Painting of the Edo period

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Painting of the Edo period

  1. 1. PLXfE i. LItagawa Hiroshige. Ori,inalFuji in Aleguro, from theseries One Hundred FRnaous Viens oJEdo 856-58. Color woodcut, 186hban, 36.2 X 23.7 cm approx. Courtesy Sothebys, London 2See Takeuchi, p. 4.
  2. 2. PLATE 2. Utagawa Hiroshige. Neir Fnji infMegaro, from the seriesOne Hundred Famons Vhuies oJFdo. 1856,-58. Color woodcut,iban. 36.2 X 23.7 cm approx. CourtCsV Sothebys, LondonSee Takeuchi, p. 2 4. IM PR S S 0 N S i
  3. 3. PLATE 3. Katsushika Hokusai. Group Climbing] the .Mountain,from the series Thirty-Six Vie••s of Mount Fuji. Early 183 ON.Color woodcut, jSban. Courtesy Sothebvs, LondonSee Takeuchi, p 36.
  4. 4. PLATE 4. Hashimoto Sadahide ( 1807- 1873). Pilqrimns in the I VOnib Caivon Mount Fuji. 18 57. Color woodcut triptych, Oban- 3 5.4 x 24.4 Cutapprox. each. D. Max Mocriman Collection. Photo: John DeaneSee Takeuchi, p 37 I M P R E S S 1 0IO S 2 1 N
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  6. 6. 1*< PLATE 5. Utagawa Hiroshige. "Mountain Opening" at PLATE 6. Utagawa Hiroshige. Manpachi Restaurant:Evening View of Fukagawa Hachiman Shrine, from the series One Hundred Yanagibashi (Ynagibashiyakei, Manpachi), fiom the series Collection of Famous liews o?fEdo. 1856-58. Color woodcut, 5ban. FTmors Edo Restaurants (Edo konei kaitei zukushi). 18 38-40. Color 36.2 X 23.7 cm approx. Courtesy Sothebys, London woodcut, 6ban. 2 2.1 x 35-5 cm. Spencer Museum of Art, Lawrence, See Takeuchi, p. 44. Kans., Gift of H. Lee Turner. Photo: Robert Hickerson See Thonsen, p. 48. IM P R E S S I 0 N S 24 15
  7. 7. I i 1 y4 . 4ThH
  8. 8. PLATE 9. Utagawa Hiroshige. Uekiya Restaurant:SnoW Viewing at J)okuboji Temple (Mokuboy Yukimi, Uekiva), firom the series Collection of Famous Edo Restaurants (Edo k6mei kaitei zukushi). 1838-40. Color woodcut, oban. 22.9 x 35.2 cm. Elvehjem Museum of Art, University of Wisconsin- Madison, Bequest of John H. Van Vleck, 198 0.1474 See Thomsen, p. 54.< PLATE 7- Utagawa Hiroshige. Tagaivaya Restaurant: In Front of Daionji Temple (Daionji mae, Tagavaqya), from the series Collection of Famous Edo Restaurants (Edo k5mei kaitei zukushi). 1838-40. Color woodcut, 5ban. 22.5 X 35 tM. Spencer Museum of Art, Laxrence, Kans., Gift of H. Lee TIurner. Photo: Rohert Hickerson See Thomsen, p. 52.< PLATE 8. Utagawa Fliroshige. lusashiva Restaurant: Ushijima (Ushijima, Musashiya), friom the series Collection of •amous Edo Restaurants (Edo kt7mei kaitei zukushi). 1838 -40. Color woodcut, 51an. 26. 1 x 37.7 cm. Hiraki Ukiyo-e Museum, Tokyo See TAomsen, p. 53. I NI P R E S I (O N S 2 1
  9. 9. PLATE i i. Utagawa Hiroshige. Aoyagi Restaurant:Ry6goku Diistrict > (Ryoqoku, Aoyagi), from the series Collection of Famous Edo Restourants (Edo komei kaitei zukushi). 1838-40. Color wAoodcut, 5ban. 23 x 35. 5 cm. Spencer Museum of Art, Lawrence, Kans., Gilt of H. Lee Turner. Photo: Robert Hickerson See Thomsen, p. 55. PLATE io. Utagawa Hiroshige. Mokuboji Temple, from Picture PLATE 12. Utagawa Hiroshige. Shokintei Restaurant: )Jushima Tenjin > Book of Edo Souvenirs (Ehon Edo miyage), vol. 1 8 5o. Color Shrine (Yushona Tenjin, Shokintei), from the series Collection oJ famous woodblock-printed book. I8.r X 14.6 cm. Former collection Edo Restaurants (Edo k6mei kaitei zukushi). 1838 -40. Color woodcut, of Arthur Wesley Dow. C. V Starr East Asian Library, oban. 23 x 3 5.5 cm. Spencer Museum of Art, Lawrence, Kans., Columbia University; New York City Gift of H. Lee Turner. Photo: Robert Hickerson See Thomsen, p. 54. See Thomsen, p. 67.18
  10. 10. IMPRESSIO NS 24 19
  11. 11. PLATE 13. Toyohara Kunichika. Eight Views ofEdo: ClearBreezes at Ry53goku Bridge (Edo hakkei no uchi: Ry5goku noseiran) c. 1867. Color woodcut, iiban triptych.34.7 X 23.5 cm approx. each. Spencer Museum of Art,Lawrence, Kans., Gift of Dr. and Mrs. George Colom.Photo: Robert HickersonSee Thomsen, pp. 6o-6i. (30
  12. 12. IM 11 R E S S I1 N S 2 121
  13. 13. PLATE 14. Okumura Masanobu. Burning Maple Leaves to HeatSake. c. 17 750. Color woodcut, large oban, benizuri-e.41.6 X 29.9 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, NewYork, Harris Brisbane Dick Fund and Rogers Fund, 1949(JP 3079). Photo: © 1994 The Metropolitan Museum of ArtSee Thompson, P. 72.
