Society for American ArchaeologyArchaeology beyond AnthropologyAuthor(s): George J. Gumerman and David A. Phillips, Jr.Sou...
ARCHAEOLOGY BEYOND ANTHROPOLOGYGEORGEJ. GUMERMANDAVIDA. PHILLIPS,JR.Archaeologys relationship to anthropology in the Unite...
ARCHAEOLOGYBEYONDANTHROPOLOGYly drawn their intellectual sustenance. If, as is the current majority feeling in the United ...
AMERICANANTIQUITYAnother argument that has been made for the archaeologists use of anthropological concepts andmodels has ...
ARCHAEOLOGYBEYONDANTHROPOLOGYpopulation density to community edges was muddled, and the ecotone model lost its explanatory...
AMERICANANTIQUITYcommunication-a research methodology and philosophy which can be related to any or all of thesocial scien...
ARCHAEOLOGYBEYONDANTHROPOLOGYquires grounding in linguistics, physical and cultural anthropology as well as archaeology. P...
AMERICANANTIQUITYButzer, KarlW.1975 The ecological approach to archaeology: arewe reallytrying?American Antiquity 40:106-1...
ARCHAEOLOGYBEYONDANTHROPOLOGYSchiffer, Michael B.1975 Archaeology as behavioral science. American Anthropologist 77:836-48...
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Archaeology beyond anthropology

  1. 1. Society for American ArchaeologyArchaeology beyond AnthropologyAuthor(s): George J. Gumerman and David A. Phillips, Jr.Source: American Antiquity, Vol. 43, No. 2, Contributions to Archaeological Method andTheory (Apr., 1978), pp. 184-191Published by: Society for American ArchaeologyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/279243 .Accessed: 25/07/2011 15:30Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTORs Terms and Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTORs Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unlessyou have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and youmay use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at .http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=sam. .Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.Society for American Archaeology is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access toAmerican Antiquity.http://www.jstor.org
  2. 2. ARCHAEOLOGY BEYOND ANTHROPOLOGYGEORGEJ. GUMERMANDAVIDA. PHILLIPS,JR.Archaeologys relationship to anthropology in the United States has been one of a naturaland beneficial alliance.Archaeologists are currentlyshowing more of an interest informal models drawnfrom outside anthropology, butthe classification of American archaeology as a subdiscipline in anthropology generally remains unquestioned. Weargue that at the present time archaeological research is being hindered by its institutionalized relationship to an-thropology and its uncritical use of modelsfrom other disciplines. Archaeologists will make the greatest theoreticalprogress if they view theirdiscipline as an autonomous technique withno a priori ties to sociocultural anthropology.Archaeology as a technique makespossible a truly interdisciplinaryresearchbase, but requiresin turna reorganiza-tion of researchand trainingprocedure as well as an academic restructuring.ARCHAEOLOGY, at least superficially, seems to have entered a new age of optimism. The verbalbattles of the late 1960s and early 1970s appear to have abated, and for the most part, archaeologistsfeel that the war that existed between the culture historians and the new archaeologists is over and hasbeen won by the latter(Leone 1972;Flannery 1973;Klejn 1977). To be sure, there are still isolated skir-mishes, but the concern now seems to be with the quality of archaeology, rather than breast beatingover new or traditional.What dissatisfaction there is with the new status quo of archaeology has been reflected mainly in at-tempts at refinement, either in the ability to recover or interpret data, or in the specific models used,without questioning the epistemology of archaeology. True, occasionally there is serious concern ex-pressed about our methodological and theoretical directions (Binford 1977; Butzer 1975; Flannery1973; Schiffer 1976), but the word "crisis" is most often used to refer to the destruction of sites bystruction activities, the non-renewable aspect of our resource base, the scarcity of funds, or organiza-tion problems (Brown and Struever 1973; Davis 1972; Lipe 1974). While we agree with those scholarswho suggest that there have been great improvements in archaeological method and theory in the lastdecade, due largely to the proponents of the new archaeology, we feel that the case for complacency ispoorly founded.A major symptom that something is amiss in current archaeology is the disparity between the idealand real situations in the application of models to the archaeological record. For this paper a catholicdefinition of model is most appropriate. A model, in most general terms, is an experimental analogue,or the hypotheses that emanate from that analogue (Clarke 1972:10). It is a simplified and idealizedrepresentation of an assumed real situation. The use of formal models, explanatory or descriptive, isone of the