownership in fewer and fewer hands. This leads to a narrowing of the range of opinions represented and a pursuit of profit at the expense of quality or creativity. The internet does not represent a rupture with the past in that it does not offer a level playing field for diverse voices to be heard. It is constrained by nationalism and state censorship. News is still controlled by powerful news organisations, who have successfully defended their oligarchy. Oligopoly: When and industry is dominated by a small number of large sellers or producers. Oligopolies often result from the desire to maximise profits, which can lead to collusion between companies or…
A political economy approach to the media – arguing that patterns of ownership and control are the most significant factors in how the media operate. Media industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration of ownership in fewer and fewer hands. This leads to a narrowing of the range of opinions represented and a pursuit of profit at the expense of quality or creativity. The internet does not represent a rupture with the past in that it does not offer a level playing field for diverse voices to be heard. It is constrained by nationalism and state censorship. News is still controlled by powerful news organisations, who have successfully defended their oligarchy. Power and Media Industries – Curran and Seaton Oligopoly: Film Industry
A political economy approach to the media – arguing that patterns of ownership and control are the most significant factors in how the media operate. Media industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration of ownership in fewer and fewer hands. This leads to a narrowing of the range of opinions represented and a pursuit of profit at the expense of quality or creativity. The internet does not represent a rupture with the past in that it does not offer a level playing field for diverse voices to be heard. It is constrained by nationalism and state censorship. News is still controlled by powerful news organisations, who have successfully defended their oligarchy. Power and Media Industries – Curran and Seaton Oligopoly: Film Industry 1 Top Gun: Maverick 2 Avatar: The Way of Water 3 Jurassic World: Dominion 4 Doctor Strange in the Multiverse of Madness 5 Minions: The Rise of Gru 6 Black Panther: Wakanda Forever 7 The Batman 8 Thor: Love and Thunder 9 Water Gate Bridge 10 Moon Man
A political economy approach to the media – arguing that patterns of ownership and control are the most significant factors in how the media operate. Media industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration of ownership in fewer and fewer hands. This leads to a narrowing of the range of opinions represented and a pursuit of profit at the expense of quality or creativity. The internet does not represent a rupture with the past in that it does not offer a level playing field for diverse voices to be heard. It is constrained by nationalism and state censorship. News is still controlled by powerful news organisations, who have successfully defended their oligarchy. Power and Media Industries – Curran and Seaton Oligopoly: Film Industry 1 Top Gun: Maverick 2 Avatar: The Way of Water 3 Jurassic World: Dominion 4 Doctor Strange in the Multiverse of Madness 5 Minions: The Rise of Gru 6 Black Panther: Wakanda Forever 7 The Batman 8 Thor: Love and Thunder 9 Water Gate Bridge 10 Moon Man Hesmondhalgh cultural industries rely on ‘big hits’ to cover the costs of failure. Hence industries rely on repetition through use of stars, genres, franchises, repeatable narratives and so on to sell formats to audiences, then industries and governments try to impose scarcity, especially through copyright laws.
Power and Media Industries – Curran and Seaton A political economy approach to the media – arguing that patterns of ownership and control are the most significant factors in how the media operate. Media industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration of ownership in fewer and fewer hands. This leads to a narrowing of the range of opinions represented and a pursuit of profit at the expense of quality or creativity. The internet does not represent a rupture with the past in that it does not offer a level playing field for diverse voices to be heard. It is constrained by nationalism and state censorship. News is still controlled by powerful news organisations, who have successfully defended their oligarchy. The people that own newspapers control the messaging within those newspapers. The messaging reflects the values and ideologies of their owners.
Daily Mail
Daily Mail Jonathan Harold Esmond Vere Harmsworth 4th Viscount Rothermere
Daily Mail Jonathan Harold Esmond Vere Harmsworth 4th Viscount Rothermere Owns: Daily Mail and General Trust (DMGT)
Daily Mail Jonathan Harold Esmond Vere Harmsworth 4th Viscount Rothermere Owns: Daily Mail and General Trust (DMGT) How does his ownership of The Daily Mail impact the views expressed in the paper?
Daily Mail What is the political bias of the Daily Mail?
Daily Mail What is the political bias of the Daily Mail?
Daily Mail What is the political bias of the Daily Mail? Right Wing
Daily Mail What is the political bias of the Daily Mail? Right Wing • Nationalism/Patriotism • Traditionalism • Family Values • Law and Order • Conservatism • Ethnocentrism • Exclusionary
Daily Mail What is the political bias of the Daily Mail? Right Wing • Nationalism/Patriotism • Traditionalism • Family Values • Law and Order • Conservatism • Ethnocentrism • Exclusionary
Daily Mail
Daily Mail It is worth remembering that this source is almost 20 years old and that Paul Dacre is no longer the editor of the Daily Mail. However, Dacre continued to edit the Daily Mail until 2018 and is still the editor in chief of DMGT.