  14. 14. PLATE 15. Suzuki Harunobu or pupil. Hakt Rakuten.c. i77o. Color woodcut, chuban. 27.8 X 20.9 cm.Honolulu Academy of Arts, Gift of James A.Michener, 1971 (21, 7344)See Thompson, p. 81. I M P R E S S I 0 N S 24 23
  15. 15. 4-Fig. i. Utagawa Hiroshige. Original liji in Megunro, from the series Fig. 2. Utagawa H iroshige. Nevv Fup in fepuro,One Hundred Fainous Qeivs ofEdo, 1856-58. Color woodcut, jb(n. from the series One Hundred Fainous Wews ot Edo.36. 2 x 23.7 cm approx. Courte.s Sothebys, London i856-58. Color woodcut, oban. 36.2 X 23.7 cmnThis Mini-Fuji was constructed in 18 12, 17 years before the "New approx. Courtesy Sochebys, LondonFuji" (pl. 2/fig. 2) located 5oo yards tarther north.
  16. 16. Making Mountains:Mini-Fujis, Edo Popular Religionand Hiroshiges One HundredFamous Views of EdoME/LINDA TAKEUCHIT IHREL 01 THL WOODCIITS from the series One Hundred Famous Q}eis Edo, produced by Utagawa Hiroshige ( 79 7- 18 58) from 18 56 to Of 58, show climbable replicas of Mount Fuji located in and Saround the Eastern Capital of Edo (present-day Tokyo). Although it is dif-ficult to tell from Hiroshiges images, these simulacra were connected witha flourishing Edo-period ( 1615- 1867) cult centered on the ritual ascent ofthe sacred mountain. In two of the woodcuts the little fabricated Fujismirror the "original" Mount Fuji in Suruga Province (hereafter called theSuruga Fuji), while wittily playing havoc with scale (pIS. 1, 2/figs. 1, 2). Itmay seem ironic to have to distinguish the "original" Fuji from the others,but in addition to the manmade replicas there are numbers of similarcone-shaped mountains scattered throughout Japan, formed by the samevolcanic process that created the Suruga Fuji and nicknamed Fuji. TheFuji mounds include the zigzag path to the "summit" in imitation of theswitchback routes up the Suruga Fujis slopes. The New Fuji in Meguropictured in figure 2 displays one of the religious landmarks associated withthe cult: the "Fiat Rock" (eboshi iwa) central to the hagiography of this newreligious movement. Hiroshiges climbers appear to be in what might becalled "recreation mode": tea stalls and benches refresh these urban pil-grims-men, women and children-who seem to have come more for anouting under the beautifil spring cherry trees than for the religious expe-rience of ascending the proxy of a sacred mountain. No one wears thewhite pilgrims clothing normally donned by the supplicants who climbedJapans holy mountains and besides, the season is wrong for the ritual as-cent. Furthermore, women and children were banned from the male-dominated space at the summit of the Suruga Fuji, whereas Hiroshigesimages make clear that this proscription did not apply to the Mini-Fujis(to use Henry Smiths term).In all, over a hundred artificial Mount Fujis were built during the Edo pe-riod, mostly in Eastern Japan, beginning in the late eighteenth centuryv Fifty-sixsurvive in one formn or another. Hiroshiges cool, distant vision affordslittle sense of the popular enthusiasm that these structures generated.How might we categorize these fabrications? Are they little artificial land-scapes? Do they belong to the realm of topographically mimetic gardens,like those at Suizenji in Kvushu or the Silver Pavilion in Kyoto, which in-clude conical forms intended to suggest Fuji? Are they visualizations ofIM P R I S S I () N S 2
  17. 17. paradise, like the garden at the Phoenix Hall in Uji? Are they instrumentsof devotional praxis? Theme parks for an affluent leisure society.,? Cheapdilutions of a sacred site? Despite their elusive epistemological status,these heaps of dirt and stone projected a high profile-both cognitivelyand literally-in the Edo imaginary To ignore them is to overlook onecritical facet of the complex, discursive landscape of Japan. The Mini-Fujisilluminate aspects of the interaction of imagery; religion, nature and cul-ture. Politics, economics and gender are also part of this configuration.Perhaps the best way to understand the dynamics of these unusual struc-tures is to review some of the notions surrounding simulacra and minia-tures; to consider the Fuji cult itself and its reception in the Edo period;and then to speculate on why Hiroshioe coded his representations of thisphenomenon as he did.SIMULACRA AND MINIATURESIn the Western philosophical fabric, associating the simulacrum with cheapsentimentality, nostalgia and reductionism indicates a prominent strand ofdistrust of the replica. Platos denunciation