hallmarks of new archaeology. In contrast, the more traditional archaeologists have tendedto work from implicit models. The scope and variety of the explicit models used, and especially theformal models, have contributed greatly to archaeologists feeling of progress. In our opinion, the ac-tual application of these models has generally been trivial or fairly crude. Computer packages andphilosophers of science have been "used" in the most mechanical sense; systems theory, ecology, andother disciplines have been raided for concepts that are used out of any warranted generalizingcontext. The disingenuous manner in which such models have often been applied is one of the mostdisturbingaspects of the last decade of archaeological work.Many practitioners seem to feel that continued improvements in technique will upgrade the qualityof archaeological information, and serve to bridge the gap between data and models; hence the interestin sampling, behavioral chains, microwear analysis, and the like. It is, however, not the quality orprecision of the models, or the methods used to connect them with data, that are at fault. The basicproblem is the abuse of the models often leads to elegant but faulty conclusions.The source of these problems lies not only in the realm of archaeology itself, but also in the relation-ship of archaeology to anthropology, the major discipline from which archaeologists have traditional-184
  3. 3. ARCHAEOLOGYBEYONDANTHROPOLOGYly drawn their intellectual sustenance. If, as is the current majority feeling in the United States, ar-chaeology is an integral part of anthropology, then at least some of our methods and bodies of theoryshould relate to general anthropological methods and principles. An examination of the relationshipof archaeology to anthropology reveals that we may have been hindered, as well as helped, in recentyears by adopting anthropology as the mother discipline and by adherence to rigid disciplinary bound-aries.THE RELATIONSHIP OF ARCHAEOLOGY TO ANTHROPOLOGYArchaeologys stance vis a vis anthropology has not always been obvious, but archaeologists seem tohave taken this as an indication that they were not "anthropological enough." In 1948, for example,Walter Taylor castigated archaeologists for dressing themselves in the trappings, but not thesubstance, of anthropology. Taylors criticism of American archaeology was not that it was unan-thropological, but rather that most archaeologists calling themselves anthropologists and housed inanthropology departments were not in fact doing anthropological archaeology. His complaint was, inpart, that archaeologists were guilty of misleading packaging practices. More and more, however, thetrend has been to associate archaeology with anthropology in fact as well as in name. A decade afterTaylors work appeared, Willey and Phillips (1958) published their now classic Method and Theory inAmerican Archaeology and in it the statement quoted ad nauseum, "American archaeology is an-thropology or it is nothing." Willey and Phillips were saying, correctly, that archaeologists should bemaking more statements about human behavior, and in the intellectual climate of the 1950s this meantbeing "anthropological" to most American archaeologists. During the mid 1960s to early 1970s ar-chaeologists utilized mainly anthropological models to construct their theoretical base, and continuedto exhort one another to make archaeological research more "anthropological" (Binford 1962;Longacre 1970;Spaulding 1973).Ironically, there was at the same time some indication that archaeologists increasingly looked toother disciplines for their basic precepts for understanding human behavior. Clarke (1972:6-7), aBritish archaeologist, lists four contemporary paradigms of archaeology only one of which is an-thropological. In a review of a book of articles by Southwestern archaeologists, Woodbury (1974:400)notes that there are as many references to titles such as Biometrica and the Journal of EconomicGeography as there are to anthropological works. MacNeish (1974:463) and Fitting (1973) have ex-pressed a feeling that many archaeologists in the last 15 years are expressing more interest in non-anthropological models. Indeed, there have been calls for archaeologists to become more independentof their anthropological heritage. Marvin Harris (1968), commenting on the ethnological orientationof the Binfords landmark New Perspectives in Archeology (1968), urged not greater, but lesser con-cernwith ethnologically derived models. As Deetz (1972:115) has noted,. . . Perhapsitstimewe(archaeologists)stoppedtryingto findpostnuptialresidence,descent,ormarriagepat-ternsin ourdatabecausethesein factareclassificatoryrubricswhichareaboutthirdor fourthorderabstrac-tionsthemselves.. .In short, although the vast majority of archaeologists in the United States claim allegiance toanthropology and anthropological models, there is visible uneasiness with this state of affairs. Theirony is that while archaeologists attempt to become more anthropological in their orientation