Daily Mail What he certainly has got is a strong sense of what the Daily Mail is for and who its core audience is, and therefore where it should stand in the political spectrum. In words that are almost an echo of his father, Rothermere says that the Daily Mail supports the middle class of the country. "It supports what is right for its readership and for the people of Middle Britain. That's its core, and that's what it believes in. Those middle-class values are the values of the Daily Mail." Those values, notes Rothermere (a family man with four children), include the belief that the heart of any decent society is the family unit and that it is better for children to be brought up by a man and a woman.
Daily Mail What he certainly has got is a strong sense of what the Daily Mail is for and who its core audience is, and therefore where it should stand in the political spectrum. In words that are almost an echo of his father, Rothermere says that the Daily Mail supports the middle class of the country. "It supports what is right for its readership and for the people of Middle Britain. That's its core, and that's what it believes in. Those middle-class values are the values of the Daily Mail." Those values, notes Rothermere (a family man with four children), include the belief that the heart of any decent society is the family unit and that it is better for children to be brought up by a man and a woman. Rothermere suggests that it is the values of the audience that shape the content of the newspaper, that it caters to their needs.
Daily Mail What he certainly has got is a strong sense of what the Daily Mail is for and who its core audience is, and therefore where it should stand in the political spectrum. In words that are almost an echo of his father, Rothermere says that the Daily Mail supports the middle class of the country. "It supports what is right for its readership and for the people of Middle Britain. That's its core, and that's what it believes in. Those middle-class values are the values of the Daily Mail." Those values, notes Rothermere (a family man with four children), include the belief that the heart of any decent society is the family unit and that it is better for children to be brought up by a man and a woman. Rothermere suggests that it is the values of the audience that shape the content of the newspaper, that it caters to their needs. This may suggest that Rothermere shares the right wing family values expressed in the Daily Mail, but it is not good evidence that his influence shapes the content.
Daily Mail Politically, although the Mail has always been a Conservative newspaper - usually stridently so - it is clear that those values could transcend traditional party loyalties. If the values of Middle England changed, the Daily Mail would follow the market and would have to change with them. "The Conservatives do not have a God-given right to expect the loyalty of the Daily Mail. The Daily Mail supports the middle class of this country, and if the middle class of this country is better supported by another political party, and feels that way, then I am sure that Paul [Dacre, the editor-in-chief] would make the corresponding decision," he says.
Daily Mail Politically, although the Mail has always been a Conservative newspaper - usually stridently so - it is clear that those values could transcend traditional party loyalties. If the values of Middle England changed, the Daily Mail would follow the market and would have to change with them. "The Conservatives do not have a God-given right to expect the loyalty of the Daily Mail. The Daily Mail supports the middle class of this country, and if the middle class of this country is better supported by another political party, and feels that way, then I am sure that Paul [Dacre, the editor-in-chief] would make the corresponding decision," he says. This further reinforces the idea that the audience shape the socio-political content of the newspaper.
Daily Mail Politically, although the Mail has always been a Conservative newspaper - usually stridently so - it is clear that those values could transcend traditional party loyalties. If the values of Middle England changed, the Daily Mail would follow the market and would have to change with them. "The Conservatives do not have a God-given right to expect the loyalty of the Daily Mail. The Daily Mail supports the middle class of this country, and if the middle class of this country is better supported by another political party, and feels that way, then I am sure that Paul [Dacre, the editor-in-chief] would make the corresponding decision," he says. This further reinforces the idea that the audience shape the socio-political content of the newspaper. This is important as it implies that the socio-cultural concerns of the audience, outweigh any political biases.
Daily Mail Politically, although the Mail has always been a Conservative newspaper - usually stridently so - it is clear that those values could transcend traditional party loyalties. If the values of Middle England changed, the Daily Mail would follow the market and would have to change with them. "The Conservatives do not have a God-given right to expect the loyalty of the Daily Mail. The Daily Mail supports the middle class of this country, and if the middle class of this country is better supported by another political party, and feels that way, then I am sure that Paul [Dacre, the editor-in-chief] would make the corresponding decision," he says. This further reinforces the idea that the audience shape the socio-political content of the newspaper. This is important as it implies that the socio-cultural concerns of the audience, outweigh any political biases. FOR EXAMPLE:
Daily Mail Politically, although the Mail has always been a Conservative newspaper - usually stridently so - it is clear that those values could transcend traditional party loyalties. If the values of Middle England changed, the Daily Mail would follow the market and would have to change with them. "The Conservatives do not have a God-given right to expect the loyalty of the Daily Mail. The Daily Mail supports the middle class of this country, and if the middle class of this country is better supported by another political party, and feels that way, then I am sure that Paul [Dacre, the editor-in-chief] would make the corresponding decision," he says. This further reinforces the idea that the audience shape the socio-political content of the newspaper. This is important as it implies that the socio-cultural concerns of the audience, outweigh any political biases. FOR EXAMPLE: The image selected makes Boris Johnson look foolish.