of the effigy as an instrument ofdeception (recall that he banished painters from his Republic) finds echoesin the charge of the French theorist Jean Baudrillard (b. 1929) that in simu-lation resides a false and infantile undermining of the real. When in i9 19Marcel Duchamp painted a mustache on a reproduction of the Mona Lisa,he offered glimmers of the problems that the technolo_ of replication wasgoing to unleash upon world culture. As artists are often uncannily able todo, he raised the question of the collision between the aura attached to the"real" and the scent of legerdemain or chicanery that lingers about the"false." The need to differentiate between authentic and not authentic mavwell be rooted in survival itself, biologically programmed into our speciesalong with the fight-or- flight mechanism. It was once a life-or-death matterto be able to distinguish a real tiger from a shadow shaped like a tiger. Cloneslike Dolly the Sheep, quasi-humans like Darth Vader (part man, part ma-chine), technological marvels like Carol Doda (part flesh, part silicone), cyborgs,hydroponic vegetables and science fiction all work towards pushing the simul-acrum ever closer in our perception to some nightmarish twilight zone.In contrast, East Asian tradition, and Western too before (and after) theadvent of scientific "logic," has employed the practices of symbolic substi-tution/replication to evoke and explicate the transcendent. Crystal andother precious objects substitute for physical relics of the Buddha in the waythat wine and wafer are transubstantiated into the blood and body of Christ.The practice of equating real and fabricated mountains is verv ancient inJapan. The enormous man-made mounds (kqitin) in which rulers wereentombed signiG the magical potency associated with the replication ofmountains. One finds sacred peaks duplicated in massive scale at the hugeBuddhist stupas of Borobudur in Java and Bodhnath in Nepal, or reducedto the tabletop-sized forms of the magical Daoist hill-censer (poshaiihi),designed to emit the vapors of sacred mountains in the form of incensesmoke. In the northeast of his capital the Song-dynasty emperor Huizong(i o8 2- 1 3 5) erected an artificial hill that replicated "the celebrated sitesT A K E U C HI1 MA K I N G M O UN T A I N S
  18. 18. of the universe," including the canonized scenery of the region aroundLake Dongting (one of Chinas hallowed views)., The motivation was notre-creation but sympathetic magic.Multiplication and reduction often accompany substitution and replication.The original Buddha Sakyamuni becomes the Thousand Buddhas, cursorilydelineated on sanctuary walls from Ajanta in India to Dunhuang in China.Asian religious praxis, particularly Buddhist, is also filled with examples ofshortcut/optimal-gain rituals: to give but one example, in many Buddhistcountries worshipers can twirl a prayer wheel (called a chorten, a kind ofvirtual-reality circurnambulation technology) round and round in lieu ofactually walking around the stupa. Each rotation, accomplished in seconds,is the equivalent of an often arduous physical circuit. Merit multiplies geo-metrically. Yet proliferating and abbrexiating something diffuses its originalimpact. This no-muss, no-fuss approach to salvation has a curiouslypostmodern feeling to it.Prior to the appearance of reduced-scale replicas of Mount Fuji, otherkinds of symbolic equivalence played a role in its worship (as they do inreligious practice in general). According to the preface of a printed version(dated i6o7) of the medieval Take of Fujis People Catvrn (Fuji no hitoana zoshi),simply reading the tale, which describes religious experiences of transfor-mation in the Hitoana ("People Cavern"), one of Fujis caves, counts asmuch towards salvation as the act of climbing the mountain itself.4 Eventexts, then, can substitute for deeds. Assertions like this were often tingedwith economic self-interest, but devotion and economics are sisters. Thepurpose of the preface was simultaneously to promote the tale and encour-age sales. Even bathing in an urban replica of one of the purification huts atthe shrines at the foot of Fuji, a costly activity, was deemed to confer meritcomparable to an actual ascent.Questions of simulacrum and substitution in Asian culture, then, invokemany dynamics, some otherworldly, others worldly, operating simultaneously.As contemporary