they infact are testing or applying more and more models from other disciplines or models that cut acrossseveraldisciplines.In noting the growing interest in models from outside anthropology, we feel that the automaticassociation of archaeology with anthropology has hindered archaeologists willingness and ability tofully exploit such models. Arguments can be made, of course, for the necessity of archaeologys af-filiation with sociocultural anthropology. It has been argued that both sociocultural anthropology andarchaeology traditionally study non-literate societies, and since the sociocultural anthropologists studythem as living societies it is only natural that archaeologists should find models of sociocultural an-thropology suitable for their needs. In many cases this position is of course justified, especially in asituation where a modern society provides a source for analogies to be tested against the archaeologicalrecord, as in the Pueblo southwest.Gumermanand Phillips] 185
  4. 4. AMERICANANTIQUITYAnother argument that has been made for the archaeologists use of anthropological concepts andmodels has been that general anthropology, and sociocultural anthropology more specifically, arethemselves eclectic and borrow from a variety of disciplines. This attitude is reflected in the commonstatement of the recent past, "Anthropology is the study of man." But while anthropologists haveproclaimed their eclecticism they have never approached that ideal state nor are they likely to in thenear future. Thus, it appears that archaeologists presently have limited use for the research skills ofsociocultural anthropologists; archaeologists are finding it increasingly necessary to do their ownstudies of living people as evidenced by numerous symposia at national meetings and a recently pub-lished volume on ethnoarchaeology (Yellen 1977). Even the concept of culture, often claimed as themajor unifying thread holding anthropologys subdisciplines together, is often misunderstood or onlygiven lip service by archaeologists while developing more appropriate concepts (Mellor 1973; Hill1974). In short, there are some justifications for archaeologists use of models from sociocultural an-thropology, but while archaeologists claim to be anthropologists and dependent upon anthropologyfor concepts and models, in fact archaeologists seem to have little use for much of the researchresultsof sociocultural anthropology and are increasingly turning to other disciplines for inspiration.The more important problem, however, is not whether archaeologists should draw models fromother disciplines because they always have and always will, but rather the manner in which suchmodels are applied to researchproblems. Archaeologists have been inclined to treat models developedin other disciplines independently of the conceptual framework in which they were developed. Thougharchaeologists have in theory claimed to be intellectual scavengers, utilizing a variety of disciplines, thepractice has been to pluck out isolated bits and pieces of wisdom or technique to be forced into an-thropologically derived archaeological frameworks. The degree to which this way of using otherdisciplines has been a successful undertakingcan be seriously questioned.ARCHAEOLOGY AS AN INTERDISCIPLINARY SCIENCEArchaeologists have used the so-called interdisciplinary approach in two very different ways. Theone method, which has established a solid record of success, is that which uses the results of otherdisciplines, for example, botany and zoology, to help answer certain questions, such as the origin ofmaize agricultureor the changing degree of dependence on certain animals for food. These kinds of ar-chaeological research projects are exemplified by such well known studies as Braidwoods work in theNear East (Braidwood and Howe 1960)and MacNeishs project (1967) in the Tehuacan Valley of Mex-ico. Often the published results of these projects have diagrams or entire chapters demonstrating howthe results of the various discipline, subdiscipline, or specialty studies have fitted together to meet theoverall goals of the project. Such studies are recognized as a valuable means of addressing many ar-chaeological problems.The second kind of interdisciplinary approach involves the borrowing of concepts and models ofcausation from other academic disciplines (for example, Fitting 1966; Marcus 1973; Rippeteau 1972).This is the interdisciplinary approach that concerns us here, for archaeologists are increasingly bor-rowing concepts rather than results. In the first kind of interdisciplinary study archaeologists usuallyhire the service of specialists in other disciplines. In the borrowing of concepts from other disciplines,however, archaeologists are more like do-it-yourself handymen. Furthermore, the results have oftenbeen as unsatisfactory as most do-it-yourself jobs.An example of piecemeal borrowing across disciplinary lines is the use of the ecotone concept in ar-chaeology. This concept relates transition zones between larger biological regions to increases