Daily Mail Politically, although the Mail has always been a Conservative newspaper - usually stridently so - it is clear that those values could transcend traditional party loyalties. If the values of Middle England changed, the Daily Mail would follow the market and would have to change with them. "The Conservatives do not have a God-given right to expect the loyalty of the Daily Mail. The Daily Mail supports the middle class of this country, and if the middle class of this country is better supported by another political party, and feels that way, then I am sure that Paul [Dacre, the editor-in-chief] would make the corresponding decision," he says. This further reinforces the idea that the audience shape the socio-political content of the newspaper. This is important as it implies that the socio-cultural concerns of the audience, outweigh any political biases. FOR EXAMPLE: The image selected makes Boris Johnson look foolish. The paper is more focused on the middle class concerns of its readers than on party politics. - Education - Leisure (Golf and Tennis) - Leisure (Holidays)
In an essay about social and political context. In a 2004 interview with the Independent Newspaper, the 4th Viscount Rothermere pointed out that the Conservative Party “do not have a God given right to expect the loyalty of the Daily Mail.” While this article is almost 20 years old, it was still demonstrably true in 2021, when the January 5th cover selected a foolish image of Conservative PM Boris Johnson and raised concerns that lockdown would impact middle class readers by removing their access to education for their children, to middle class leisure activities like golf and tennis and to holidays abroad. It seems clear from this cover that social context and audience capture are more significant factors shaping the content of the newspaper than political affiliations.
Daily Mail There is no doubt that the DMGT chairman is respectful of the boundary between his role and that of his editor. He refuses to discuss, for instance, exactly where his views differ from those of the Daily Mail, although there is a suspicion that they might be more liberal than some of his paper's opinions. To discuss his views, he believes, would be to bring unnecessary tension and pressure to his relationship with the editor, creating the sense of the owner always looking over the editor's shoulder. Does he think Dacre would pay much attention if he were to spell out his views? "No, I don't. But I would just think it would be unfair to put my views into the public arena, so he might feel uncomfortable about it."
Daily Mail There is no doubt that the DMGT chairman is respectful of the boundary between his role and that of his editor. He refuses to discuss, for instance, exactly where his views differ from those of the Daily Mail, although there is a suspicion that they might be more liberal than some of his paper's opinions. To discuss his views, he believes, would be to bring unnecessary tension and pressure to his relationship with the editor, creating the sense of the owner always looking over the editor's shoulder. Does he think Dacre would pay much attention if he were to spell out his views? "No, I don't. But I would just think it would be unfair to put my views into the public arena, so he might feel uncomfortable about it." Rothermere suggests that he values the independence of his editor, but that he feels it is important to protect him from potentially being influenced by the owners social and politic values and beliefs.
In an essay about Curran and Seaton In a 2004 interview with the Independent Newspaper, the 4th Viscount Rothermere stated that he felt it would be “unfair” to put his “views into the public arena” and to risk unduly influencing his then editor Paul Dacre. To some degree, this contradicts Curran and Seaton as it implies that the ownership of the Daily Mail by Billionaire Viscount Rothermere has no influence on the views expressed by the newspaper. However, we might argue that Rothermere is unusual in this fact (thereby reinforcing Curran and Seaton) and also that that his choice to employ Dacre may have been due to political value alignment.
Daily Mail DMGT also publish: Daily Mail, The Mail on Sunday, Irish Mail on Sunday, MailOnline, Metro, Metro.co.uk, i, New Scientist
Daily Mail DMGT also publish: Daily Mail, The Mail on Sunday, Irish Mail on Sunday, MailOnline, Metro, Metro.co.uk, i, New Scientist It is important to note that DMGT also own Metro and i newspapers, both of which have a reputation for being centre left.
In an essay about Curran and Seaton In a 2004 interview with the Independent Newspaper, the 4th Viscount Rothermere stated that he felt it would be “unfair” to put his “views into the public arena” and to risk unduly influencing his then editor Paul Dacre. To some degree, this contradicts Curran and Seaton as it implies that the ownership of the Daily Mail by Billionaire Viscount Rothermere has no influence on the views expressed by the newspaper. In addition, DMGT also own centre left newspapers, Metro and i, which is further evidence that the social and political views of the owner have no influence on the ideological positions taken by the newspaper. However, this does support another of Curran and Seaton’s concerns, i.e. that media industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration of ownership in fewer and fewer hands.
The Guardian
The Guardian Guardian Media Group plc (GMG) According to Wikipedia: GMG is a British-based mass media company owning various media operations including The Guardian and The Observer. The group is wholly owned by the Scott Trust Limited, which exists to secure the financial and editorial independence of The Guardian in perpetuity.
The Guardian Scott Trust Limited According to Wikipedia: The company is responsible for appointing the editor of The Guardian (and those of the group's other main newspapers) but, apart from enjoining them to continue the paper's editorial policy on "the same lines and in the same spirit as heretofore", it has a policy of not interfering in their decisions.