Westerners, we need to set aside some deep-rooted as-sumptions about the value and propriety of replication and ruminate onmore chthonic notions of the transmutability of physical stuff.FUJI CULTS AND THE LANDSCAPE OF FUJIThe Suruga Fujis sheer physicality pushes to the limit our ability to com-prehend the colossal. Its enormous yet readable scale, combined with thelack of vegetation and its stark geometry, elicits unsettling sensations ofantlike vulnerability. The rocky austerity of the mountain affords few of theprotective amenities of the prospect-refuge environment which the humanspecies is said to be biologically programmed to prefer. The soaring peaktouches the skies: the mountains head is often literally in the clouds. Fujioffers a space between heaven and earth, a liminal zone where divine andearthly beings commingle. Permanent yet ever-changing in different condi-tions of light, time of day and season, it seems alive. The plume of smoke itemitted during much of its geologic history led to the practice of offeringincense to divinity in the hope of bridging the terrestrial and celestial zones.,I5M P R E S S I 0 N S
  19. 19. Fig. 3. Katsushika Hokusai. The Over the long course of time Fuji accrued a massive dossier-a "mount-Formation offt4ount Hoei, from One ography" one might call it--of literary, political and religious history ThisHundred Viens of Fuji (Fugaku h•akkei), comprises a voluminous literature, starting with poems from the eighth-century%ol. 1. 1834. Noodblock-printed book. 11anryoshu, themselves reflections of earlier thought. By the mid-nineteenth22.5 x i 5.6 cm approx. each page, century, when Hiroshige depicted the Mini-Fujis under discussion, the SurugaSpencer Collection, New York Public Fuji was a heavily coded, one might even say overdetermined, piece of real estate.Library, Astor, Lenox and TildcnFoundations Death and destruction figured among the various meanings linked toThis last recorded eruption of Fuji took Mount Fuji. During Japans long history its eruptions, which rained lava,place in 1707. ash and cinder over huge areas of the countryside, repeatedly brought di- saster to the farming communities in the enVirons. Placating it was a high priority in the religious and political sectors: Fujis (leity was accorded court rank in the ninth century in an effort to cajole the volcano into qui- escence. The Formation of Mount Jioei by Katsushika Hokusai (176o-1849), from his One Hundred Vieus oj Fuji, shows Fujis terrible destructive powers (fig. 3). This last recorded eruption of Mount Fuji took place in 1707, be- fore Hokusai was born but within living memory in his time. In keeping with the linkage of Fuji and death, one of the earliest extant images of the mountain shows it as a place of suicide. In an episode from the famous Lip of Priest Ippen scrolls of 1299, the lay monk Ajisaka drowns himself in the Abe River in the shadow of Mount Fuji.Fig. 4. A collective giave atMotornura,iama in Fuji City Photograph. Death, however, as Ajisakas final act implies, brings the hope of rebirth/From Riji, special issue of Bessutsu nivo, salvation. Immortality looms large in the complex, sometimes contradictoryno. 44 (winter 1983), 138 lore surrounding Fuji. Cultic beliefs incorporate Chinese Daoist legends TA K E U C H I MAKING N M O LI NTA I N S
  20. 20. Fig. 5. Katsushika Hokusai. Circling the concerning the elixir of immortality concealed within its summit. Prior toCraterof Fuji, frorn One Hundred tiei,n oJ the modern age, when there was no standardization in the characters usedFuji (Fugaku hyakkei), Vx)]. 3. 1834. for Japanese names, "Fuji" was sometimes written with two charactersAoodblock-printed book. 2 2.5 X i 5.6 cm meaning "Not" and "Death": deathless life, that is, immortalitx. The collec-approx. each page, Spencer Collection, tive designation for these cults that centered on mountain worship isNew York Public Lihrari, Astor, Lenox Shugendo. Cultic practices included stringent rituals of fasting, meditating,and Tilden Foundations praying, chanting mantras, ringing bells and hanging over cliffs in order to achieve the supplicants spiritual goals. Worshipers assumed white clothing for the climb (as they do today), white being the color for dressing a corpse, and they wore their hair unbound, in corpselike fashion. Pilgrims thus carried on their very bodies the mark of death necessary to achieve svmbolic