inpopulation density of certain species and increases in the number of species (Odum 1959). Originallydeveloped by wildlife management specialists as a limited explanatory tool, it was then carried over in-to general ecology, where in practice it seems to have lost some of its precision. From that field theconcept was then borrowed for archaeological use as an aid in explaining the character of culturalboundaries (for example, Fitting 1966; Gumerman and Johnson 1971). Biological systems and culturalvariability were uncritically equated. The relationships between two archaeological "cultures" weretreated as the relationships between life zones. Furthermore, the term ecotone was itself used to coveralmost any kind of biological transition zone; in some cases the transition was perceived in terms ofbroad classificatory categories of life-zones, and not actual local communities. Even the logic relating186 [Vol. 43, No. 2,1978
  5. 5. ARCHAEOLOGYBEYONDANTHROPOLOGYpopulation density to community edges was muddled, and the ecotone model lost its explanatoryusefulness as a result. Attempts to apply the ecotone concept to archaeological researchhave generallygiven negative results in large part because archaeologists have not appreciated the context of the bor-rowed concept and they have tried to force it into an anthropological framework.Another example is the use of locational analysis by Marcus (1973, 1976) in a synthesis of herepigraphic studies of the Classic Maya. According to Marcus, Maya settlement distribution featuredfour regional capitals corresponding to the four cardinal directions. The distribution of this first rankof sites was cosmological in origin. In contrast, sites dependent on the four capitals reflect a polygonaldistribution presumably related to economic factors. Marcus presents two models for that distributiontaken from locational geography, one by Christaller (1933) and one by Losch (1954), and feels thatwhile site size supports L6schs model of settlement hierarchy, the epigraphic evidence bears outChristaller. Marcus concludes that for the Maya site size and site rank are not necessarily correlated(Marcus 1976:24-25).Here again, we see a model (or in this case, two models) transposed from another discipline and fit-ted within an anthropological framework. Marcus concern is with fitting the archaeological data tomodels, and their applicability is assumed. As Hodder and Orton (1976:239) point out, simply becausethere is a good fit of archaeological data with a specific model there is not necessarily a confirmationof that model. Why, after all, are the hierarchies of Losch and Christaller appropriate models for thedistribution of some Maya sites and not others? And, since the two models are somewhat in oppositionto each other, (Bell, Lieber, and Rushton 1974), or at best partially overlapping (Marshall 1977), whatis the logic of using both to subsume the data? Our concern here is not so much with Marcus applica-tions of distributiofial models as it is with the question of the rational justification and the empiricalconfirmation of such applications. Why is a model sometimes appropriate, sometimes not? And whatis the basis for deciding when it is appropriate? Archaeologists cannot simply adopt models becausethey are useful ways to organize particular sets of data; a more adequate justification for the processof selection is needed, one that examines the basic validity of those models in their new application. Todo so it is probably necessaryto consider not just the particular model used to organize data, but its en-tire logical development within its own body of theory.ARCHAEOLOGY AS A TECHNIQUEIf archaeologists are to consider entire schools of thought ratherthan isolated models as sources ofinspiration, they are quickly led to the awkward task of trying to fit those whole disciplines into somepart of their anthropological framework. This awkwardness disappears, however, if archaeology isnot considered part of anthropology, but instead is viewed primarily as a technique, just as WalterTaylor proposed in 1948. We realize, of course, that this particular solution is anathema to most ar-chaeologists (for example, Wheeler 1956:228).There are variations on the "archaeology as a technique" theme. Rouse (1972) considers ar-chaeology separately from prehistory. The former he sees as a topical discipline limited to the study ofmaterial remains and the latter is viewed as a holistic discipline that uses the results of archaeology andother synthetic disciplines, such as linguistics, to reconstruct prehistoric life ways. Woodbury (1973)has suggested more specialized technical training for some archaeologists resulting in a cadreof techni-cians to assist more theoretically-oriented archaeologists.In the United States, the major reaction to the theme that archaeology is a suite of techniques hasbeen to wrap ourselves more tightly in the cloak of anthropology. The claim is that, as an-thropologists, we are scientists and not mere technicians. It is as just such a reaction that