This implies that they agree with Curran and Seatons’ concer about the impact of ownership on the quality of content. The Guardian equates quality journalism with: truth, rigour and integrity
In an essay about Curran and Seaton The Guardian website includes a request for subscribers to support the newspaper. At the start of 2023, they invited readers to “invest in independent reporting” and included the sentence “With no billionaire owner, we are committed to journalism defined by truth, rigour and integrity.” While we could argue that The Guardian’s ownership by the The Scott Trust ltd. contradicts Curran and Seaton’s theory about concentration of ownership, we might also regard The Guardian as the exception that proves the rule. The Guardian themselves imply that ownership by a billionaire prevents high quality, rigorous, independent journalism. They seem to agree with Curran and Seaton, that the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration of ownership in fewer and fewer hands leads to a narrowing of the range of opinions represented and a pursuit of profit at the expense of quality or creativity.
The Guardian What is the political bias of The Guardian? Left Wing •Globalism •Progressivism •Support for minorities •Liberalism??? •Multiculturalism •Inclusionary
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt Livingstone and Lunt studied four case studies of the work of Ofcom. Ofcom is serving an audience who may be seen as consumers and/or citizens, with consequences for regulation: consumers have wants, are T Their main focus is on freedom of choice, quality and price. ts from the media, u s,e te laulation to protect,against derimt; citizens have needs, are social, seek public or social benefits from the media, use the language of rights, and require regulation to promote the public interest. Traditional regulation is being put at risk by: increasingly globalised media industries, the rise of the digital media, and media convergence.
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt Livingstone and Lunt studied four case studies of the work of Ofcom. Ofcom is serving an audience who may be seen as consumers and/or citizens, with consequences for regulation: consumers have wants, are T Their main focus is on freedom of choice, quality and price. ts from the media, u s,e te laulation to protect,against derimt; citizens havTheir main focus is on protection of their rights …….(privacy, freedom of speech etc.) needs, are social, seek public or socibut also of protection from harm.. Traditional regulation is being put at risk by: increasingly globalised media industries, the rise of the digital media, and media convergence.
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt Livingstone and Lunt are primarily concerned with Ofcom and they examine the tension between treating audiences as citizens an/or consumers in the process of regulation. We are going to look at a few extracts from their journal article entitled: Representing Citizens and Consumers in Media and Communications Regulation In this article, they ask two key questions: - Is “consumer” taking over from “citizen” in the communications sector, as suggested by the ubiquitous discourse of choice and empowerment? - Does the “citizen” have a voice in regulatory debates or is this subordinated to the market?
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt They explain that the Communications Act of 2003 took five existing regulators and formed a ‘superregulator’ called Ofcom. The hope was, that by creating this single regulatory body that it could be more flexible in the face of the ever changing media marketplace. In this quotation we see the CEO of Ofcom outline their mission. “Today our viewers and listeners are far more empowered. Digital Television, the Internet and increasingly broadband is putting more choice in the hands of the user. As a regulator, we will reflect that, welcome and encourage it. There can no longer be a place for a regulator…determining what people “ought” to have.”
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt Ofcom have a responsibility to undertake consumer and citizen research, and it is accountable for which voices it includes. So, why is this a problem? Consumer research is relatively simple as it is assessed through the tools of market research. Citizen research is far more complicated because it relies on special interest groups and self identified spokespeople. They quote Jocelyn Hay, founder of Voice of the Listener and Viewer: “it is much easier to regulate consumer issues, which are basically economic issues and redress and fair representation and so on than citizenship issues which involve social cultural, democratic issues which are far more difficult to quantify and measure.”
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt Livingstone and Lunt quote Colette Bowe of Ofcom’s Consumer Panel: “what we were talking about was not consumers. We were talking about citizens. We were talking about people who were perfectly capable in principle of going to the shop and buying the thing as a consumer, but actually might they be isolated from our society in a way that made it difficult to know that that was what they should be doing?”
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt Livingstone and Lunt quote Colette Bowe of Ofcom’s Consumer Panel: “what we were talking about was not consumers. We were talking about citizens. We were talking about people who were perfectly capable in principle of going to the shop and buying the thing as a consumer, but actually might they be isolated from our society in a way that made it difficult to know that that was what they should be doing?” This points to a concern highlighted by Livingstone and Lunt, i.e. that of social inclusion. They suggest that part of the responsibility of regulators and regulations is to ensure the widening of social inclusion.
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt Public Service Broadcasting You may remember that it is Ofcom’s lawful duty, to hold the BBC to account, ensuring that it keeps to its Royal Charter and Agreement (renewed in December 2017). The charter sets out the key features that underpin the BBC’s mission: • To act in the public interest • To serve all audiences • To be impartial • To make high-quality programmes • To be distinctive • To inform, educate and entertain
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt Public Service Broadcasting You may remember that it is Ofcom’s lawful duty, to hold the BBC to account, ensuring that it keeps to its Royal Charter and Agreement (renewed in December 2017). The charter sets out the key features that underpin the BBC’s mission: • To act in the public interest • To serve all audiences • To be impartial • To make high-quality programmes • To be distinctive • To inform, educate and entertain Which of these do you think see the audience as consumers and which as citizens?