rebirth. Those who ascended Fuji subjected themselves to potentially grueling physi- cal and mental ordeals. People climbed prepared to lose their lives. Figure 4 is a photograph showing a muenzuka (literally, a tomb for those with no con- nections), a collective grave for the numerous anonymous casualties of the mountain-a pilgrims equivalent of the Tomb of the Unknow,,n Soldier. Aside from the danger of being bloNvT to bits in an eruption or being caught in an avalanche, unexpected storms could bring instant, or lingering, death. During circumambulation of the formidable summit, climbers who put aFig. 6. Caldera on Mount Fuji, 1902. foot wrong on the rocks faced a drop of 8 2o feet into the caldera (figs. 5, 6).Photograph. From lFui, special issue of Certainly, the ascetic practices of fasting or poising motionless (sometimesBessatsu Ta1ivc, no. 4-4 (winter 1983), 136 naked) in the elements contributed to many deaths. In addition there were I N1 1) R F S S I 0 N S
  21. 21. psychological perils. It was believed that climbers who ventured into this nether zone could be set upon by the innumerable malevolent spirits lurk- ing in the mountains; these would be all the more terriI,ing because they represented the terra incognita of the psyche. Fujis religious history is long and complex. Vlhat follows is a brief synopsis, the purpose of which is to orient the reader rather than present new intbrmation.9 Shinto, Buddhist and a mishmash of popular faiths all claimed the mountain as their own. In Fuji the rich lore of many traditions coalesces. As was usual in mountain worship, Fujis (e]ity was seen as female, an ironic inversion of the fact that women were forbidden to climb the sacred mountains. She was a syncretic deity, called by various names: Asama Daimy0jin, Asama Gongen, Sengen Daibosatsu or simply the generic Daigongen. After the separation of Buddhist and Shinto faiths during the Meiji period (i 868-i 912), the deity came primarily to be known as the goddess Konohanasakuva-hime, a properly Shinto-sounding name. As was the practice in portraying such goddesses, she was pictured as a resplendent court lady (fig. 7). When the Esoteric Buddhists appropriated Fujis deity, they linked her with the Bud- dha of Essence, Dainichi, giving the mountain a male as well as a female aspect. This undoubtedly relates to the Chinese cosmological system, which genders mountains masculine 0yang) and valleys feminine (yin). Fujis caldera was designated as having eight peaks (which in reality it does not), each corresponding to a petal of the Womb Mandala. The paradises of other deities, including Amida, Yakushi and Miroku, were mapped onto this mandala and joined the paradise of Dainichi on the summit. The mountain also played host to myriad other godlings, spirits, demons and souls of the dead. It teemed with unseen, unknowable presences. Just as the peak of Fuji was home to different paradises, its many caves were considered secret passageways to various hells. The People Cavern (men- tioned above) in particular possessed a rich mine of lore and legend. Tales were told of famous historical personages having transformative visionary experiences as they penetrated this symbolic entrance to the underworld. The caves, of course, were also explicitly associated with the womb. PilgrimsFig. 7. KIatsushika Hoku.ai. The Goddeos entered them and conducted rituals in order to die and be reborn. These arerefFuji, Konohanasaktu-himne (Princess of but some examples of the relentless application of shifting male and femalethe Flowering of TrIce Blossoms), from sexuality to natural phenomena.One Handred bew offhj (Ftiquku hyakkei),No]. 1.I 834. Woodblock-printed book. Although it is difficult to separate legend from history, documented cultic2 2.5 X i 5.6 cm. Freis Collection ascent of Fuji had begun by the twelfth century, once a spate of disastrous eruptions in previous centuries had subsided. Votive sutras dating to the mid-twelfth century excavated on the summit represent the inscription onto (and into) the mountain of a record of peoples religious aspirations in an age when it was feared that the Buddhist law would be lost. During the subsequent medieval period a base for climbing Fuji was located at the Sengen Shrine in Muravama on the southwestern slope, which controlled access to the mountain. Because of fees and donations, the Murayama Sengen Shrine became a flourishing enterprise and its priests correspondingly powerful. After the seat of government moved eastward to Edo in the early seven- teenth century, a new kind of Fuji worship emerged: it consisted almost30 TA K E U C H I MA KING MNIOU NTAI NS
