THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY           FOtTNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D.                          EDITED BY                |T. E...
PORTRAIT OF PERIKLES.    BRITISH MUSEUM.
THUCYDIDESWITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY  CHARLES FORSTER SMITH      OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN        IN   FOUR VOLUM...
First printed 1919Revised and Reprinted 1928Reprinted 1935, 1951, 19566523feb Prinied in Great Britain
CONTENTS                                                            PAOJtPORTRAIT OF PERICLES                       Fronti...
INTRODUCTION  Three ancient biographies 1 of Thucydides havecome down to us, but they are of little value. Theyare derived...
INTRODUCTIONjudgment, following it with close attention, that hemight acquire accurate information (v. xxvi. 5). Hesuffere...
INTRODUCTIONhimself as o-rpaTrjyos (iv. civ. 4), he writes ®ovKv&fir)vrbv OAdpov for only as an Athenian citizen could    ...
r                          INTRODUCTIONand the anonymous biographer (§ 2), and apparentlyimplied by Aristophanes (Vesp. 28...
:                               INTRODUCTIONThrace or in Athens, it seems clear from his ownwords that he outlived the ter...
INTRODUCTIONwe hold    to Pamphilas testimony.  But if he didnot as a   boy hear Herodotus recite at Olympia, hemust have ...
INTRODUCTIONdid by Plutarch (De Exil. xiv.) and Marcellinus                  (§§   25and   47).  From Thucydides opening s...
INTRODUCTIONuntil    the     fall         But he adds, "The                               of Athens."war      lasted  twen...
:                             INTRODUCTIONyet     I   do not believe that           all   parts of the      work    re-cei...
INTRODUCTION    not the finest thing you ever read in your life?"is it                                                    ...
—                           INTRODUCTIONmeans with such impressive effect and success as toinduce frequent imitation in la...
INTRODUCTIONinterests,  and are put in the position to form judg-ment   for ourselvesfrom the situation and the feelingof ...
INTRODUCTIONhis reserve, since for   much    that he might have toldus   we have no    other witnesses,   we come more and...
—                       BIBLIOGRAPHY     Of Thucydidean manuscripts the following     are, accordingto    Hade, the most i...
BIBLIOGRAPHYPoppo  : Leipzig, 1821-40, 11 vols, (prolegomena, commen-    tary, etc.).Poppo Minor edition, Leipzig, 1843-51...
THUCYDIDES  BOOK   I
90YKYAIA0Y I2TOPIAI          I.    Sov/cvBiBr]?        Adrjvaio?         gvveypa-yfre          rbv     iro- Xepiov        ...
THUCYDIDES                      BOOK      I  I.   Thucydides, an Athenian, wrote the historyof the war waged by the Pelopo...
THUCYDIDES    eavrwv        aTTokenrovTes, j3ia%6fjL€voi                   vw6 Tivmv          alel2 rrXeiovcov.           ...
BOOK      I.   ii.   1-6forced to do so by any people that was more numer-ous.  For there was no mercantile traffic and th...
THUCYDIDES    iiroirjcrav             irXr)Oei,     avO pdyrrwv ryv ttoXlv, ware    teal e?           Icoviav        vcrre...
BOOK    I.       ii.   6-m. 4number of its inhabitants so that Attica proved too                             ;small to hol...
THUCYDIDES  errpa^av.          dXXa      Kal ravrrjv rrjv arpareiav 9 a-  d(j(jrj   rjhr)    rrXeico    ^pcofievoi %vvrj6o...
BOOK             I.   m. 4-v.   2 with one another.    And they united even for thisexpedition only when they were now mak...
THUCYDIDES3   elhevcu ovk ovelBi^ovtcov.                             eXrj^ovro     Be kcu kclt    rjireipov      dXijXov$....
BOOK    I.   v. 2-vi. 5censure   it   who   are concerned to have the informa-tion.   On     the mainland also men plunder...
THUCYDIDES    <f>avepbv aTroBvvres Xiira                   fiera      rov yvxvd^ecrOai    rjXei^ravTO.           to Be ird...
BOOK          I.   vi.   5-vm.   ithemselves with      when they engaged in athletic                            oilexercis...
THUCYDIDES    Ka/)69    i(j)dvr]aav,      yvcoafievTes         rfj   re     o-fcevf)         tcov    07r(0V    ^VVT€0a/l/j...
—                       BOOK   I.   vm.   i-ix. 2being recognized by the fashion of the armour foundburied with them, and ...
THUCYDIDES    eKyovois             en     fJL€L%(o   ^vveve6r}vai, JLvpvaOecos /nev    ev        rfj      ArriKrj        v...
BOOK        I.   ix.   2-5fell to the lot of his descendants.     For when Eu-rystheus set out on the expedition that resu...
THUCYDIDES    X. Kal             on    fiev    MvKTJvai paKpbv                r/v,    r/   et ri rcov  Tore iroXiafia vvv ...
BOOK     I.   x.   1-4  X.   And   because Mycenae was only a small place,or if any particular  town of that time seems no...
THUCYDIDES    By]Xa)v,        o)?    ifiol     Bokgl,      rd? peyiara^ kcu                    ea)(L-    <TTa<$        aXX...
BOOK       I.   x. 4-X1. 2Philoctetes as having fifty, 1 indicating, it seems tome, the largest and the smallest ships at ...
THUCYDIDES    dOpooi dvev XyaTeLas                             real    yecopylas Ijvvexcos top    iroXe/Jiov        Siecpe...
;                BOOK     I.   xi.   2-xn. 4supply of food, and, in a body, without resorting toforaging and agriculture, ...
THUCYDIDES    7re/x7re,   real     *Icova<;   puev   AOtivclloi          kcu vrjcncoroov    tovs ttoXXovs cpKLcrav, lTata?...
BOOK      I.   xii.   4-xm.   5began to send out colonies. ^The Athenians colonizedIonia and most 5f ~the""fslands the Pel...
THUCYDIDES    roU         iraXaiols jroiTirals SeSrjXcorar                             d(pvei6v        yap    eircovopacfa...
BOOK      I.   xiii.   5-xiv. 3been shown even by the early poets, who called theplace " Wealthy Corinth." l     And when ...
.                                    THUCYDIDES    olTives         aXXot, fipayka e/ee/cTrjvTo                ical   rovrc...
BOOK       I.       xiv.   3-xv. 3powers, the              fleets   they had acquired were incon-siderable, consisting mos...
THUCYDIDES         XVI.         Eireyevero                   Be aXXot<; re            aXXoOi kcoXv-fjtara         fiyj    ...
BOOK             I.   xvi.-xviii.     i  XVI. But     different Hellenic peoples in differentlocalities   met with   obsta...
THUCYDIDES    €<TTL fjL(il(TTa T€TpafCO(Tia            Kal oXiyW TrXeiO) 6?        TT)V    reXevrrjv rovBe rov iroXe/iov, ...
BOOK       I.    xviti.   1-3period during which the Lacedaemonians have beenenjoying the same constitution J covers about...
THUCYDIDES  ra         Be      TroXepLovvres               r)        dXXyjXoLS          r)   rois   eavrtoi  gv/jL/jidxoLS...
;                  BOOK        I.   xviii.   3-xx. 2fighting with each other or with their own revoltedallies,these two st...
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Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
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Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library
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Tukidid peloponeski ratovi knjiga 1-2 loeb library

  1. 1. THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY FOtTNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D. EDITED BY |T. E. PAGE, C.H., LITT.D.CAPPS, ph.d., ll.d. tW. H. D. ROUSE, litt.d. POST, m.a. E. H. WARMINGTON, m.a., f.r.hist.soc. THUCYDIDES I
  2. 2. PORTRAIT OF PERIKLES. BRITISH MUSEUM.
  3. 3. THUCYDIDESWITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY CHARLES FORSTER SMITH OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN IN FOUR VOLUMES IHISTORY OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR BOOKS I and II LONDON WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS MCMLVI
  4. 4. First printed 1919Revised and Reprinted 1928Reprinted 1935, 1951, 19566523feb Prinied in Great Britain
  5. 5. CONTENTS PAOJtPORTRAIT OF PERICLES FrontispieceINTRODUCTION viiBIBLIOGRAPHY XxiBOOK I 1BOOK II 257 MAPSCORCYRA AND NORTH-WESTERN HELLAS . . . to face 43CHALCIDICE , 95PIRAEUS 157
  6. 6. INTRODUCTION Three ancient biographies 1 of Thucydides havecome down to us, but they are of little value. Theyare derived from ancient commentaries, and the bio-graphical details which they contain, wherever theydo not upon inference from the text of the resthistory are often confused and contradictory. itself,These are supplemented by scattered statements ofseveral ancient writers — Dionysius of Halicarnassus,who wrote two on Thucydides (Z)<» Thucy- treatisesdidis historia indicium and the Second Letter to Am-maeus), Plutarch (Cimon iv), and Pausanias (i. xxxii.). The-only authentic facts about the life of Thucy-dides are gathered from casual mention in the History.He was the son of Olorus (iv. civ. 4) commenced ;the compilation of materials for writing the Historyat the outset of the Peloponnesian War (i. i. 1);and lived through the whole war, ripe in years and 1 One of these, compiled in three distinct portions u fromthe commentaries," passed under the name of Marcellinm,who is probably to be identified with the author of Scholiaon Hermogenes wep araotwr, who seems to have lived in thefifth century A.D. another was by an anonymous gram- ;marian ; and the third is a short notice in* Suidas, a.v. A2 vii
  7. 7. INTRODUCTIONjudgment, following it with close attention, that hemight acquire accurate information (v. xxvi. 5). Hesuffered from the plague of 429 b.c. (ii. xlviii. 3), ofwhich he wrote his famous account (ii. xlvii-liv).Elected one of the ten generals in 424 b.c, he wassent to the coast of Thrace (where he enjoyed theright of working certain gold mines) to operateagainst Brasidas. Failing to relieve Amphipolis, hewas exiled in 424 b.c, and remained in banishmentfor twenty years, and thus was able to become ac-quainted with affairs on both sides (v. xxvi. 5). For other facts we are dependent largely uponinference some are reasonably certain, others less ;so. The nameof his father was identical with thatof the Thracian prince Olorus, whose daughter He-gesipyle was married to Miltiades, and his tomb,having the inscription ©ovkvSiS^s OAopov AkifxovaLos,was in the suburb of Athens known as K01A.17 MeAe-TtScs, adjoining those of Cimon and Miltiades (Plut.Cim. iv). We may therefore assume that Olorus,the father of Thucydides, was a near kinsman of theThracian prince Olorus. If, as Marcellinus says (§ 2),Thucydides mother was named Hegesipyle, likeCimons mother, that would be confirmation of therelationship but Plutarch makes no mention of this. ;It seems likely, then, that Thucydides was of nearkin to Cimon, younger perhaps by one generation.His father Olorus was probably a full citizen ofAthens, as is indicated by the fact that, mentioningviil
  8. 8. INTRODUCTIONhimself as o-rpaTrjyos (iv. civ. 4), he writes ®ovKv&fir)vrbv OAdpov for only as an Athenian citizen could ; be mentioned in this official style.his father As to the date of Thucydides birth, the onlyancient statement that seems worthy of credencewas made by Pamphila, a woman writer who in thetime of Nero made a great compilation of the resultsof learning. Aulus Gellius (N.A. xv. 23) quotesfrom Pamphila that, at the beginning of the Pelo-ponnesian War, Hellanicus was sixty-five years ofage, Herodotus fifty-three, Thucydides forty. Pam-philas dates were probably taken from the chrono-logical handbook of Apollodorus (second century B.C.),which was generally accepted among the Greeks andRomans. The term forty years used by Pamphiladoubtless meant the d/c/x^ or prime of Thucydides,and may have been fixed on the basis of his ownassertion that he began to collect material at theopening of the war (i. i. 1) and was then in fullmaturity of mind (v. xxvi. 5). At any rate his ownstatement, taken with Pamphilas date, has led tothe general assumption that the historian was bornsomewhere about 472 b.c It is indicated by Marcellinus (§ 46), and is prob-able in itself, that the decree for Thucydides ban-ishment was adopted on the motion of Cleon, whowas then at the height of his power and it is;probable that the charge brought against him wastreachery (Ttpo&ocria), as stated by Marcellinus (§ 55) ix
  9. 9. r INTRODUCTIONand the anonymous biographer (§ 2), and apparentlyimplied by Aristophanes (Vesp. 288). His own words,£wefir) fjLOL favyeiv, admit of this interpretation and ;the statement of Pausanias (i. xxiii. 9) that he waslater recalled from exile on the motion of Oenobiusis best understood on this basis. If he had beenbanished by a simple decree of the people, thegeneral amnesty that followed the capture of Athensby Lysander would have been sufficient for him asfor other exiles ;the sentence was more severe, ifa special decree would be necessary. But it ispossible, of course, that the motion of Oenobiusantedated the amnesty of Lysanders peace by afew months. ^ As to Thucydides death, therewas a persistenttradition thatjie was assassinated, and the fact thatthe History breaks off suddenly in the midst of ex-citing events of the Decelean War seems to supportthe tradition. Plutarch (Cim. iv. 3) says that it wascommonly reported that he died a violent death atScapte Hyle Pausanias (i. xxiii. 9), that he was ;murdered on his journey home from exile Marcel- ;linus (§ 10), that after his return from exile he diedand was buried in Athens. But whether he died in 1 The name, which is a rare one in the fifth century, isfound as that of a general commanding in the neighbourhoodof Thasos in 410-9 b.o. and we hear somewhat later of oneEucles, son of Oenobius hence it has been conjectured that ;the father of Oenobius was Eucles, who was Thucydideacolleague in Thrace in 424 b.o. (lv. civ).