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt Video Games Regulation of Video Games in the UK is undertaken by the VSC Rating Board, which is a statutory body rather than a self-regulatory body (as exists in the film industry). As the designated authority for classifying physical games in the UK the VSC Rating Board must issue a certificate before any non-exempt game can be released. The VSC Rating Board administers the Pan-European Game Information (PEGI) rating system, which is used throughout Europe. PEGI became the official rating system under UK law in 2012. Under this system, games are rated by minimum age: 3 ……. Suitable for all 7 ……. May contain frightening scenes 12 ….. May contain mild violence, mild swearing or nudity 16 ….. Realistic violence or sex, swearing, crime, alcohol, tobacco 18 ….. Gross violence
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt Video Games Social attitudes to video gaming are not entirely different to film, but fears, often stoked by other media, warn of addiction, social isolation and the supposedly harmful effects of exposure to violent representations. In addition, the comparatively young target audience means that that there is a considered to be a greater need for statutory regulation to protect the vulnerable. However, video gaming is a digital industry, with audiences able to purchase online, and producers able to retail from any country. The VSC can only realistically police physical games and cannot enforce their rating system within households. As a result, regulation has little effect on the chosen gaming experience of audiences within the UK.
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt Video Games Social attitudes to video gaming are not entirely different to film, but fears, often stoked by other media, warn of addiction, social isolation and the supposedly harmful effects of exposure to violent representations. In addition, the comparatively young target audience means that that there is a considered to be a greater need for statutory regulation to protect the vulnerable. However, video gaming is a digital industry, with audiences able to purchase online, and producers able to retail from any country. The VSC can only realistically police physical games and cannot enforce their rating system within households. As a result, regulation has little effect on the chosen gaming experience of audiences within the UK.
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt Video Games Social attitudes to video gaming are not entirely different to film, but fears, often stoked by other media, warn of addiction, social isolation and the supposedly harmful effects of exposure to violent representations. In addition, the comparatively young target audience means that that there is a considered to be a greater need for statutory regulation to protect the vulnerable. However, video gaming is a digital industry, with audiences able to purchase online, and producers able to retail from any country. The VSC can only realistically police physical games and cannot enforce their rating system within households. As a result, regulation has little effect on the chosen gaming experience of audiences within the UK. Traditional regulation is being put at risk by: increasingly globalised media industries, the rise of the digital media, and media convergence.
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt Video Games + Ofcom Ofcom have no explicit control over the rating or regulation of video games. However, they are involved in some of the following ways: They are responsible for online safety: - They conduct research into online safety and offer advice. - See below for links to their use of ‘gamification’ to promote social media etiquette. They are responsible for research: - See below for links to consumer research into gaming by adults and children.
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt News (Print) The British Press is self-regulating. Most newspapers join either: IPSO – Independent Press Standards Organisation or: IMPRESS – Independent Monitor for the Press Importantly, Wikipedia points out that IMPRESS is compliant with the Levenson Report (see link), while IPSO is not. It also points out that far more newspapers are signed up to IPSO than IMPRESS.
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt News (Print) The British Press is self-regulating. Most newspapers join either: IPSO – Independent Press Standards Organisation or: IMPRESS – Independent Monitor for the Press Importantly, Wikipedia points out that IMPRESS is compliant with the Levenson Report (see link), while IPSO is not. It also points out that far more newspapers are signed up to IPSO than IMPRESS. This includes the Daily Mail and the MailOnline.
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt News (Print) The British Press is self-regulating. Most newspapers join either: IPSO – Independent Press Standards Organisation or: IMPRESS – Independent Monitor for the Press The Guardian has not joined either of these organisations and is therefore self regulating.
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt News (Print) The British Press is self-regulating. Most newspapers join either: IPSO – Independent Press Standards Organisation or: IMPRESS – Independent Monitor for the Press All print media is subject to English defamation law (see link). Many journalists argue that these laws are particularly onerous because they place the ‘burden of proof’ on the defendant. This means that journalists must prove that what they allege is true (unless they can prove that the story is in the public interest.)
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt IN THE PUBLIC INTEREST (As defined by the National Union of Journalists) 1.The public interest includes: • Detecting or exposing crime or a serious misdemeanour; • Protecting public health and safety; • Preventing the public from being misled by some statement or action of an individual or organisation; • Exposing misuse of public funds or other forms of corruption by public bodies; • Revealing potential conflicts of interest by those in positions of power and influence; • Exposing corporate greed; • Exposing hypocritical behaviour by those holding high office. 2.There is a public interest in the freedom of expression itself. 3.In cases involving children, journalists must demonstrate an exceptional public interest to over-ride the normally paramount interests of the child.