Willey andPhillips dictum is most clearly understood: archaeology is anthropology or it is not intellectuallyrespectable. We question, however, whether given the historical development of the discipline since1958, the automatic association of archaeology with anthropology is currently philosophicallyjustified, and not merely the institutionalization of historical accident.And what if archaeology is, as Taylor claimed, mainly an autonomous technique? If so, then ar-chaeologists owe no automatic allegiance to anthropology or any other discipline, and there is no over-whelming need to fit non-anthropological concepts into an anthropological framework. Describing ar-chaeology as mainly a body of techniques can provide the basis of truly interdisciplinaryGumermanand Phillips] 187
  6. 6. AMERICANANTIQUITYcommunication-a research methodology and philosophy which can be related to any or all of thesocial sciences or it can be dismissed as a sign of intellectual weakness: the incapacity to develop a ma-jor conceptual framework. By recognizing archaeology (or more precisely, the doing of archaeology)as technique, independent of any specific theory in a behavioral science, the archaeologist can perhapsmore objectively view the social and natural sciences as providing models to test with archaeologicaldata. We do not suggest that archaeologists have neglected to use other traditional academicdisciplines besides anthropology as a source for models, but we do feel that by binding themselves tothe academic discipline of anthropology they are destined to understand only superficially othermodels and the body of theory from which those models are derived.Viewing archaeology primarily as technique, then, permits the archaeologist to test more freely thetheories and models that have emanated from many disciplines while not denying we can develop ourown body of theory. The statement that anthropology is eclectic, borrowing from many fields itself,does not obviate the fact that archaeologists (like other scholars in this age of specialization) are onlyable to fit so many courses and so much reading into their graduate and professional careers-and,once trained as anthropologists, tend to remain anthropologists in fact. Treating archaeology astechnique does not solve the problem of intellectual dabbling, but it does permit archaeologists, as afirst step, to face the problems of a multidisciplinary theoretical base more realistically. If general an-thropology can be viewed as only one of a number of traditional academic disciplines available to ar-chaeologists the paths are then open to exploration of ways archaeologists may marshal the intellectualresourcesneeded for their exploitation.The concept of archaeology as technique need not be interpreted as abandonment of the effort todevelop a theoretical interdisciplinary framework; there is no conclusion that archaeology is incapableof theoretical contributions. On the contrary, it remains at the core of the study of human behaviorfrom material remains, an enquiry that is not limited by any particular social or behavioral theory.Certainly, archaeologists have been extremely creative in recent years, and there is no need to justifyarchaeology either socially by attempting to demonstrate that archaeologists can offer solutions forpresentday slum dwellers (Martin and Gregory 1973), or scientifically, by showing that whole series oflaws, which are really methodological postulates, have been independently generated(Schiffer 1975).THE ORGANIZATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCHIn trying to create a truly workable interdisciplinarybase, a major problem will be organizational. Anumber of archaeologists have bemoaned the fact that archaeology is essentially organized on a levelno higher than it was 30 years ago (Struever 1971:18; Gumerman 1973), i.e., that even major projectsare conceived of and executed by a single individual, the principal investigator who heads up a team ef-fort. If this is indeed the case then the inadequacies of the anthropologically trained archaeologist willensure glaring theoretical gaps no matter how open the individual may be to suggestions of his an-thropologically trained staff and crew because they will all share the same relatively constrictedtheoretical base. Suggestions have been made to correct this situation. Brown and Struever(1973) pro-pose the large, highly integrated and interdisciplinary archaeological foundation as a solution; an ex-ample is the Illinois Archaeological Foundation. Gumerman (1973) feels that many individuals fromdifferent institutions working on the same problems and sharing their data might be a partial answer.These archaeological cooperatives use the Southwestern Anthropological Research Group as an im-perfect model (Gumerman 1971). Archaeological foundations as envisioned by Brown and Struever,archaeological cooperatives, as well as universities with strong interdisciplinarythrusts, might all pro-vide sound institutional settings for generating archaeological projects with a broad