  10. 10. : INTRODUCTIONThrace or in Athens, it seems clear from his ownwords that he outlived the term of his banishment(v. xxvi. 5, £vvitirj fxot <f>evyeiv rrjv ifxavrov errj €iko<ti)and that he returned to Athens, since his descriptionof the wall of Themistocles, whose remains "maystill be seen at the Peiraeus " (i. xciii. 5), shows thathe was there after the destruction of the walls byLysander. If he had lived to see the restoration ofthe walls by Conon in 395 B.C., it seems he wouldcertainly have mentioned it. There is another reason,too, for supposing that he did not live to this yearin in. cxvi. 2 he says that the eruption of Aetna,which occurred in the spring of 425 b.c, was thethird on record hence the one mentioned by Dio- ;dorus (xiv. lix.396 b.c. could not have been 3) forknown to him. seems reasonable, then, to assume Itthat he was not alive in 396 I3.c. There is a pretty and oft-repeated story J thatThucydides, as a boy, heard Herodotus recite aportion of his History at Olympia and was movedthereby to tears, whereupon Herodotus said, " Olo-rus, your sons spirit is aflame with a passion forlearning." But Lucian, when telling of the powerfuleffect of Herodotus recitation at Olympia, 2 wouldsurely have mentioned this circumstance had heknown of it ; besides, chronology is in the way, if 1 Suidas s.v. opyav and ©ou«i/5/5rjj ; Photius, Bibl. 60;Marcellinua, § 54. " Htrod. i.
  11. 11. INTRODUCTIONwe hold to Pamphilas testimony. But if he didnot as a boy hear Herodotus recite at Olympia, hemust have known him later as a man at Athens.The period of his youth and early manhood fell inthe time when Athens was most prolific in greatmen. It is clear that he had heard and admired Pe-ricles, and he must have seen Aeschylus and knownSophocles, Euripides, Aristophanes, Anaxagoras, So-crates, Gorgias, Antiphon, Pheidias, Polygnotus,Mnesicles, Ictinus, Callicrates, and Hippocrates.Association with such men and the atmosphere ofAthens at such a time best explain the developmentof his genius ; but the limits of his subject, as heconceived it, precluded any mention of any of theseexcept Pericles, so that for any personal influence ottheirs upon him we are left to inference. The firstseven years of the war, before his banishment, weredoubtless spent in large part at Athens, where hemust have heard the speeches of Pericles, the dis-cussions about Mytilene and about Pylos, as well asabout other matters of which we have accounts inthis History. But the twenty years of his exile heprobably passed largely on his properties in Thrace, 1engaged in the task of compiling materials for hiswork about the war, as indeed we are told that he 1 It was his family connection with Thrace which led tohis acquiring the right of working gold mines in that region(iv. cv. 1), which is all that he himself says, though hisbiographers state that he was the owner of gold mines atScapte Hyle.xii
  12. 12. INTRODUCTIONdid by Plutarch (De Exil. xiv.) and Marcellinus (§§ 25and 47). From Thucydides opening statement, that hebegan the composition of his History at the out-break of the war, expecting it to be a great oneand more noteworthy than any that had gone before,we should naturally infer that he continued thecompilation and composition throughout the war,and in fact — as it is clearly unfinished — until hisdeath. was never completed, so it was Again, as itnever completely revised, and it is natural that onecan find traces of the different dates at which theseveral portions were composed. Evidence of thiskind has been brought forward in support of differ-ent hypotheses as to the composition of the work.The most famous of these was that put forth byF. W. Ullrich in his Beitrdge zur Erklarung des Thu-kydides, Hamburg, 1845, in which it is maintainedthat Books I-V. xxvi, which contain the history ofthe Archidamian War (432-421 b.c), formed a sepa- composed between the Peace of Niciasrate treatiseand the Sicilian Expedition, and that the phrase"this war" in the earlier books refers to the TenYears War only. In v. xxvi Thucydides does make a fresh start withthe words, " The same Thucydides recorded theevents in order, reckoning by summers and winters, 1 1 His division of the year corresponds to the actual con-ditions of the carrying on of war in ancient times summer : xiii
  13. 13. INTRODUCTIONuntil the fall But he adds, "The of Athens."war lasted twenty -seven years, and anyone forwho declines to count the interval of truce as war ;is mistaken " which sounds very much like theopening of a second volume of a work that fallsinto natural divisions. It is quite likely, as Ullrichmaintains, that the account of the Archidamian War(i.-v. was composed mainly xxvi.) in the intervalbetween 421 and 416 b.c. but that ; it received im-portant additions after the fall of Athens seemscertain, e.g. 11. lxv. on the career of Pericles. Somuch may well be admitted for Ullrichs hypothesis,but it is not necessary to admit more. Even thestory of the Sicilian expedition, the finest part ofthe whole work, need not be considered to havebeen originally a separate treatise, but only to havereceived especial care. As for the rest, a paragraphfrom Classens introduction to Book V outlines aprobable order for the growth of the history whichseems reasonable "Though I am convinced thai :the whole work was written in the shape in whichwe have it after the conclusion of the PeloponnesianWar, and that Thucydides was called away from lifewhen engaged in the last revision and combinationof the portions which he had noted down andsketched in outline from the beginning of the war,— the larger half, including both spring and autumn — cover-ing the time approximately from March to October, winterfrom November to February.xiv
  14. 14. : INTRODUCTIONyet I do not believe that all parts of the work re-ceived an equally thorough review. I think that themasterly introduction, which makes our First Book,was completed with the full knowledge of the disas-trous result of the twenty-seven years war; thatthen the history of the ten years war and the Si-cilian Expedition, for which it is likely that theresults of laborious inquiry were already at handmore or perfectly worked out, received their lessfinal touchesand that after this, before the thread ;of the narrative was taken up again with the Ionic-Decelean War, the intervening period of the elprjvrjvttovXos was described." The most interesting testimony as to the recog-nition of the power of Thucydides in ancient timesis Lucians statement (adv. Indoct. 102) that Demo-sthenes copied out the history eight times. DioCassius constantly imitated and borrowed from him,and among others of the later historians who emu-lated him were Philistus, Arrian, and Procopius.There is internal evidence that Tacitus was influ-enced by him, and Sallust often imitated him. Quin-tilians oft-quoted characterization, Densus et brevis elsemper instans sibi Thucydides, shows his appreciation.In modern timeshis greatest panegyrist is Macaulay" There no prose composition, not even the De isCorona, which I place so high as the Seventh Bookof Thucydides. It is the ne plus ultra of humanart"; again, "The retreat from Syracuse — Is it or xv
  15. 15. INTRODUCTION not the finest thing you ever read in your life?"is it ;and still again, "He is the greatest historian thatever lived." John Stuart Mill said, "The mostpowerful and affecting piece of narrative perhapsin all literature is the account of the Sicilian cata-strophe in his Seventh Book." The Earl of Chatham,on sending his son William Pitt to Cambridge, "leftto professional teachers the legitimate routine in theclassic authors, but made it his particular desire thatThucydides, the eternal manual of statesmen, shouldbe the first Greek which his son read after comingto college." And the Earl of Chathams estimate iswell supported by Sir G. Cornwall Lewis " For :close, cogent,and appropriate reasoning on politicalquestions, the speeches of Thucydides have neverbeen surpassed and indeed they may be considered ;as having reached the highest excellence of whichthe human mind is capable in that department." In the ordinary narration of events the style ofThucydides is clear, direct, graphic. In strong con-trast with this generally simple and lucid form ofstatement is his style in describing battles and othercritical events, in generalizations, and especially inthe speeches ; here the statement is often so conciseand condensed as to become very difficult. Thucy-dides was not the first to use speeches as a meansof vivid presentation of important crises and theactors in them for that he had the precedent of ;Homer and the Attic drama. But he used thisxvi
  16. 16. — INTRODUCTIONmeans with such impressive effect and success as toinduce frequent imitation in later historical writingin ancient times. He does not pretend to give theexact words of the speakers, but says frankly in theIntroduction (i. xxii. 1): "As to the speeches thatwere made by different men, either when they wereabout to begin the war or when they were alreadyengaged therein, it has been difficult to recall withstrict accuracy the words actually spoken, both forme as regards that which I myself heard, and forthose who from various other sources have broughtme reports. Therefore the speeches are given in thelanguage in which, as it seemed to me, the severalspeakers would express, on the subjects under con- most befitting the occasion,sideration, the sentimentsthough at the same time have adhered as closely as 1possible to the general sense of what was actuallysaid." As a natural result the language of thespeeches has a uniform character, both in the struc-ture of the sentences and in particular expressionsin other words it is that of Thucydides himself; butat the same time the character and mode of thoughtof the assumed speaker are clearly manifest in eachspeech. In the hands of Thucydides such a meansof presenting to us a critical situation is extraordin-arily effective ; here, as in his most striking narra-tions, his readers become spectators, as Plutarchexpressed it. Or as Classen said, " Without our ownchoice we find ourselves involved in the conflict of xvii