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt News (Online) Online news is not regulated unless the organisations choose to sign up to IPSO or IMPRESS. The Mail Online is signed to IPSO, while the Guardian is self regulating. The Guardian maintains its reputation for trustworthy journalism across its online platform by applying the same ethics and journalistic practices as it does in its print publications. This includes active moderation of comments by readers. Like print, online media is also subject to English defamation law.
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt According to IPSO The Mail Online had the most complaints upheld in 2021. We might use this evidence to support Curran and Seaton’s claim that increased control in fewer hands leads to reduction in quality. However, these statistics may also be misleading as they may simply echo the popularity of the publication. See article below
Regulation – Livingstone and Lunt While Ofcom have no obvious role in the regulation of the UK Press, their involvement can still be seen. - They are responsible for market(like) research into the way that audiences consume news (see link below). - They are/were also involved in investigating government concerns that emerge around UK press. (e.g. DMGT purchasing i)
Writing about regulation (Livingstone and Lunt?) While Ofcom have no specific regulatory role in the policing of content in the UK Press, they are still involved in researching the consumption of News in the UK. Moreover, one of their roles in protecting UK citizens is to ensure the plurality of media viewpoints, which they see as vital in “contributing to a well-functioning democracy.” They explicitly stated this in their advice to the secretary of state following their investigation into the acquisition of JPI Media Publications Ltd, by DMGT. As part of their investigation, they contacted the DMGT editor in chief who provided “unconditional statements” that they have “complete freedom to exercise their editorial judgement without interference by the proprietor.” The i’s editor in chief also stated that he had received assurances that he would maintain “editorial independence post-merger.” So, while Ofcom exercise no direct control over UK press, they are clearly instrumental in ensuring a balance of political viewpoints across the range of media output.
Writing about ownership (Curran and Seaton) We have already seen that Curran and Seaton’s theory of Power and Media Industries cannot be easily matched to DMGT, but Ofcom’s investigation into acquisition of JPI Media Publications Ltd. is very revealing. Firstly, the fact that DMGT purchased JPI agrees with Curran and Seaton’s assertion that media industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration of ownership in fewer and fewer hands. Moreover, the fact that Ofcom were tasked with the investigation, legitimises their concern that this leads to a narrowing of the range of opinions represented and a pursuit of profit at the expense of quality. Ofcom are very clear that their chief objective is ensuring the maintenance of a plurality of media messages which contribute “to a well-functioning democracy.” Clearly, Ofcom share Curran and Seaton’s concerns; however, as part of their investigation, they contacted the DMGT editor in chief who provided “unconditional statements” that they have “complete freedom to exercise their editorial judgement without interference by the proprietor.” Moreover, the i’s editor in chief also stated that he had received assurances that he would maintain “editorial independence post-merger.” So, it would seem that DMGT behave in a manner contrary to Curran and Seaton’s theory, valuing editorial freedom and diversity of political opinion over proprietorial control.
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Cultural industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration and integration – cultural production is owned and controlled by a few conglomerates who vertically integrate across a range of media to reduce risk. Risk is particularly high in the cultural industries because of the difficulty in predicting success, high production costs, low reproduction costs and the fact that media products are ‘public goods’ – they are not destroyed on consumption but can be further reproduced. This means that the cultural industries rely on ‘big hits’ to cover the costs of failure. Hence industries rely on repetition through use of stars, genres, franchises, repeatable narratives and so on to sell formats to audiences, then industries and governments try to impose scarcity, especially through copyright laws. The internet has created new powerful IT corporations, and has not transformed cultural production in a liberating and empowering way – digital technology has sped up work, commercialised leisure time and increased surveillance by government and companies. Hesmondhalgh says that “the cultural industries have usually been thought of as those institutions (mainly profit-making companies, but also state organisations and non-profit organisations) that are most directly involved in the production of social meaning.”
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Cultural industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration and integration – cultural production is owned and controlled by a few conglomrates who vertically integrate across a range of media to reduce risk. Risk is particularly high in the cultural industries because of the difficulty in predicting success, high production costs, low reproduction costs and the fact that media products are ‘public goods’ – they are not destroyed on consumption but can be further reproduced. This means that the cultural industries rely on ‘big hits’ to cover the costs of failure. Hence industries rely on repetition through use of stars, genres, franchises, repeatable narratives and so on to sep work, commercialised leisure time and increased surveillance by government and companies. He idenitifies: “Films, TV series, comics, music, video games and so on” Then goes on to say that they: “provide us with recurring representations of the world and so act as a kind of reporting. Just as crucially, they draw on and help to constitute our inner, private lives and our public selves: our fantasies, emotions and identities”
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Cultural industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration and integration – cultural production is owned and controlled by a few conglomrates who vertically integrate across a range of media to reduce risk. Risk is particularly high in the cultural industries because of the difficulty in predicting success, high production costs, low reproduction costs and the fact that media products are ‘public goods’ – they are not destroyed on consumption but can be further reproduced. This means that the cultural industries rely on ‘big hits’ to cover the costs of failure. Hence industries rely on repetition through use of stars, genres, franchises, repeatable narratives and so on to sep work, commercialised leisure time and increased surveillance by government and companies. He distinguishes them from other industries saying: “Every car involves significant design and marketing inputs. However, the primary aim of cars as a category is not to provide a set of meanings to customers, or to look nice, but transport.” Whereas cultural industries “deal primarily with the industrial production and circulation of texts.”