interdisciplinarybase. This interdisciplinary base, however, can only be developed by individuals at home in a widerangeof traditional academic disciplines in addition to anthropology.Some universities have developed interdisciplinary archaeology majors, drawing on a number oftraditional disciplines, such as Classics, History, Near Eastern Studies, and History of Art, as well asAnthropology, but these are the rareexceptions; moreover these are often jury-rigged arrangementsorunsatisfactory in other ways (Butzer 1975; Whittlesey 1977). Radical reorganization of archaeologicaltraining is necessary for the vigorous intellectual evolution of the discipline. Inappropriate for mostcontemporary archaeological training is the traditional four-field anthropology department that re-188 [Vol. 43, No. 2, 1978
  7. 7. ARCHAEOLOGYBEYONDANTHROPOLOGYquires grounding in linguistics, physical and cultural anthropology as well as archaeology. Perhapsmore appropriate today is an interdisciplinary archaeological academic setting independent of an an-thropology department.To insure the future success of the interdisciplinary nature of archaeological research some ar-chaeologists must have more than a passing acquaintance with economics for example, and others mayneed a thorough understanding of ecological theory. We are not suggesting that all archaeologistsdivorce themselves completely from anthropology, but ratherthat individuals on large projects be con-versant with different disciplines. Then, by working under the aegis of an interdisciplinary ar-chaeological department, a federation or cooperative, and using the methods of archaeology they mayfind themselves successfully doing what the practitioners of new archaeology say is important, that isstudying human behavior from material remains.SUMMARYMore and more archaeologists are using models derived from other disciplines, but the professionhas not seen this trend as a fit subject for extended discussion. This may well be because archaeologistshave found it somewhat disconcerting that while they are urging themselves to be more "an-thropological" they are in actuality actively raiding other disciplines for usable causal models.While in itself, this borrowing is to be applauded, the actual use of borrowed models and conceptshas been all too often reduced to intellectual dabbling. Part of this trend is traceable to the inevitableacademic specialization, or to a lack of sophistication on the part of archaeologists. We feel morescrutiny should be given to the process of borrowing, building, and applying those models, and urgethat more attention be paid to the models themselves in terms of the larger bodies of theory fromwhich they were derived. Archaeologists have perhaps tried too hard, in the last decade, to be eclecticand at the same time to remain an anthropological archaeology. By lifting concepts piecemeal out ofother disciplines, archaeologists have achieved syntheses that seem more elegant than profound. Thetime is perhaps right for the application of whole bodies of theory to archaeological problems, and notjust fragments of those theories transposed into an anthropological setting. If sociocultural an-thropology is a framework for understanding archaeology, then so are economics, psychology, andgeography.What we are questioning, then, is the near-sacredprinciple in American archaeology that at presentsociocultural anthropology provides the most appropriate grounding for archaeological researchandfor archaeological training. To those who ask what we consider the appropriate framework to be, wewould answer that perhaps there is no single home for all of archaeologys activities. The search for asingle, global theory, anthropological or otherwise, is perhaps misdirected; it may well be that ar-chaeology is best served by a plurality of models, not only at the level of specific investigations, butalso at the most general and abstract levels of theory.Acknowledgments. We are grateful to R. Euler, J. Muller and W. Rathje for comments on an earlier and quitedifferent draft. J. Handler, G. McClure, M. Schiffer, L. Shelby and anonymous reviewersmade useful remarksonlatermanuscripts.Bell, Thomas L., Stanley R. Lieberand Gerald Rushton1964 Clusteringof servicesin centralplaces. Annals of theAssociation of American Geographers64:2.Binford, Lewis R.1962 Archaeology as anthropology. American Antiquity 28:217-225.1977 General introduction. In For theory building in archaeology: essays onfaunal remains, aquatic resources,spatial analysis, and systemic modeling, edited by Lewis R. Binford, pp. 1-10. Academic Press, New York.Binford, Sally R. and Lewis R. Binford, Editors1968 New perspectives in archeology. Aldine, Chicago.Braidwood, Robert J., and Bruce Howe1960 Prehistoric investigations in Iraqi Kurdistan. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, 31, The Universityof Chicago Press, Chicago.Brown, James A. and Stuart Struever1973 The organization of archaeological research: an Illinois example. In Research and theory in currentarcheology, edited by C. Redman, Pp. 261-80. Wiley-Interscience,New York.Gumermanand Phillips] 189