  17. 17. INTRODUCTIONinterests, and are put in the position to form judg-ment for ourselvesfrom the situation and the feelingof parties. Very seldom does the historian himselfadd a word of comment." We are accustomed to admire among Thucydidesgreat qualities as historian, his impartiality, histrustworthiness, vivid description, sense of contrast,conciseness, epigrammatic sententiousness, reserve,pathos. Wecome to approve heartily his way ofleaving facts clearly stated and skilfully grouped tocarry their own judgments. He is never a partisan,and the unsophisticated reader might at times wonderwhat his nationality was did he not frequently sub-scribe himself "Thucydides the Athenian." Histo-rians sometimes criticise his attitude, but they allaccept his statements of fact. His descriptions ofbattles read as if he himself had been present. Hedramatises history by placing events in such juxta-position that a world of moral is conveyed withouta word of comment for example, when the funeral ;oration with its splendid eulogy of Athens is followedby the description of the plague, the disgracefulMelian episode is succeeded by the Sicilian disaster,the holiday-like departure from Athens is set overagainst the distressful flight from Syracuse. Hepacks his language so full of meaning that at timesa sentence does duty for a paragraph, a word for asentence. "Of all manifestations of power, restraintimpresses men most," and however much we regret
  18. 18. INTRODUCTIONhis reserve, since for much that he might have toldus we have no other witnesses, we come more andmore to regard this as great art. As for pathos,nohistorian ever excelled such passages as those wherethe utter defeat of a hitherto invincible navy is por-trayed (vn. lxxi), or the misery and dejection of thedeparting Athenian host is described (vn. lxxv), orwhere the final catastrophe in the river Assinarusseems to occur before our eyes, preparing us for thefinal sentence " Fleet and army perished from the :face of the earth, nothing was saved, and of themany who went forth few returned home." XJX
  19. 19. — BIBLIOGRAPHY Of Thucydidean manuscripts the following are, accordingto Hade, the most important :A Cisalpinus sive Italus, now in Paris (suppl. Gr. 255), parchment, 11th or 12th century.B Vaticanus, Vatican Library at Rome (126), parchment, 11th century.C Laurentianus, Laurentian Library at Florence (69, 2), parchment, 11th century.E Palalinus, Library at Heidelberg (252), parchment, 11th century.F Augustanus, Library at Munich (430), parchment, 11th century.G Monacensis, Library at Munich (228), paper, 13th century.M Britannicus, British Museum (11727), parchment, 11th century. No one of these manuscripts is of such age or excellence asto deserve preference before all others ; but of the twofamilies which may be distinguished, Laurentianus leads theone, namely, C and G, Vaticanus the other, namely, ABEF.Britannicus holds a sort of middle ground between the two.Hudes preference is for Laurentianus; Classens, followingBekker, for Vaticanus. From vi. xciv on Vaticanus has aspecial value as coming perhaps from a different copy. Complete EditionsAldus Editio Princeps, Venice, 1502, folio scholia 1503. : ;Stephanus Paris, 1564, folio with scholia and Vallas Latin : ; version made in 1452. The second edition (1688) is the source of the Vulgate.I. Bekker: Oxford, 1821, 4 vols., with scholia and Uukers Latin version. Also Ed. ster. altera, Berlin, 1832 (46, 68). xxi
  20. 20. BIBLIOGRAPHYPoppo : Leipzig, 1821-40, 11 vols, (prolegomena, commen- tary, etc.).Poppo Minor edition, Leipzig, 1843-51, 4 vols. ; revised : 1875-85 by Stahl.Goeller Leipzig, 1826 and 1836, 2 vols., annotated. :Arnold London and Oxford. 1830-39, 3 vols., annotated. :Didot Paris, 1840, text with Latin version by Haase. :Bloomfield London, 1842-43, 2 vols., annotated. :Kriiger Berlin, 1846-7 and 1858-61, 2 vols., annotated. :Boehme Leipzig, 1856 and 1871-75, annotated new edition : ; revised by Widmann.Classen Berlin, 1862-76 and 1875-85, 8 vols., annotated : ; revised by Steup.Stahl: Editio ster. Leipzig, 1873-74, 2 vols., introduction, text and adnotatio critica.Van Herwerden Utrecht, 1877-82, 5 vols., text with critical : notes.Jones : Oxford, 1898, 2 vols., text.Hude : Leipzig, 1898-1901, text with critical notes. Editions of Single BooksShilleto Books I and II, London, 1872-3, with : critical and explanatory notes.Schoene Books I and II, Berlin, 1874, text and : critical notes.Croiset Books I and II, Paris, 1886, annotated. :Rutherford Book IV, London, 1889. :American " College Series," Boston, based on Classen-Steup : Morris, Book I, 1887 Fowler, V, 1888 Smith, III, ; ; 1894; VI, 1913; VII, 1886.Lamberton Books VI and VII, New York, 1886 : II and ; III, 1905.Holden Book VII, Cambridge, 1891. :Ooodhart Book VIII. London, 1893. :Marchant Book II, London, 1893 VI, 1905 : VII, ; ; 1910.Spratt: Book III, Cambridge, 1896; IV, 1912; VI, 1905.Fox: Book IH, Oxford, 1901.Tucker: Book VIII, London, 1908.Mills Book II, Oxford, 1913. :xxn
  21. 21. THUCYDIDES BOOK I
  22. 22. 90YKYAIA0Y I2TOPIAI I. Sov/cvBiBr]? Adrjvaio? gvveypa-yfre rbv iro- Xepiov twv Yieoirovvriai(ov /ecu *K6r)vaiwv a>? eiroXepbrjaav aWrfkovs, dpfjdpievos evOvs 777)09 KaOtarapevov kcu eXiriaas peyav re eaeaOca /cat dgioXoycorarov rwv irpoyeyevqpievcov, re/cpaipo- fievos on a/cp,d£ovT€<; re ycrav e? avrbv dpu^orepoi TTapacrKevf) rfj iraey teal to aXXo EXXtjvlkov opejv %vvi(TTap,evov 777)09 efcarepov?, to pep ev6v<;,2 to Be teal Biavoovpuevov. kivt)cti^ yap avrrj Br) /xeyio-TT} Tot? "JLXXrjcriv eyevero teal pepei nvl rcov j3ap/3dpcov, ox? Be elirelv /cal eVl nXelarov dvOpco- ttcov. ra yap irpb ra en TraXalrepa avr&v teal aacfiojs /JL6V evpelv Bed y^pbvov irXr)9o<; dBvvarov r)v, e/e Be Te/ep,r}pia)v wv errl pa/cporarov aKOirovvrl poi TTiaTevcrai £v/j,j3aivei, ov pueydXa vopiC.w yevkaOai ovre Kara tou? iroXep^ov^ ovre e? ra aXXa. II. Qaivejai yap r) vvv EXXa? KaXovpuemj ov irdXat j3e/3aL(os ol/covp,evr), dXXa peravaardae^ re ovcrai ra irporepa /cal paBlox; e/cao~roi rr)v 1 The Greek text used for this translation of Thucydides is that of Hude. Variations from his text are indicated in footnotes. 2
  23. 23. THUCYDIDES BOOK I I. Thucydides, an Athenian, wrote the historyof the war waged by the Peloponnesians and theAthenians against one another. He began the taskat the very outset of the war, in the belief thatit would be great and noteworthy above all thewars that had gone before, inferring this from thefact that both powers were then at their best inpreparedness for war in every way, and seeing therest of the Hellenic race taking sides with one stateor the other, some at once, others planning to do so.For this was the greatest movement that had everstirred the Hellenes, extending also to some of theBarbarians, one might say even to a very large partof mankind. Indeed, as to the events of the periodjust preceding this, and those of a still earlier date,it was impossible to get clear information on accountof lapse of time but from evidence which, on pushing ;my inquiries to the furthest point, I find that I cantrust, I think that they were not really great either asregards the wars then waged or in other particulars. II. For it is plain that what is now called Hellaswas not of old settled with fixed habitations, butthat migrations were frequent in former times, eachtribe readily leaving its own land whenever they were
  24. 24. THUCYDIDES eavrwv aTTokenrovTes, j3ia%6fjL€voi vw6 Tivmv alel2 rrXeiovcov. tt)? ydp ifjuropla? ovk ovarf? ovB €7rifjLiyvvvT€<; dBea? dXXrjXot,? ovre Kara yfjv ovre Bid daXaaaris, vepLo/jLevol re ra eavr&v eKacrroi oaov airo^rjv Kal rrepiovaiav %p7]fj,drcov ovk e^ovres ovBe yrv (frvrevovres, dBrfkov bv oirore ri$ eireX- Ocov, Kal dreiyicrrwv dfia ovrcov, dXXo<; d(f>aipi]- cerai, T779 Te KaO* rjfiepav dvayKaiov rpo<f)r)s iravraypv dv 7jy ov/ievoi, eiriKparelv ov ^aXeiTa)? diravicrravro, Kal Bl avrb ovre fieyeOei iroXetov3 layyov ovre rfj aXXy irapaaKevfj. fidXiara Be rjqs yr)<; rj dplarrj alel Ta? /jbera/3oXa<; rcov oIktj- ropo)i> elyev, rj re vvv SeaaaXla KaXov pLevri Kal Boirorla TleXoTrovvrjcrov re ra iroXXa irXrjv Ap-4 KaBlas tt}? re aXXr)*; oaa r)v Kpdrtara. Sea yap dperrjv yr/s at re Bwdpueis rccrl /xet^bf? eyyiyvo- fievat ardo-eis iveirolovv ef a>v efydeipovro, Kal5 dfia V7T0 dXXocftvXcov pdXXov iireftovXevovro. rr)v yovv ArriKijv ck rov eVt irXelo-rov Bid ro Xeirro- yeoiv daraalacrrov ovcrav dvQpwnoi (pKovv ol6 ovrol alel. Kal irapdheiyfia roBe rov Xoyov ovk eXu^iarov eari Bid rd<; /xeroLKjjaeL^ra aXXa fit) OfAolcos av^T)0t]var €K yap tT/9 aXXr/s EXXdBo? ol 7roXe/JL(p rj ardaei eKirlirrovre^ reap Adrjvalov? ol Bvvarcorarot a>9 (3e(3aiov bv dveyyapovv, Kal nroXlrau ytyvo/xevoi evOvs dirb iraXaiov fxei^w en 1 So Ullrich : fieroiKias is Mn. 4