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Cultural industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration and integration – cultural production is owned and controlled by a few conglomrates who vertically integrate across a range of media to reduce risk. Risk is particularly high in the cultural industries because of the difficulty in predicting success, high production costs, low reproduction costs and the fact that media products are ‘public goods’ – they are not destroyed on consumption but can be further reproduced. This means that the cultural industries rely on ‘big hits’ to cover the costs of failure. Hence industries rely on repetition through use of stars, genres, franchises, repeatable narratives and so on to sep work, commercialised leisure time and increased surveillance by government and companies. He distinguishes them from other industries saying: “Every car involves significant design and marketing inputs. However, the primary aim of cars as a category is not to provide a set of meanings to customers, or to look nice, but transport.” Whereas cultural industries “deal primarily with the industrial production and circulation of texts.”
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Cultural industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration and integration – cultural production is owned and controlled by a few conglomrates who vertically integrate across a range of media to reduce risk. Risk is particularly high in the cultural industries because of the difficulty in predicting success, high production costs, low reproduction costs and the fact that media products are ‘public goods’ – they are not destroyed on consumption but can be further reproduced. This means that the cultural industries rely on ‘big hits’ to cover the costs of failure. Hence industries rely on repetition through use of stars, genres, franchises, repeatable narratives and so on to sep work, commercialised leisure time and increased surveillance by government and companies. Symbol Creators Hesmondalgh identifies “artists” in the media industry using the term “symbol creators.” Writers, directors, journalists, designers etc. are all examples of “symbol creators.” He argues that they are given enough artistic freedom by industry controllers to create products that excite audience engagement.
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Cultural industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration and integration – cultural production is owned and controlled by a few conglomrates who vertically integrate across a range of media to reduce risk. Risk is particularly high in the cultural industries because of the difficulty in predicting success, high production costs, low reproduction costs and the fact that media products are ‘public goods’ – they are not destroyed on consumption but can be further reproduced. This means that the cultural industries rely on ‘big hits’ to cover the costs of failure. Hence industries rely on repetition through use of stars, genres, franchises, repeatable narratives and so on to sep work, commercialised leisure time and increased surveillance by government and companies. Symbol Creators Hesmondalgh identifies the increasing tension between artistic freedom and industry control (by creative business managers). He argues that the loose control over artists is giving way to the role of marketing and brand development.
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Cultural industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration and integration – cultural production is owned and controlled by a few conglomrates who vertically integrate across a range of media to reduce risk. Risk is particularly high in the cultural industries because of the difficulty in predicting success, high production costs, low reproduction costs and the fact that media products are ‘public goods’ – they are not destroyed on consumption but can be further reproduced. This means that the cultural industries rely on ‘big hits’ to cover the costs of failure. Hence industries rely on repetition through use of stars, genres, franchises, repeatable narratives and so on to sep work, commercialised leisure time and increased surveillance by government and companies. Symbol Creators Hesmondalgh identifies the increasing tension between artistic freedom and industry control (by creative business managers). He argues that the loose control over artists is giving way to the role of marketing and brand development. “The increasing presence and status of marketing represents a shift in the relations between creativity and commerce.”
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Cultural industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration and integration – cultural production is owned and controlled by a few conglomrates who vertically integrate across a range of media to reduce risk. Risk is particularly high in the cultural industries because of the difficulty in predicting success, high production costs, low reproduction costs and the fact that media products are ‘public goods’ – they are not destroyed on consumption but can be further reproduced. This means that the cultural industries rely on ‘big hits’ to cover the costs of failure. Hence industries rely on repetition through use of stars, genres, franchises, repeatable narratives and so on to sep work, commercialised leisure time and increased surveillance by government and companies. Symbol Creators Hesmondalgh identifies the increasing tension between artistic freedom and industry control (by creative business managers). He argues that the loose control over artists is giving way to the role of marketing and brand development. “The increasing presence and status of marketing represents a shift in the relations between creativity and commerce.” Audience data often drives artistic decisions and directions, especially due to the capacity of digital platforms to mine audience data. Netflix, for example, understand in microscopic detail the consumption patters of subscribers which informs future commissioning.
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Cultural industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration and integration – cultural production is owned and controlled by a few conglomerates who vertically integrate across a range of media to reduce risk.