  8. 8. AMERICANANTIQUITYButzer, KarlW.1975 The ecological approach to archaeology: arewe reallytrying?American Antiquity 40:106-111.Christaller,Walter1933 Die zentralen Orte in Siuddeutschland:Eine ikonomischgeographische Untersuchung iber die Gesetz-miissigkeitder VerbreitungundEntwicklung derSiedlungen mit stidtischen Funktionen. Fisher, Jena.Clarke, David L.1972 Models and paradigms in contemporary archaeology. In Models in archaeology, edited by D. L. Clarke.pp. 1-60. Methuen, London.Davis, Hester A.1972 The crisis in American archaeology. Science 175:267-272.Deetz, James F.1972 Archaeology as a social science. In Contemporaryarchaeology: a guide to theoryand contributions, editedby Mark P. Leone, pp. 108-17. Southern Illinois University Press, Carbondale.Fitting, James E.1966 Archaeological investigations of the Carolina-Canadian edge-area in Michigan. The Michigan Ar-chaeologist. 12:4.Fitting, James E., Editor1973 The development of North American archaeology: essays in the history of regional traditions. AnchorPress, New York.Flannery, Kent V.1973 Archeology with a capital S. In Research and theory in current archeology, edited by C. Redman. pp.47-53. Wiley- Interscience, New York.Harris, Marvin1968 Comments. InNew perspectives in archeology, edited by S. and L. Binford. pp. 359-62. Aldine, Chicago.Hill, James N.1974 The archaeologists use of the concept of culture. Paper presented at a Symposium in honor of Walter W.Taylor. Southern Illinois University-Carbondale.Hodder, Ian and Clive Orton1976 Spatial analysis in archaeology. CambridgeUniversity Press, New York.Klejn, Leo S.1977 A panorama of theoretical archaeology. CurrentAnthropology 18:1-47.Lipe, William D.1974 A conservation model for American archaeology. TheKiva 39:214-245.Leone, Mark P., Editor1972 Issues in anthropological archaeology. In Contemporary archaeology, edited by M. P. Leone. pp. 14-27.Southern Illinois University Press, Carbondale and Edwardsville.Longacre, William A.1970 Archaeology as anthropology: a case study. Anthropological Papers of the Universityof Arizona.Losch, August1963 Theeconomics of location. Yale University Press, New Haven.MacNeish, RichardS.1967 An interdisciplinary approach to an archaeological problem. In Theprehistory of the Tehuacan Valley,Volume 1:environment and subsistence, edited by D. Byers, pp. 14-24. University of Texas Press, Austin.1974 Review of "The development of North American archaeology: essays in the history of regional tradi-tions," edited by J. E. Fitting. American Anthropologist 76:463.Marcus, Joyce1973 Territorialorganization of the lowland classic Maya. Science 180:911-916.1976 Emblem and state in the classic Maya lowlands: an epigraphic approach to territorial organization.Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.Marshall, John V.1977 Christalleriannetworks in the Ltshain economic landscape. Theprofessional geographer. 29:2.Martin, Paul S. and David Gregory1973 Prehistoric and contemporary problems. In Thearchaeology ofArizona, by P. S. Martin and F. Plog, pp.361-68. Natural History Press, Garden City.Mellor, D. H.1973 Do cultures exist? In Theexplanation of culture change: models in prehistory, edited by C. Renfrew, pp.59-72. University of Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh.Odum, M. P.1959 Fundamentals of ecology. W. B. Saunders, Philadelphia.Rippeteau, BruceE.1972 The need achievement test applied to the Hohokam. American Antiquity 37:504-13.Rouse, Irving1972 Introduction toprehistory: a systematic approach. McGraw-Hill, New York.190 [Vol.43, No.2,1978
  9. 9. ARCHAEOLOGYBEYONDANTHROPOLOGYSchiffer, Michael B.1975 Archaeology as behavioral science. American Anthropologist 77:836-48.1976 Behavioral archaeology. Academic Press, New York.Spaulding, Albert C.1973 Archeology in the active voice: the new anthropology. In Research and theory in current archeologyedited by C. Redman, pp. 337-55. Wiley-Interscience,New York.Struever,Stuart1971 Comments on archaeological data requirementsand researchstrategy.American Antiquity 31:9-19.Taylor, WalterW.1948 A study of archaeology. American AnthropologicalAssociation, Memoir 69.Wheeler, Mortimer1956 Archeologyfrom the earth. Pelican, Baltimore.Whittlesey, Julian H.1977 Interdisciplinaryapproach to archaeology. Journal of Field Archaeology 4:135-37.Willey, Gordon R. and Phillip Phillips1958 Method and theory in American archaeology. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.Woodbury, RichardB.1973 Getting round archeologists out of square holes. In Research and theory in currentarchaeology, edited byC. Redman, pp. 311-20. Wiley-Interscience, New York.Woodbury, RichardB.1974 Review of "The distribution of prehistoric population aggregates," edited by George J. Gumerman.American Antiquity 39:399-400.Yellen, John E.1977 Archaeological approaches to the present; models for reconstructing the present. Academic Press, NewYork.Gumermanand Phillips] 191

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