  25. 25. BOOK I. ii. 1-6forced to do so by any people that was more numer-ous. For there was no mercantile traffic and thepeople did not mingle with one another without fear,either on land or by sea, and they each tilled theirown land only enough to obtain a livelihood from it,having no surplus of wealth and not planting orchards,since it was uncertain, especially as they were yetwithout walls, when some invader might come anddespoil them. And thinking that they could ob- so,tain anywhere the sustenance required for their dailyneeds, they found it easy to change their abodes, andfor this reason were not strong as regards either thesize of their cities or their resources in general. Andit was always the best of the land that was mostsubject to these changes of inhabitants — the districtsnow called Thessaly and Boeotia, most of the Pelo-ponnesus except Arcadia, and the most fertile regionsin the rest of Hellas. For the greater power thataccrued to some communities on account of thefertility of their land occasioned internal quarrelswhereby they were ruined, and at the same timethese were more exposed to plots from outside tribes.Attica, at any rate, was free from internal quarrelsfrom the earliest times by reason of the thinness ofits soil, and therefore was inhabited by the samepeople always. And here is an excellent illustrationof the truth of my statement that it was owing tothese migrations that the other parts of Hellas didnot increase in the same way as Attica for the most ;influential men of the other parts of Hellas, whenthey were driven out of their own countries by waror sedition, resorted to Athens as being a firmlysettled community, and, becoming citizens, from thevery earliest times made the city still greater in the
  26. 26. THUCYDIDES iiroirjcrav irXr)Oei, avO pdyrrwv ryv ttoXlv, ware teal e? Icoviav vcrrepov &)? ow% iKavrj? overt]? rr)? y Am kt)? aiTOi/ctas i^eirefMyjrav. III. AtjXol Be yLtoi zeal rode rwv rraXaiwv da9e- vetav ovx rjKLcrra irpb yap rcov TpooiKwv ovBev <f>aiverai rrporepov tcoLvfj epyacrafievrj r) EWa?*2 BoKel Be pot, ovBe rovvo/jua rovro ^v/Jbiraaa 7Tft> r/ eZ%ei>, <*XXa rd p,ev Trpo EXXr)vo? rod AevKaXico- vo? real irdw ovBe elvat, r) eTTLKXrjai? avrrj, Kara eOvy] Be aXXa re teal rb TleXacryiKOV irrl irXelarov a$) eavrwv rr)v eiroovvfiiav rrape^oOaL, "EXXtjvo? Be teal rcov iraiBwv avrov ev rrj <t>dtooriBc io~yy- advrwv, Kal eirayofievwv avrov? eir oocpeXia, e? ra? aXXa? iroXei?, teat? ifedarovs fiev i]Brj rfj opaXia puaXXov KaXelaOai "EXXrjva?, ov fievroi 7roXXov ye %p6vov eBvvaro teal airacnv etcPLtefjcrai.3 retcfirjpiol Be fidXccrra "Ofirjpo?. ttoXXo) yap varepov en teal rcov Tpcoirecov yevofievo? ovBafiov ovrco x roi)? ^vpuiravra? wvofiaaev ovB* aXXov? r)rov? fierd A^iWea? etc rrj? <£>0icor{,Bo?, oXirep Kal irpcoroi "EXXrjve? r/aav, Aavaov? Be ev rol? eirecn teal Apyeuov? teal A^atou? dvateaXel. ov /jbrjv ovBe ftapfidpov? eiprjtce Bid ro /xr)Be "EX- Xtivd? 7ra), &)? e/jLol Botcel, dvrirraXov e? ev 6vop.a4 aTroteeKpicrOai^ oi B ovv ft)? eteaaroi "EXXrjve? Kara iroXeL? re oaoi dXXrfXwv %vvieo~av Kal %v/jl- iravre? varepov fcrjdevT€$ ovBev irpb rdv TpcoL- kcov Bi dadeveiav Kal d/ieiljlav dXXrjXoov dOpoot, » Added by Reiske,
  27. 27. BOOK I. ii. 6-m. 4number of its inhabitants so that Attica proved too ;small to hold them, and therefore the Athenianseventually sent out colonies even to Ionia. III. The weakness of the olden times is furtherproved to me chiefly by this circumstance, that beforethe Trojan war, Hellas, as it appears, engaged in noenterprise in common. Indeed, it seems to me thatas a whole it did not yet have this name, either, butthat before the time of Hellen, son of Deucalion,this title did not even exist, and that the severaltribes, the Pelasgian most extensively, gave theirown names to the several districts but when Hellen ;and his sons became strong in Phthiotis and werecalled in to the aid of the other cities, the clansthenceforth came more and more, by reason of thisintercourse, to be called Hellenes, though it was along time before the name could prevail among themall. The best evidence of this is given by Homer;for, though his time was much later even than theTrojan war, he nowhere uses this name of all, orindeed of any of them except the followers ofAchilles of Phthiotis, who were in fact the firstHellenes, but designates them in his poems asDanaans and Argives and Achaeans. And he hasnot used the term Barbarians, either, for the reason,as it seems to me, that the Hellenes on their parthad not yet been separated off so as to acquire onecommon name by way of contrast. However thismay be, those who then received the name ofHellenes, whether severally and in succession, cityby city, according as they understood one anothersspeech, or in a body at a later time, engagedtogether in no enterprise before the Trojan war,on account of weakness and lack of intercourse
  28. 28. THUCYDIDES errpa^av. dXXa Kal ravrrjv rrjv arpareiav 9 a- d(j(jrj rjhr) rrXeico ^pcofievoi %vvrj6ov. IV. Mlvcos yap iraXairaro^ cov ciKofj tcr/xev vavriKov €KT7](raT0 Kal tt)<s vvv EWrjvLfcr)*; 9a- Xdao-rjs eirl irXelarov ifcpdrrjcre Kal rcov Kv/cd- Bcov vijacov r)p%e re teal oiKiari)*; irpcoros rcov irXeiarcov eyevero, YLdpas efeXacra? Kal rovs eavrov iralBas rjye/iovas eyKaraarrjcras ro re XrjcrriKov, a>9 et/co?, KaOrjpei i/c rr}$ 9aXdao~7]<; €(£ octov iBvvaro, rov rds irpocrohovs fxdXXov Ikvai avrco. V. 01 yap "KXXrjves rb irdXat, Kal rcov ftap- (Bdpcov oi re ev rfj rjirelpco irapaOaXdaaioi, Kal oaoi v^aovs el^ov, eireiBr) rjp^avro fidXXov ire- paiovaQai vavalv eV dXXiiXovs, erpdirovro rrpb^ Xrjareiav, ^yovfievcov dvBpcov ov rcov dBvvarcord- rcov KepBovs rod o~cf>erepov avrcov eveKa Kal Tot? dadevecri rpocpijs, Kal Trpoairiirrovre^ iroXecnv dreLylaroi^ Kal Kara Kcopua^ oiKovfievais rjpira^ov Kal rov uXelarov rov (Biov evrevOev eiroiovvro, ovk €%ovr6<; rrco alcr^vvtiv rovrov rod epyov,2 cfrepovros Be re Kal B6%r)<; fiaXXov BrjXovai Be rcov re r)ireipcorcov rives en Kal vvv, oU k6o~/ao<; KaXcos rovro Bpdv, Kal oi iraXaiol rcov Troiijrcov rac TTvareL? rcov KarairXeovrcov iravraypv 6/j.olcos epcorcovres el XyaraL eicriv, a>? ovre cov irvvOdvov- rac diratJLovvrcov to epyov, oi? re tTU/xeXe? eirj 8
  29. 29. BOOK I. m. 4-v. 2 with one another. And they united even for thisexpedition only when they were now making con-siderable use of the sea. IV. Minos is the earliest of all those known to usby tradition who acquired a navy. He made himselfmaster of a very great part of what is now calledthe Hellenic Sea, and became lord of the Cycladesislands and first colonizer of most of them, drivingout the Carians and establishing his own sons inthem as governors. Piracy, too, he naturally triedto clear from the sea, as far as he could, desiringthat his revenues should come to him more readily. V. It should be explained that in early times boththe Hellenes and the Barbarians who dwell on themainland near the sea, 1 as well as those on the islands,when once they began more frequently to cross overin ships to one another, turned to piracy, under thelead of their most powerful men, whose motive wastheir own private gain and the support of theirweaker followers, and falling upon cities that wereunprovided with walls and consisted of groups ofvillages, they pillaged them and got most of theirliving from that source. For this occupation did notas yet involve disgrace, but rather conferred some-thing even of glory. This is shown by the practice,even at the present day, of some of the peoples onthe mainland, who still hold it an honour to be suc-cessful in this business, as well as by the words ofthe early poets, who invariably ask the question ofall who put in to shore, whether they are pirates, 2the inference being that neither those whom theyask ever disavow that occupation, nor those ever 1 e.g. Phoenicians, Carians, and probably Epirots. * cf. Homer, y 73 ; « 252. VOL. I. t, 9
  30. 30. THUCYDIDES3 elhevcu ovk ovelBi^ovtcov. eXrj^ovro Be kcu kclt rjireipov dXijXov$. Kal p-eypL rov ^ e iroWa tt?? EWaSo? rco TraXaico rpoircp vefxerat irepi re AoKpovs tou? O£oa? ical AltcoXovs Kal A/cap- vdvas kcu rrjv ravrrj i)ireipov to re aihipofyopel- adai tovtols roU rjireLpunai? cltto t?}? TraXaids XrjCFTeias ifi/j,e/i€V7]Kev. VI. TIacra yap rj EAAa? icri8i]po(f)6pei, Bid ra? 1 dcfydp/cTOvs re ol/ajaeis Kal ovk dacpaXeU Trap aXXyXovs icpoBovs, kcu ^vv^Orj rr/v Biatrav fieO2 oirXcov 67TOit]aavro cocnrep ol ftdpftapoi. arj/jbelov 8 iarlravrctrrj(; EWaSo? en ovrtei vefiofieva3 rcov wore kcu e? irdvra^ 6/jlolcov BiaiTrj/jLarcov. iv rot? irpcoroi Be W.9 rjvalot top re alBrjpov Kare- devro kcu dveifxevr) rfj Siclltt} e? to rpvcpepcorepov fxereart-jaav. kcu ol irpea^vTepoi avrols rcov ev- haifJLovwv Bid to dftpoBLanov ov ttoXik; xpovos eTretBrj yiTtovds re Xirov<; eiravaavro cfiopovvres Kal ypvacov rerTLycov evepaei Kpco/SvXov dvaBov- fievoi rcov iv rf) KecpaXfj rpiycov d<§> ov Kal lcovcov tou? 7rpea/3vrepov<; Kara to fjvyyeve? iirl4 ttoXv avTT] 7] cTKevrj Karevyev. fierpla S av iadrjrc Kal e? rov vvv rpowov irpcoroi AaKeBat- /iovlol epy]aavro Kal e? rd aXa irpbs tov$ ttoX- Xou? ol rd pel^co KeKTrj/xevoi laoBiairou /idXicrra5 KaTeaT7)aav. iyv/xvcodt]adv re irpcoroi Kal e? to io