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Cultural industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration and integration – cultural production is owned and controlled by a few conglomerates who vertically integrate across a range of media to reduce risk. Curran and Seaton Media industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration of ownership in fewer and fewer hands. This leads to a narrowing of the range of opinions represented and a pursuit of profit at the expense of quality or creativity.
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Cultural industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration and integration – cultural production is owned and controlled by a few conglomerates who vertically integrate across a range of media to reduce risk. Curran and Seaton Media industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration of ownership in fewer and fewer hands. This leads to a narrowing of the range of opinions represented and a pursuit of profit at the expense of quality or creativity.
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Cultural industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration and integration – cultural production is owned and controlled by a few conglomerates who vertically integrate across a range of media to reduce risk. Curran and Seaton Media industries follow the normal capitalist pattern of increasing concentration of ownership in fewer and fewer hands. This leads to a narrowing of the range of opinions represented and a pursuit of profit at the expense of quality or creativity. Horizontal Integration Horizontal integration is an expansion strategy adopted by a company that involves the acquisition of another company in the same business line. For example, Since 2006, Disney has acquired: Pixar, Marvel, Lucasfilm, and, most recently, 20th Century Fox. Microsoft’s acquisition of Minecraft is an example of horizontal integration. DMGT’s acquisition of JPI is an example of horizontal integration. Vertical Integration Vertical integration refers to an expansion strategy where one company takes control over one or more stages in the production or distribution of a product. For example, Netflix's shift from licensing shows and movies from major studios to producing its own original content (like Stranger Things) is an example of vertical integration. Disney’s stores sell merchandise based on Multi-sector integration Multi-sector integration is an expansion strategy that involves buying companies across a a range of cultural industries, allowing for furth deployment of brands across media platforms. Most films, for example, create cross-brand profits through the sale of soundtracks and, in the case of Disney and Universal, through their theme park experiences.
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh PRODUCT FORMATTING AND RISK REDUCTION - Star formatting: Hesmondalgh suggests that it takes ‘considerable marketing efforts’ to ‘break a writer or performer as a new star.’ However, once enabled, star power can delivery ready-made audiences. - Genre base formatting: Labelling media content using genre based categories allows audiences to identify potential rewards of consuming a product in advance of consumption. Hesmondhalgh argues that genres pre-promise consumer satisfaction. - Serialisation (including sequels, prequels and franchises): Serialised media needs less investment in marketing to establish audience visibility. Prequels and sequels piggyback on pre-existing audience successes, while also enabling institutions to introduce or nurture new talent inside a relatively risk free formula. - Remakes/reboots: ‘Retellings’ often seek to recapture audiences engagement through nostalgia based appeals, while also rebranding ‘archived’ material for contemporary audiences. - Independent labelling : Hesmondhalgh argues that ‘independents’ provide a useful way to engage audiences that are reluctant to consume mainstream media. In addition, risk averse conglomerates may delegate production to independents in order to shield their brand identity from the impact of content failure.
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Diagnosing the effects of the digital revolution. - Faux benefits of cyberspace: Hesmondhalgh argues that the ‘many minor forms of subversion, insubordination and scepticism’ found on the internet ‘don’t cancel out the enormous concentration of power in the cultural industries.’ - Unequal user access: Hesmondhalgh argues that users mostly access internet services in a simplistic way (information retrieval or entertainment). A relatively small number of users deploy ‘participatory culture’ skills. - Dominations by a small number of providers: Hesmondhalgh argues that the dominance of search engines like google (a near monopoly) contradicts the idea that the internet has eroded media concentration. - Domination by commercialised activity: Hesmondhalgh argues that the monetisation of most internet content is ‘permeated by advertising to the extent that it is sometimes difficult to tell where the advertisements end and the content begins.’
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Video Games - Video Gaming is still dominated by an oligopoly of companies (Sony, Nintendo and Microsoft) - Successful independent companies are often purchased by conglomerates. - Hesmondhalgh argues that larger companies are still able to forge cross-media synergies with the film and music sectors. - Franchises dominate, maximising audience and reducing risk.
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Newspapers - Hesmondhalgh argues that technological developments have had a significant impact in this sector. - Some companies have implemented pay per view services (The Times) - Some use a donation model (The Guardian) - The Guardian also uses their brand to sell dating services, books, holidays, music etc. - Almost ALL online newspapers are captured within the advertising model, which inevitably leads to clickbait style journalism.
Cultural Industries – Hesmondhalgh Television - Hesmondhalgh points to the hybridisation of T.V. and Internet in on-demand service. - Positive voices would point to the greater range of choice: Wider range of programmes Choice of when to watch (time shifted consumption). - Hesmondhalgh argues that a small number of global organisations have dominated this process. (Netflix, Disney +) - He also argues that the same risk mitigations process dominates these services: celebrity, genre, sequels, remakes, serialisation etc. How might this be applied to Stranger Things and D83?

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