  22. 22. exclusively of lay people-mostly merchants, artisans and farmers. Themountain provided a splendid new identity for the metropolis, whose lackof historic sites was sorely felt. Kyoto might have Mount Hiei and othernatural and fabricated nostalgic places, but for sheer visual impact nothingcould rival the Suruga Fuji, which could be seen from the city proper. It wasquickly enfolded into the rhetoric of identity by different sectors of society.The founder of this new populist movement, Kaku• o Tobutsu (0 541- 1646), was a charismatic mountain ascetic from Nagasaki who proselytizedin Eastern Japan.2 As his dates suggest, Kakugy6 seems to have discoveredthe secret of longexity in his mystical union with the deity of Fuji: he diedat the age of i o 5. Like many other supplicants, KakugyO performed thestandard ascetic practices on Mount Fuji such as fasting, standing naked inthe cold and bathing in icy water. He is said also to have meditated in thePeople Cavern for a stretch of one thousand uninterrupted days. He en-gaged in the yogic practice of poising motionless for long stretches of timeand standing on tiptoe on a vertical beam (physically acting out the conceptof replicating Fuji as the central pillar of the universe) in the attempt toentice the deity to enter his body: " Kaku-6 was believed to have thepower to cure illness, and he was mobbed as a faith healer. His cult usedthe northern entrance to the mountain at the locality of Yoshida (revealedto him in a dream as the most efficacious route), and this brought him intoconflict with the Murayama faction, which tried to monopolize access fromthe south; religious dreams have traditionally been a means for contestingauthority The priests of the Murayama faction never entirely relinquishedcontrol, and as we shall see, they sometimes interfered with the new cult.The type of Fuji worship founded by Kakugyo consisted of Fuji-ko, or Fujiassociations. At their peak it was said that there was one association in eachblock of Edo. These mutual assistance groups (ko), some religious, some fra-ternal, were (and still are) a prominent feature of Japanese society beginningin the middle ages. The Fuji-ko constituencies (or confraternities) even pooledfunds so that all able-bodied (male) participants could make the climb.The Fuji associations proliferated during the tenure of the colorful sixthleader, the oil merchant and visionary Jikigyo Miroku (1 671-1733), even-tually garnering an estimated 70,00o members by the late Edo period.14 Itwas Jikigy who had the idea of constructing urban replications of MountFuji of the type seen in Hiroshiges Hundred i$eis.JikigyO appears to have been something of a religious zealot, to the point ofirritating even his own followers. In his fervent visions the deity of MountFuji revealed what became the core of the Fuji cults "philosophy" It cen-tered on the connection between Mount Fujis deity and rice, an idea thatwas in fact very ancient and based on the relationship between mountainsand agriculture. Mountains being the source of water, they provided thespiritual essence that made the growing of rice possible. By ingesting rice,human beings became absorbed into the deitx Because the members of thefour classes all eat rice--although the lower orders were supposed to becontent with cheaper grains-Jikigy6 reasoned that there was no essentialdifference among human beings. (This was but one of many unorthodoxI M 1 R F S S I 0 N S ) I
  23. 23. Fig. 8. Artist unknown. Airoku2,1andala. Hanging scroll. 5o x 6o cm. From Tup, specialissue of Bessatsu Tai,0, 110. 44(winter 1983), 86 3 2 ~~~T EU C AK HI NI AK I NG N10U N T AIN S