  31. 31. BOOK I. v. 2-vi. 5censure it who are concerned to have the informa-tion. On the mainland also men plundered oneanother and even to-day in many parts of Hellas ;life goes on under the old conditions, as in the regionof the Ozolian Locrians, Aetolians, Acarnanians, andthe mainland thereabout. And these mainlandershabit of carrying arms is a survival of their oldfreebooting life. VI. Indeed, all the Hellenes used to carry armsbecause the places where they dwelt were unpro-tected, and intercourse with each other was unsafe ;and in their everyday life they regularly went armedjust as the Barbarians did. And the fact that thesedistricts of Hellas still retain this custom is an evi-dence that at one time similar modes of life pre-vailed everywhere. But the Athenians were amongthe very first to lay aside their arms and, adopting aneasier mode of life, to change to more luxuriousways. And indeed, owing to this fastidiousness, itwas only recently that their older men of the wealthierclass gave up wearing tunics of linen and fasteningup their hair in a knot held by a golden grasshopperas a brooch l and this same dress obtained for a ;long time among the elderly men of the Ioniansalso, owing to their kinship with the Athenians.An unpretentious costume after the present fashionwas first adopted by the Lacedaemonians, and ingeneral their wealthier men took up a style of livingthat brought them as far as possible into equalitywith the masses. And they were the first to baretheir bodies and, after stripping openly, to anoint 1 The mode of wearing the hair in a knot on the top ofthe head with the insertion of a pin in the form of a cicadaseems to have persisted long at Athens, a mark of antiquatedmanners as characteristic as the queue or pig-tail with us. II
  32. 32. THUCYDIDES <f>avepbv aTroBvvres Xiira fiera rov yvxvd^ecrOai rjXei^ravTO. to Be irdXai Kal ev to> OXv/ittlkw dycovi Bia^cofiara e*%ovre<; ire pi ra alBola ol dOXrj- ral rjycovl^ovro, Kal ov iroXXa €tt) eTreiBrj ireTravv- rar en Be real ev roh ftapftdpoi? eariv oh vvv, teal p,di(TTa rot? Aaiavois, Trvyfirjs kclI irdXrjs6 dOXa rlOerai, teal Bie^cofievoc rovro Bpwaiv. iroXXa B* dv kclI aXXa ti$ aTroBeitjeie to TraXaibv E- t)vlkov ofioiOTpoira ra> vvv fiapfiapitca) Biairon- fievov. VII. Twv Be TToXecov ocrai fiev vecorara (pKiadrj- crav Kal tfBrj TrXcoificorepcov ovrcov Trepiovcrias p,dX- Xov eyovaai ^prj/idrcov, eV avrols rols alyiaXols e/cTL&vTO Kal relyecri tou? la6p,ov<; aTreXdfi/Savov ifjLTropias re evefca Kal r*)? irpb<i tou? irpoaoiKov^ eKaaroi tcr^uo?* at Be iraXaial Bid rrjv Xrjareiav eirl iroXi) dvrla^ovaav dirb daXdcrarj^ fidXXov coKtadrjaav, ai re ev rats vrjcroi<; Kal ev rats rjirelpois (efapov yap dXXrjXovs re Kal rcov aXXcov ocroi ovres ov daXdacnoi Karco ojkovv), Kal ^%pi rovBe en dv(pKLa/j.evoi elaiv. VIII. Kal ovx rjo-aov Xyaral rjaav ol vrjcricorai, Kape? re ovres Kal <$>oiviKe<;. ovroi yap Br] tc? irXeiara^ rcov vijacov (pKtjcrav. fiaprvpiov Be AtjXov yap Ka0aipop.evr)<; vtto AOrjvaLcov ev ra>Be TO) TroXe/jLO) Kal twv $i]kcov dvaipeOeiacov, ocrai r/crav ra)V T€0ved)TU)v ev rfj vijaw, virep rpnav 12
  33. 33. BOOK I. vi. 5-vm. ithemselves with when they engaged in athletic oilexercise ; early times, even in the Olympic for ingames, the athletes wore girdles about their loins inthe contests, and it is not many years since thepractice has ceased. Indeed, even now among someof the Barbarians, especially those of Asia, whereprizes for wrestling and boxing are offered, the con-testants wear loin-cloths. And one could show thatthe early Hellenes had many other customs similarto those of the Barbarians of the present day. VII. However, the cities which were founded inmore recent times, when navigation had at lengthbecome safer, and were consequently beginning tohave surplus resources, were built right on the sea-shore, and the isthmuses 1 were occupied and walledoff with a view to commerce and to the protection ofthe several peoples against their neighbours. Butthe older cities, both on the islands and on the main-land, were built more at a distance from the sea onaccount of the piracy that long prevailed for the —pirates were wont to plunder not only one another,but also any others who dwelt on the coast but were —not sea-faring folk and even to the present daythey lie inland. VIII. Still more addicted to piracy were theislanders. These included Carians as well as Phoe-nicians, for Carians inhabited most of the islands, asmay be inferred from the fact that, when Delos waspurified by the Athenians in this war - and the gravesof all who had ever died on the island were re-moved, over half were discovered to be Carians, 1 i.e. fortified cities were established on peninsulas, con-nected with the mainland by an isthmus, which was thenwalled off as Epidamnus(ch. xxvi. 5) and Potidaea (iv. cxx. 3). In the sixth year of the war, 426 B.C. cf. in. civ. 3
  34. 34. THUCYDIDES Ka/)69 i(j)dvr]aav, yvcoafievTes rfj re o-fcevf) tcov 07r(0V ^VVT€0a/l/jL€Vr] Kdl Tft) TpOTTCp CO VVV €TL OdlTTOVCTiV.2 KaracrTdpTOS Se tov Mlvco vclvtikov TrXcoifico- repa iyevero Trap aKXr)Xov<s {pi yap i/c tcov vrjacov rccLKOvpyoL dvecrrrjaav vtt avrov, oreirep Kal ra?3 ttoWcls avTcov KaTcoKi^e), Kal oi irapd OdXaaaav avOpcDiroi fiaXXov r/Sr} rrjv KTrjaiv tcov XP rl^ TCOV 7TOLOV/JL6VOL fieficUOTepOV COK0VV, KClL TLV€S Kal Tft%^ TrepiefiaWovTO * a>? irXovcncoTepoi, eavTCOv yiyvo- fievor ecpiefievoi yap tcov KepBcov oi re r?<7o-ou? vTrifievov tcov Kpeiaaovcov hovXeiav, oX re Bvva- rd)T€poL irepiovGia<; evo^T69 TrpoaeirocovvTO viri]- koovs iXdaaov<; 7roei?. fcal iv tovtco tw4 Tpoircp tcls fiaXXov rj&r] ovres varepov XP° V(P ^ Tpoiav earpdievaav. IX. At a xkpuvcov re /jloi $ok€l tcov tots Buvdfiei TTpQVWV Kal 0V TOCTOVTOV TOt? Tw$dp€CO OpKOLS KaT6i7][i[ievov<; tou? EXevrj^ fivTjarripa^ dycov tov2 cttoXov dyelpat. Xeyovai he teal oi tcl aacpecrTaTa HeKoTTOVVi-iaicov ^v^firj irapd tcov irpoTepov Se- Seyfiivoi TleXoird t€ irpcoTOV 7r~ij6ei xPV^ TCOl > a rjkdev iic tt}? Acrta? ex^v e? dvOpcoirovs dizopovs, hvvap.iv irepLTTOiricrdpLevov ttjv iircovvfiiav rf}<; %co- pas €7T7]vv ovTa o/jlcos <rx*w> Kal vcrTepov Toh 1 Hude reads irepte/3aA.ovTo with C r . 1 According to the post-Homeric legend, all who paid their court to Helen engaged to defend the man of her U
  35. 35. — BOOK I. vm. i-ix. 2being recognized by the fashion of the armour foundburied with them, and by the mode of burial, whichis that still in use among them. But when the navy of Minos had been established,navigation between various peoples became saferfor the evil-doers on the islands were expelled by him,and then he proceeded to colonize most of them— and the dwellers on the sea-coast now began toacquire property more than before and to becomemore settled in their homes, and some, seeing thatthey were growing richer than before, began alsoto put walls around their cities. Their more settledlife was due to their desire for gain actuated by ;this, the weaker citizens were willing to submit todependence on the stronger, and the more powerfulmen, with their enlarged resources, were able tomake the lesser cities their subjects. And later on,when they had at length more completely reachedthis condition of affairs, they made the expeditionagainst Troy. IX. And it was, as I think, because Agamemnonsurpassed in power the princes of his time that hewas able to assemble his fleet, and not so muchbecause Helens suitors, whom he led, were boundby oath to Tyndareus. 1 It is said, furthermore, bythose of the Peloponnesians who have received theclearest traditional accounts from men of formertimes, that it was by means of the great wealthwhich he brought with him from Asia into the midstof a poor people that Pelops first acquired power,and, consequently, stranger though he was, gave hisname to the country, and that yet greater thingschoice against all wrong, cf. Isoc. x. 40 ; Paus. in. xx. 9 ;Apollod. in. x. 9. *5
  36. 36. THUCYDIDES eKyovois en fJL€L%(o ^vveve6r}vai, JLvpvaOecos /nev ev rfj ArriKrj virb HpaKXechoov arc oQ avow os, Arpecos he fjur/Tphs dheX(f)ov ovros avra> Kal ern- rpeyfravro? EvpuaOecos, 6V iarpdreve, Mv/crfva? re teal tt]v ap^v Kara rb oIkclov Arpel {jv^ya- veiv he avrbv <f>evyovra rbv irarepa hid rbv XpvaLTnrov Odvarov), Kal o>? ov/ceri dveyd)praev JLvpvadevs, {3ovXop,ev(ov /cal roiv MvKrjvalayv (pofia) rwv HpaKXeihwv teal dfia hvvarbv hoKovvra elvat Kal rb TrXrjOos reOepairevKora ra>v M.VK7]val(ov re /cal oawv QvpvaOevs ypx € rrjv ^aaiXeuav Wrpea irapaXafielv teal rebv Ylepaeihcov tou? UeXoTrihas3 fji€L^ov<; KaraaTrjvai. d pot So/cel A7 a pue p,vcov irapaXa/3a)v Kal vavriKw he dpa errl rrXeov rwv dXXcov la^vo-as arpareiav ov ydpiri to rrXeov rrjv rj (f)6/3(p ^vvayaycbv iroirjcraaOai. tyaiverai yap vavai re irXeicrrais avrb<; dcfyiKopuevos Kal ApKaai TTpOGirapao-ydyv, a>? "Ofirjpos rovro hehijXcoKev, el4 Tco l/cavo? reK/irjpicoo-aL. Kal ev rod GKrjirrpov ap,a rfj Trapahbaei eipr)Kev avrbv " 7roXXfjaL vq- "• aoiGi Kal "Apyei iravrl dvdaaeiv ovk dv ovv vr)o~wv e^co ru>v TrepioiKiheov (avrai he ovk dv iroXXal elev) lyTreipoorr)? cov eKpdrei, el fir} ri Kal5 vavriKov elyev. eiKa^eiv he ^PV KaL ravT V T fl irparela ola r)v rd irpb avrr)<;. Chrysippus, his half-brother, son of Pelops and Axioche, 1 was killed by Atreus and Thyestes at the instance of their mother Hippodameia. 16
  37. 37. BOOK I. ix. 2-5fell to the lot of his descendants. For when Eu-rystheus set out on the expedition that resulted inhis death in Attica at the hands of the Heracleidae,Atreus, his mothers brother, who chanced to havebeen banished by his father for the death of Chry-sippus, 1 was intrusted by Eurystheus witli Mycenaeand the sovereignty because he was a kinsman and ;when Eurystheus did not return, Atreus, in accord-ance with the wish of the Mycenaeans, who fearedthe Heracleidae, and because he seemed to be aman of power and had won the favour of the mul-titude, received the sovereignty over the Mycenaeansand all who were under the sway of Eurystheus. Andso the house of Pelops became greater than the houseof Perseus. And it was, I think, because Agamemnonhad inherited all this, and at the same time had be-come strong in naval power beyond the rest, that hewas able to collect his armament, not so much byfavour as by fear, and so to make the expedition.For it is clear that he himself brought the greatestnumber of ships, and that he had others with whichto supply the Arcadians, 2 as Homer testifies, if he issufficient witness for anyone. And he says, in theaccount of the delivery of the sceptre, 3 that Aga-memnon "ruled over many islands and all Argos."Now, if he had not had something of a fleet, hecould not, as he lived on the mainland, have beenlord of any islands except those on the coast, andthese would not be "many." And it is from thisexpedition that we must judge by conjecture whatthe situation was before that time. 8 cf. Homer, B 576 and 612. 3 cf. Homor, B 101-109. 17
  38. 38. THUCYDIDES X. Kal on fiev MvKTJvai paKpbv r/v, r/ et ri rcov Tore iroXiafia vvv fit] d^ibxpewv BoKel eivai, ovk aKpifiei av Tt? a^fieiw XP (*) fjL€V0 ^ aTriaroirj fir) yeveaOai rbv aroXov rocrovrov oaov ol re iroirjrai2 elprjKacn Kal 6 A.070? KaTeyei. AaKeBaifiovicov fiev 1 yap el 77 7roXi? eprjpLwO eiT], ei(f)6elr) Be rd re lepa Kal tt}? KaraaKevi)^ ra iSdcpr], nroWrjv av olfiai diTLGTLav t% Bvvd/jLecos 7rpot06vTO<; iroWov ypbvov rot? eirena Ttpbs to /eeo9 avrwv etvat, (icaiToi Heo7rovv7]aov tcov irevre ra<; Bvo fioipas vefiovrat, t?}? re ^vfnrdo"rj^ yyovvrai Kal twv e%(o gvfjLfidxcov ttoWcov o/xft>? Be, ovre %vvoiKio-6eiar)<$ r?}? 2 7roXe&)? ovre iepols Kal KaraaKevah ttoXv- reXeai xprfaa/xeviis, Kara Koifias he. t&> nraXaiw rrj?EXXaSos Tpoirw olKiaOeiar)*;, fyaivon av vtto- Beecnepa), Adrjvaieov he rb avrb rovro iraOovrcov SnrXao-iav av Tt)v Bvvafiiv eUd^eaOac dirb tt;?3 (bavepcis cn^ea>? t?)? 7roea)? tj eariv. ovkovv aiti- arelv et/co? ovBe ras 6jrei<; rcov iroXecov fiaXXov (TKOirelv rj Ta9 BvvdfieiS, vofii^eiv Be rrjv crrparelav eKeivifv p.eyiarr]v fiev yeveaOat, twv irpb avrrj?, €i7ro[i€V7]v Be twv vvv, ttj Ofitjpov av iroujaei el tl yp-q KavraiiOa inaTeveiv, rjv etVo? eVt to fiel^ov aev ttol^ttjv ovra KO<jfir(jai, Oficos Be tyalverai4 Kal outo)? ivBeecrrepa. ireTroifiKe yap %4?uW Kal BiaKoaiuv vecov ra? fiev Bolcotcov e?Koai Kal eKarbv dvBpcov, ra<; Be <PiXoKTrjrov irevrrjKOVTa, 1 Added by Hude. f Added by Stephanus. 18
  39. 39. BOOK I. x. 1-4 X. And because Mycenae was only a small place,or if any particular town of that time seems now tobe insignificant, it would not be right for me to treatthis as an exact piece of evidence and refuse tobelieve that the expedition against Troy was as greatas the poets have asserted and as tradition still main-tains. For if the city of the Lacedaemonians shouldbe deserted, and nothing should be left of it but itstemples and the foundations of its other buildings,posterity would, I think, after a long lapse of time,be very loath to believe that their power was as greatas their renown. (And yet they occupy two-fifthsof the Peloponnesus and have the hegemony of thewhole, as well as of their many allies outside but ;still, as Sparta is not compactly built as a city andhas not provided itself with costly temples and otheredifices, but is inhabited village-fashion in the oldHellenic style, its power would appear less than itis.) Whereas, if Athens should suffer the same fate,its power would, I think, from what appeared of thecitys ruins, be conjectured double what it is. Thereasonable course, therefore, is not to be incredulousor to regard the appearance of cities rather thantheir power, but to believe that expedition to havebeen greater than any that preceded it, thoughfalling below those of the present time, if hereagain one may put any trust in the poetry of Homer;for though it is natural to suppose that he as a poetadorned and magnified the expedition, still even onhis showing it was evidently comparatively small.For in the fleet of twelve hundred vessels he hasrepresented the ships of the Boeotians as havingone hundred and twenty men each, and those of 19
  40. 40. THUCYDIDES By]Xa)v, o)? ifiol Bokgl, rd? peyiara^ kcu ea)(L- <TTa<$ aXXoov yovv peyeOow; irepi iv vecov fcara- Xoyco ovk i/nvijcrOr). avreperai Be ore rjaav /cal p,dyj-P>oi irdvres, iv rals ^lXokttJtov vaval BeBrf- Xwtcev to^otcls yap irdvra^ ireTroir^Ke tou? Trpoa- kw-ttovS TrepLvecos Be ovk etVo? ttoXXovs ^vpurXelv etjeo twv /3aaiXea)v ko roov pdXtara ev reXei, aXXco? re kol peXXovras ireXayos TrepaLooaeaOai perd (TKevoov rroXepLiKcov ovB* av rd irXola Kard- <fiapKTa e^ovra^, dXXd rw iraXatco rpoirw Xyjcftl- Ta? peyiaia^ 6"5 KOurepov irapecFKevaapeva. 7r/?o? ovv kcu eXa^iCTTa? vavs to pbeaov gkottovvti ov ttoXXoI (paLvovTai eXOovres, &)? dmo irdarj^ rrj<; EWaSo? Koivfj irepuropevot. XL Altlov 5 f)v ovx V oXiyavOpanua toctovtov ocrov rj dxprjparia. ttjs yap rpo(pr)<; diropia top re crrparbv iXdaaco ifyayov Kal oaov ifXiri^ov avrodev iroXepovvra fiiOTevceiv, iireiBr) Be dc/u- Kop-evoi fiaxy cKpaTrjaav (BrjXov Be to yap epvpta to) arparoTreBu) ovk av iretx^avro), (paivovraL B ovB evravOa irdarr) rfj Suvdfiei xprjcrdfievoi, dXXd 7T/70? yecopyiav tt}? ^epo~cvi]o~ov rparropievoL koX Xyarelav tP/s rpo<f>r}<; diropia. fj Kal paXXov oi Tpcoe? avrcov Bieairappevwv rd BeKa err) dvrelyov f3ia, toZ? alel viroXeiTropevois avrliraXoL 6We?.2 Trepiovalav Be el yXOov fyovTe? Tpo<j>y<i Kal ovres 20
  41. 41. BOOK I. x. 4-X1. 2Philoctetes as having fifty, 1 indicating, it seems tome, the largest and the smallest ships at any rate, ;no mention as to the size of any others is made inthe Catalogue of Ships. But that all on board wereat once rowers and fighting men he has shown inthe case of the ships of Philoctetes for he repre- ;sents all the oarsmen as archers. And it is not likelythat many supernumeraries sailed with the expedi-tion, apart from the kings and those highest in office,especially as they were to cross the open sea with allthe equipment of war, and, furthermore, had boatswhich were not provided with decks, but were builtafter the early style, more like pirate-boats. In anyevent, if one takes the mean between the largestships and the smallest, it is clear that not a largenumber of men went on the expedition, consideringthat they were sent out from all Hellas in common. 2 XI. The cause was not so much lack of men aslack of money. For it was a want of supplies thatcaused them to take out a comparatively smallforce, only so large as could be expected to live onthe country while at war. And when they arrived —and had prevailed in battle as evidently they did,for otherwise they could not have built the defence —around their camp even then they seem not tohave used their whole force, but to have resorted tofarming in the Chersonese and to pillaging, throughlack of supplies. Wherefore, since they were scat-tered, the Trojans found it easier to hold the fieldagainst them during those ten years, being a matchfor those who from time to time were left in camp.But if they had taken with them an abundant 1 Horn. B 510, 710. - The number would be 102,000, i.e. 1,200 ships at 85 meneach. 21
  42. 42. THUCYDIDES dOpooi dvev XyaTeLas real yecopylas Ijvvexcos top iroXe/Jiov Siecpepov, pahlccs av p-dxj) ^pciTovvre^ elXov, oIl ye teal ov% adpool, dXXa fie pel tw alel irapovri avrel^ov, rroXioptela 5 av irpocr/eaOe^o- fievoi ev eXaaerovi re XP° V(P Kai dirovcorepov tt)v Tpoiav etXov. dXXa oV d^py fiariav (rd re irpb tovtcov daOevr) rjv teal avrd ye St) Tavra, ovofia- o-rorara tcov irplv yevo/ieva, SrfXovTai rot? epyois v7ToSeearepa ovra tt)? (p7]/jLr)<; teal rov vvv ire pi avrcov Sid tovs TroiTjra*; Xoyov /caTeo-xrjteoTO^ XII. E7rel teal pierd ra Tpcoitca r) EXXd? en fieraviaTaro re teal tear cote i^ero, ware fir) r)av)(d-2 eraaa av^)]di)vai. r) re yap avayu>pt]o~iS tcov EX- Xiivcov if; IXiov xP ovla ysvofievr) jroXXa eVeo^- ficoae, koX aTaaeis ev Tafc iroXeaiv a>? eVt to ttoXv eyiyvovro, deft* cov eteiTiiTTOVTe<; Ta? TroXeis3 etcTL^ov. Botwrot re yap 01 vvv e^rjKoaTco erei fieTa IXlov dXcoaiv ef "Apvr]$ dvao~TavT€<; vtto QeaaaXcov tt)v vvv fiev HoicoTiav, irpoTepov 8e K.aS/irjiSa y yrjv teaXovfievrfv cp/ei-jcrav (r)v Se avTcov teal aTTohaafio^ ev rrj yfj TavTy irporepov, deft cov teal e? "iXtov earpaTevaav), Acopirjs Te 6y8o7]/eoo~Tcp4 erei %vv YipateXeLhais UeXoTrovvrjaov eayov. fio- Xt? T€ ev TToXXcp xpovco r)av%do~aaa r) Ea? Beftaicos teal ovteeri dviarafievi) diroitelas efe- 22
  43. 43. ; BOOK I. xi. 2-xn. 4supply of food, and, in a body, without resorting toforaging and agriculture, had carried on the warcontinuously, they would easily have prevailed inbattle and taken the city, since even with theirforces not united, but with only such part as wasfrom time to time on the spot, they yet held outwhereas, if they could have sat down and laid siegeto Troy, they would have taken it in less time andwith less trouble. But because of lack of money notonly were the undertakings before the Trojan warinsignificant, but even this expedition itself, thoughfar more noteworthy than any before, is shown bythe facts to have been inferior to its fame and to thetradition about it that now, through the influenceof the poets, obtains. XII. Indeed, even after the Trojan war Hellaswas still subject to migrations _and in process ofsettlement, and hence did not get rest and waxstronger. For not only did the return of the Hel-lenes from Ilium, occurring as it did after a longtime, cause many changes ; but factions also beganto spring up very generally in the cities, and, in con-sequence of these, men were driven into exile andfounded new cities. The present Boeotians, forexample, were driven from Arne by the Thessaliansin the sixtieth year after the capture of Ilium andsettled in the district now called Boeotia, but formerlyCadmeis only a portion of these had been in that ;land before, and it was some of these who took part inthe expedition against Ilium. The Dorians, too, in theeightieth year after the war, together with the Hera-cleidae occupied the Peloponnesus. And so whenpainfully and after a long course of time Hellasbecame permanently tranquil and its population wasno longer subject to expulsion from their homes, it 23
  44. 44. THUCYDIDES 7re/x7re, real *Icova<; puev AOtivclloi kcu vrjcncoroov tovs ttoXXovs cpKLcrav, lTata? he teal Zi/ceXias rb irXeov YieXoirovvrjaiOL tt}<? re aWrjs EXXdhos eariv a ywpia. irdvra he ravra varepov roov Tpwitccov eKTiaOr). XIII. Avvarcorepas he yiyvofievr]*; rr}$ EXXdhos teal roov Xprj/jLarcov rrjv ktyjctlv en fidXXov rj rrpo- repov 7roiovp,evr)<$ rd rroXXa rvpavvihes ev rah iroXecTi KaOiaravro, roov irpoaohoov fiei^ovoov yi- yvofievoov (rrporepov he r)aav eirl prjrols yepaai Trarpi/cal ftaaiXelaL), vavri/cd re efyprvero r) EXXa9 teal OaXaaaris fiaXXov dvreixovro. t^?2 rrpooroi he KopivOcot Xeyovrai eyyvrara rov vvv rpoTrov p,e7ayeipi(jai rd irepl Ta? vavs koX rpir)- peis rrpoorov ev KopivOoo T?)? EXXdhos evvavirr)-3 yr)6r}vai. fyaiverai he ical Xafiioi<; A/iewo/cXr}*; KopLv0LO<? vavirrjybs vavs Troir)o-a<; reaaapas err) h" earl pbdXiara rpiaKoaia e rrjv reXevrrjv rovhe rov TroXepLOv, ore A/iewo/cXr)? %a/AioL<; r)X9ev.4 vavp,ayia re iraXairdrr] oov l<t/jl€v yiyverai Ko- pivdioov 7ryoo? KepKvpaiovs err) he fidXiara zeal ravrrj e^rjKovra teal hiaicbaid eari p-eypi rov5 avrov ypbvov. olteovvres yap ttjv ttoXlv oi Ko- pivQioi eirl rov laO/iov at el hrj irore epLirbpiov elyov, roov EXXijvoov rb rrdXai Kara yrjv rd irXeioo i) Kara OdXaaaav, roov re eWo? UeXo7rovvrjaov /cal roov e^oo, hid tt)? i/ceivcov rrap dXXrjXovs eTrifiiayovrcov, xptjfiaaL re hvvarol r)aav, co? kcu 24
  45. 45. BOOK I. xii. 4-xm. 5began to send out colonies. ^The Athenians colonizedIonia and most 5f ~the""fslands the Peloponnesians, ;the greater part of Italy and Sicily and some portionsof the rest of Hellas. And all these colonies wereplanted after the Trojan war. XIII. As Hellas grew more powerful and con-tinued to acquire still more wealth than before,along with the increase of their revenue tyranniesbegan to be established in most of the cities, whereasbefore that there had been hereditary kingshipsbased on fixed prerogatives. The Hellenes began tofit out navies, too, and to apply themselves more tothe sea. And the Corinthians are said to have beenthe first of all to adopt what was very nearly themodern plan as regards ships and shipping, 1 andCorinth was the first place in all Hellas, we are told,where triremes were built. And it appears thatAmeinocles, a Corinthian shipwright, built four shipsfor the Samians, also and it was about three hundred ;years before the end of the Peloponnesian war thatAmeinocles came to the Samians. 2 The earliest sea-fight, too, of which we know, was fought by theCorinthians against the Corcyraeans 3 and this was ;two hundred and sixty years before the same date.For as the Corinthians had their city on the Isthmus,from the very earliest times they maintained therea market for the exchange of goods, because theHellenes within and without the Peloponnesus, inolden times communicating with one another more byland than by sea, had to pass through their terri-tory; and so they were powerful and rich, as has 1 The reference seems to be to the construction of har-bours and docks as well as to the structure of the ships,e.g. providing them with decks (ch. x. 4). 8 s 704 b.o. 664 B.C. 25
  46. 46. THUCYDIDES roU iraXaiols jroiTirals SeSrjXcorar d(pvei6v yap eircovopacfav to ywplov. iireiSy] re ol EXXrjves paXXov errXw^ov, rd<; vavs Krrjcrdpevoi ro Xrjart- kov Kadypovv, /cal ipLiroptov irapkyovre^ dpcfeorepa hvvar^v ecrypv yprjpLarcov irpoaohw riiv ttoXlv.6 real "lwaiv varepov ttoXv ylyverai vavri/cbv eirl Kvpov TLepacov irpcarov ftaoriXevovros /cal Kap- fivaov rod f/eo? avrov, rP)<; re /caO* iavrovs daXdaa^s Kvp(p iroXepovvres i/epdrrjadv rtva ypovov. /cal TloXv/cpdrys, ^dpuov rvpavvodv eirl Kapj3vcrov, vavrucch iayywv aXXas re rojv vijaayv vtdikoovs erroiiiaaro /cal *¥i)veLav eXcov dveOifKe ra> * A7r6XXa>v i tw A^Xtft). <I>a)/ca% re ^laacraXiav oLKi^ovres KapX7]BoviOv<; ivi/ccov vavpayovvre^. XIV. Avvaroorara yap ravra rwv vavri/cwv 7}v. (tbaiverai 5e /cal ravra, iroXXaU yeveals varepa yevopueva rcov Tpaiifccov, rpuipeai pev oXi- <yat? ypcopeva, Trevrrj/covrepois 8 en /cal ttXoLols2 pa/cpols efyiprvpeva toenrep e/celva. oXiyov re irpo rdv WLtjSlkcop teal rov Aapeiov Oavdrov, o? p,erd Kapftvarjv Uepacov l(3aaiXevcre, rpn-jpe^; irepi re ^i/ceXiav rot? rvpdvvoLs e? ttXtjOos eyevovro /cal Keo/cupatoi? ravra yap reXevrala rrpo rrjq £.ep- £ov crrpareias vavri/ch d^ioXoya ev rrj EXXdSi3 Karearr). Alyivrjrai yap teal WOiivaloi, /cal 1 cf. Horn. B 570 Pind. 01. xiii. ; 4. 3 * 559-529 B.C. 532-522 B.C. * cf. in. civ. 6 Marseilles, founded 600 B.C. 26
  47. 47. BOOK I. xiii. 5-xiv. 3been shown even by the early poets, who called theplace " Wealthy Corinth." l And when navigationgrew more prevalent among the Hellenes, theCorinthians acquired ships and swept the sea ofpiracy, and offering a market by sea as well as byland, raised their city to great power by means oftheir revenues. The Ionians, too, acquired a power- 2ful navy later, in the time of Cyrus, the first king ofthe Persians, and of Cambyses his son and waging ;war with Cyrus they maintained control of the seaabout their own coasts for some time. Poly crates,also, who was tyrant of Samos in the time of Cam-byses, 3 was strong in sea-power and subdued a num-ber of the islands, Rhenea among them, which hecaptured and consecrated to the Delian Apollo. 4Finally the Phocaeans, when they were colonizingMassalia, 5 conquered the Carthaginians in a sea-fight. XIV. These were the most powerful of the fleets ;and even these, we learn, though they were formedmany generations later than the Trojan war, wereprovided with only a few triremes, but were stillfitted out with fifty-oared galleys and the ordinarylong boats, 6 like the navies of that earlier time. In-deed, it was only a little before the Persian war andthe death of Darius, 7 who became king of the Per-sians after Cambyses, that triremes were acquired inlarge numbers, namely by the tyrants in various partsof Sicily and by the Corcyraeans and these were the ;last navies worthy of note that were established inHellas before the expedition of Xerxes. As for theAthenians and Aeginetans and any other maritime 6 irAoTa, usually contrasted with war-ships {rpi^ptis), buthere marked as ships of war by the epithet paxpa., thoughprobahlv differing little except in size from trading- vessels. ^ 485Vo, 27
  48. 48. . THUCYDIDES olTives aXXot, fipayka e/ee/cTrjvTo ical rovrcov ra iroXXa TrevTij/covTepovs- djre re d<£ ov AOyvalovs ®€fALaTOfcrj<i eireiaev AlyivrjraLs TroXefiovvTa^^ KCLL afJLCL T0V j3dp/3dpOV TT pOcBoKL/JLOV 6Wo?, TCL% vav<; TroojcracrOai, alarrep teal evav}iayr<jav kcli avrai ovttco elyov Bia 7rdar)<; fcaracrrpco/jLaTa. XV. Ta fxev ovv vclwtikcl twv JLXXrjvcop tol- clvtcl rjv, rd re iraXaia teal ra varepov yevofieva. Icr^vv Be 7r€pL€7ron]aavTo ofuos ovtc eXa^iar-qv ol 7rpoaGx6vTe<; avroU xprj/jbdrcov re irpoaoBco teal aXXcov dpyji eTrnrXeovres jap ra? vrjaovs tcare- <Trpe(f)0VT0, teal fidXiara oaoi fx^ Biaptcfj eiyov2 xcopav. Kara yrjv Be iroXe/JLOS, odev ™? tcav Bvva- fjLis irepieyevero, ovBsls fjvvecTTT) irdvre^ Be rjaav, oaot teal eyevovro, irpbs ofiopovs tovs a^erepov^ e/cdaToi ;, teal 1 €k$i]/jLov<; arparela^ 7roXvi7rb rrjs eavrcov eir aXXcov Karaarpo(f)7J ovtc i^fjaav ol "EXXy]V€S. ov yap %vveicrTj]fcecrav irpbs tcls fieyi- crra? 7roXei? vtti^kool, ovB av avrol drrb rrj<; lo-7]<; tcowds arpaiela^ Iitoiovvto, tear dXXifXovs Be fiaXXov co? etcaaroi ol dcrrvyeiroves eiroXe fxovv3 fidXiara Be e? rbv irdXai irore yevo/ievov TroXe/nov ^iaXtciBecov teal Eperpiwv teal rb ciXXo EXX^vlkop e? ^vpL/jLa)(iav etcarepwv Biearr). 1 Referring to Xerxes invasion. This Aeginetan war is referred to in ch. xli. 2. 28
  49. 49. BOOK I. xiv. 3-xv. 3powers, the fleets they had acquired were incon-siderable, consisting mostly of fifty-oared galleys ;and was only quite recently that the Athenians, itwhen they were at war with the Aeginetans andwere also expecting the Barbarians, 1 built their fleet,at the instance of Themistocles the very ships —with which they fought at Salamis. And thesevessels were still without decks throughout theirlength. XV. Such were the navies of the Hellenes, boththose of early and those of later times nevertheless ;those who gave attention to such matters acquirednot a little strength by reason both of revenue ofmoney and of sway over others. For they and —especially the peoples whose own territory was insuffi-cient — made expeditions against the islands and sub-jugated them. But by land no wars arose from whichany considerable accession of power resulted on the ;contrary, all that did occur were border wars withtheir several neighbours, and foreign expeditions farfrom their own country for the subjugation of otherswere not undertaken by the Hellenes. For theyhad not yet been brought into union as subjects ofthe most powerful states, nor, on the other hand,did they of their own accord make expeditions incommon as equal allies it was rather against one ;another that the neighbouring peoples severallymade war. But it was chiefly in the war that arosea long time ago between the Chalcidians and theEretrians, 2 that all the rest of Hellas took sides inalliance with the one side or the other. 2 The war for the Lelantine Plain [tf. Hdt. v. xcix. Btrabo, ;x. usually placed in the seventh century, but by i. 11) ;Curtius in the eighth (see Herme-t, x. pp. 220 ff.). 29
  50. 50. THUCYDIDES XVI. Eireyevero Be aXXot<; re aXXoOi kcoXv-fjtara fiyj av^rjOrjvai, real "wcri fTpoywpi^advTaiveVl fiiya rcov Trpayfidrcov KOpo? /cal r) Uepai/cr)e^ovaia Kpolaov fcaQeXovcra real oaa eWo?AA.uo?TTora/iov 7T/?09 6dXao~o~av, iirearpdrevo-e koX t<z?Iv rfj rjireipw iroXeLS eBovXwae, Aapelos re varepovtc5 QoLvlfcoov vauTLfCw Kparoiv real Ta? mjaovs. XVII. Tvpavvoi re ogoi r)aav iv rah EXXrjvi-*at? TroXecri, to €(/> eavrcov povov irpoopcofievoi e?re to acofxa koli e? to tov lBiov oIkov av^etv oYda^aXeia^ ocrov iBvvavro /idXiara Ta? 7roA,et?ojkovv, €7rpdx&V T€ ovBev an avrdv epyov dgio-Xoyov, el fir) eX tl 717)0? Trepioiicov<; toi>? avrcove/cacrTot?. 1 ovrco iravrayoOev r) EWa? eVl iroXiiv%povov Kcneiyero firjre Kotvy cfravepbv firjBev Kar-epyd^eoOcu, Kara TroXeis re droXfiorepa elvai. XVIII. EireiBr) Be oX re AOrjvaicov rvpavvoireal oi i/c t?}? aXXrjs EXXdBos eirl iroXv /ecu irplvTvpavvevOeiar]^ oi irXelcnoL teal reXevraloi irXr)vrci)v iv XifceXla viro AaKeBaifiovicov KareXvOrjaav^r) yap AafceBaificov [fierd ry)v ktiglv jrtbv vvv 2ivoiKovvrcov avTTjv Acopicov eVt TrXelarov a>vXapev yjpovov araaidaaaa o,aa>? etc TraXairdrovteal ijvvopLijdr/ koX alel drvpdvvevTOS r)v err) yap After end(TTois theMSS. have oi -yap iv S.iKeXia lirl irXeioTov 1ix^P r (Tav Swd/xcws, for those in Sicily advanced to a very )great degree of power, which Wex deletes, followed by mosteditors. 2 Hude omits with E. 30
  51. 51. BOOK I. xvi.-xviii. i XVI. But different Hellenic peoples in differentlocalities met with obstacles to their continuousgrowth ;for example, after the Ionians had attainedgreat prosperity, Cyrus and the Persian empire, aftersubduing Croesus l and all the territory between theriver Halys and the sea, made war against them andenslaved the cities on the mainland, and later onDarius, strong in the possession of the Phoenicianfleet, enslaved the islands also. 2 XVII. The tyrants, moreover whenever there —were tyrants in the Hellenic cities since they had —regard for their own interests only, both as to the safetyof their own persons and as to the aggrandizementof their own families, in the administration of theircities made security, so far as they possibly could,their chief aim,and so no achievement worthy otmention was accomplished by them, except per-chance by individuals in conflict with their ownneighbours. So on all sides Hellas was for a longtime kept from carrying out in common any notableundertaking, and also its several states from beingmore enterprising. XVIII. But finally the tyrants, not only of Athensbut also of the rest of Hellas (which, for a long timebefore Athens, had been dominated by tyrants) at —least most of them and the last that ever ruled,if we except those in Sicily — were put down by theLacedaemonians. For although Lacedaemon, afterthe settlement there of the Dorians who now inhabitit, was, for the longest period of all the places ofwhich we know, in a state of sedition, still it obtainedgood laws at an earlier time than any other land,and has always been free from tyrants for the ; 8 1 546 b.g. 493 b.c. 3
  52. 52. THUCYDIDES €<TTL fjL(il(TTa T€TpafCO(Tia Kal oXiyW TrXeiO) 6? TT)V reXevrrjv rovBe rov iroXe/iov, ov Aa/ce&ai- a<£ fiovioi rfj avrfj iroXireia xpoivrai Kal Si avro Svvdfievoi Kal ra ev rat? aXXais TroXeau KaOiara- aav. fierd Be rr)v rcov rvpdvvcov KardXvacv €K tt)? EWaSo? ov ttoXXois ereatv varepov Kal /; ev MapaOcovL p-d^rj MrfScov 7T/30? AOrjvaLov*; iyevero.2 Sefcdra) Be erei puer avrrjv avdts 6 fidpftapos tw fieydXco crroXw eirl rrjv EXXdSa BovXwaop,evo^ rjXdev. teal peydXov klvSvvov eTriKpepxtaOevros oi re Aa/cehaifiovioi rwv ^vpuroXepL^aavrcov KX- Xijvcov rjyyjcravTO Svvdfiei Trpov^ovre^, Kal oi Wdrj- valoi eiriovrcov rcov MtjScov Siavo^Qevres e/cXiirelv rrjv ttoXlv Kal dvaaKevaadjievoL e? rds vavs ecrftavres vavriKol eyevovro. kolvj} re dircoad- fjuevot rov fidpftapov varepov ov iroXXw SieKpidr)- aav irpos re *Adr]vaLovs /ecu ActfceBatfiovLovs oX re d7roo-Tdvre<?>/3aaiXeco<; "RXXyves Kal oi ^vpurroXe- pnf)aaire<; Svvdfiei yap ravra fieyiara Biecpdvry3 cfvov yap oi p-ev Kara yrjv, oi he vavaiv. koX oXiyov fiev povov %vve/j,eivev rj 6pLaLp.ia, erreira Bieve~)(6evTe<s oi AaKeSai/iovioi Kal oi Wdrjvaloi erroXepurjaav puerd rcov ^vp,p.d^(ov Trpbs dXXi)Xov<;, Kal rcov akXcov JLXXrjvcov el nves irov Biaaralev, 7rpo? rovrov<; jjBrj excopovv. &are*airo rcov M?/6V kcov e? rovBe aiel rov TroXepuov ra puev airevBofjievoi, 1 The legislation of Lycurgus, thus placed by Thucydides at four hundred years or more before 404 B.C., would be about 804 B.C. (Eratosthenes gives 884). 32
  53. 53. BOOK I. xviti. 1-3period during which the Lacedaemonians have beenenjoying the same constitution J covers about fourhundred years or a little more down to the end ofthe Peloponnesian war. And it is for this reasonthat they became powerful and regulated the affairsof other states as well. Not many years after theoverthrow of the tyrants in Hellas by the Lace-daemonians the battle of Marathon 2 was foughtbetween the Athenians and the Persians; and tenyears after that the Barbarian came again with hisgreat host against Hellas to enslave it. In the faceof the great danger that threatened, the Lacedae-monians, because they were the most powerful,assumed the leadership of the Hellenes that joinedin the war ; and the Athenians, when the Persianscame on, resolved to abandon their city, and pack-ing up their goods embarked on their ships, andso became sailors. By a common effort the Bar-barian was repelled but not long afterwards the ;other Hellenes, both those who had revolted fromthe King and those who had joined the first con-federacy against him, parted company and alignedthemselves with either the Athenians or the Lace-daemonians for these states had shown themselves ;the most powerful, the one strong by land and theother on the sea. The defensive alliance lasted onlya little while then the Lacedaemonians and the ;Athenians quarrelled and, with their respectiveallies, made war upon one another, and any of the restof the Hellenes, if they chanced to be at variance,from now on resorted to one or the other. So thatfrom the Persian invasion continually, to this presentwar, making peace at one time, at another time 8 490 b.o. S3
  54. 54. THUCYDIDES ra Be TroXepLovvres r) dXXyjXoLS r) rois eavrtoi gv/jL/jidxoLS a^fcrTa/xeVot? ev irapea Kevdaavro ra iroXepua /cal epLTreiporepoi eyevovro fiera kivBvvwv ra9 fMeXera^ 7roiovp,evoi. XIX. Kat ol /jlcv Aa/ceSai/jLovLoi ov% vrroreXeU e)(OVT€<i <j)6pov tovs ^v/i/jLa^ov; rjyovvro, /car oXi- yapyiav Be afyiaiv avrols fiovov eTnrrjBelco^ ottcos iroXirevaovcn Oepairevovre^ AOqvaZoi Be vavs T€ tcov iroXewv tw XP° V(P TrapaXajSovTes, irXrjV Xlcov Kal Aeafilwv, Kal xpjjfiara Tot? Tract, rdf;avT€<; (f>epeiv. Kal eyevero auTocs e? rovBe rbv TroXe/xov 7] IBia Trapaa/ceuT] puei^oov r) &)<? ra Kpariard ttotg fierd dfcpaMpvovs Ttjs fuyii/za^a? rjv0T]crav. XX. Ta fiev ovv TraXaid rocavra ijvpov, ^aXeird ovra iravTi e£r}? TeKpaipicp TTLarevaai. ol yap avOpwirov rds aKods tcov Trpoyeyevt]pLevoov, Kal r)v enriyoipia aQbicnv fj, op.oioo<; dftacravLGTCos Trap2 dXXrjXoov Be^ovTaL. Adrjvaloov youv to ttXtjOo^ Xirirapypv otovrai ixfi App.oBLov Kal Apiaroyel- tovos Tvpavvov ovra diroOavelv Kal ovk laacriv OTL l7T7Tta5 flkv 7T^€Cr/9uTaTO? OOV r)p e T ^ v HeHTL- arpdrov vleaov, I tt Trapes Be Kal (deao-aXbs dBeX- <f)ol rjaav avrov, v7roT07rrjaavre<; Be tl eKeivrj rfj rjfiepa Kal irapa^pripLa Ap/LLoBios Kal Apiaroyei- toov €K tcov tjuvecBoTcov a(f)L(TlP lTlTLa /jL€p,7]VV<J0ai, 1 lxxxv. 2 cf. vi. ; VII. lvii. 4. * Lost its independence after the revolt of 427 B.C. cf. in. L * i.e. as if they took place in some distant land. 34
  55. 55. ; BOOK I. xviii. 3-xx. 2fighting with each other or with their own revoltedallies,these two states prepared themselves well inmatters of war, and became more experienced,taking their training amid actual dangers. XIX. The Lacedaemonians maintained their hege-mony without keeping their allies tributary to them,but took care that these should have an oligarchicalform of government conformably to the sole interestof Sparta the Athenians, on the other hand, main- ;tained theirs by taking over in course of time theships of the allied cities, with the exception ofChios l and Lesbos, 2 and by imposing on them all atax of money. And so the individual resources ofthe vVtheniansjivailable for this war became greaterthan those of themselves and their allies when thatalliance was still unimpaired and strongest. XX. Now the state of affairs in early times Ihave found to have been such as I have described,although it is difficult in such matters to creditany and every piece of testimony. For men acceptfrom one another hearsay reports of former events,neglecting to test them just the same, 3 even thoughthese events belong to the history of their owncountry. Take the Athenians, for example most of ;them think that Hipparchus was tyrant when hewas slain by Harmodius and Aristogeiton. 4 Theydo not know that it was Hippias, as the eldest ofthe sons of Peisistratus, who was ruler, and thatHipparchus and Thessalus were merely his brothers;further, that Harmodius and Aristogeiton, suspect-ing, on that very day and at the very moment ofexecuting their plan, that information had been con-veyed to Hippias by one of their fellow-conspirators, 4 51-4 B.C. On this digression, cf. Hdt. v. lv. ; vi. cxxiii.Ariat. *A0. Uo. 17 £. 35

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