  24. 24. Fuji-cult notions that the authorities of the Tokugawa regime, committedto keeping the classes separate, found uncongenial; soon after Jikigy6sdeath, government officials issued successive proclamations banning theFuji-ko.) Jikigy6s name literally means "the practice, or religious protocol(gy6), of eating (jiki)." He also claimed that the deity of Mount Fuji directedhim to adopt the name Miroku, pronounced with the same sounds as thename of the Buddha of the Future, although written with different charac-ters. There was another Miroku, a folk god who took care of humanity intimes of famine, so Jikigyo picked a name with many potent associations."Jikigyo, who was only marginally literate, wrote the name Miroku withcharacters of his own deevising, claiming, again, to have had these revealedto him by the deity of Mount Fuji herself.In 173 3, the year following the Kyoho Famine of 73 2, Jikigyo sacrificedhimself in order to ensure an abundant harvest after the hardship of thepreceding year, although he had been making plans for this deed for someyears. In the sixth month he ordered a three-foot portable shrinelike hut tobe carried to the Hat Rock above the seventh station of Mount Fuji. Al-though he would have preferred to die on the summit, the rival Murayamafaction would not permit it. So he fasted at the Hat Rock for thirty-one daysuntil he died. During this interval Jikigy6 dictated his final visions-nodoubt made the more fervent by increasing lightheadedness-to a disciple.Upon Jikigyos death, the disciple piled up stones to convert the shrinecontaining Jikigy6s body into a tomb. Jikigy-o thus achieved his aspirationto become physically united forever with the mountain.A mandala unique to the Fuji cult, desiglned to visualize Jikigy6s cosmology,shows Jikigy6 at prayer at bottom center, his head unshaven in the mannerof a confraternity layperson (fig. 8). Balancing him at the top on the centralaxis is a triad of Buddhist deities (probably Amida w,ith Seishi and Kannon)hovering over the tripartite peak. The sun and the moon (symbols of theDiamond and Womb Worlds), which along with the stars play a prominentrole in Jikigy0s eschatology (as they had in past mandalas), flank the Bud-dhist deities. In the middle of the composition, rising from cloud-swathedpeaks, is the stone stele found near the fifth of the ten stations on the climb-ing route, marking the horizontal boundary between earth and heaven. Thestele is inscribed in large characters "Daigongen," one of the names of theFuji deity. Flanking the stone marker are the customary long-nosed, wingeddemons (the large tengu and small tengu), devious creatures thought to inhabitmountains and bedevil humans. An image like this would have hung on thealtar (luring a Fuji cult service, although Jikigyo himself preached that imageswere not necessary in order to receive the bounty of Fuji. Fortunately hisinstructions were not widely observed or we would not have the legacy ofvisual imagery that helps us better to understand this cult.Reconstructions of the altars used in the rituals also illustrate some of thecults beliefs and practices (figs. 9, 1 o). The leader of each association kepta portable altar in his residence. Since the location of meetings rotatedamong the membership, the altar could be set up as needed. The associationsgathered monthly to participate in ceremonies that included lectures orsermons, chants and prayers in front of the portable altar, burning torchesI M I 1I. F S I 0 N S
  25. 25. Fig. 9. Altar of the fokwo Adachi WardAvase Sanp&-maiiufuchi ratrnitN- 0iy.<18277, mioder-n r-eco[nstruction. Fromfuji, special issue of Bessatsu Taiyo, no. 44(villter 1983), 86 00<Fig. io. Altar of the Tokyo ItabashiVard Nagata Fraternity. 18 5 5, modernrecostr uction. From Fuji, special issueof Bessatsu Tai&5, no. 4-4 (-Minter 198 3),86 and eating a meal cooked over an open fire (this element being associated Sfwwith volcanoes)." As is clear from a comparison of the two altars in figures 9 and i o, there was little standardization in the ritual paraphernalia necessary beyond candles, vases with floral offerings, a sculpture of Fuji and a hanging scroll inscribed Aith the spells chanted to invoke the deities. These scrolls display the special characters invented by the cult leader-a kind of "writing in 4! tongues." The lack of standardization underscores the loose organization of the confraternities. The independence of the various chapters is further suggested by the presence of each associations crest on its paraphernalia. The more elaborate altar of the Awase Sanpo-marufuchi association (fig. 9) is furnished with a triptych combining a scroll of the mantras with their special characters at left, an image of the Fuji goddess in the center and at right an abbreviated version of the Miroku Mandala seen in figure 8. It has a miniature Shinto shrine gateway equipped xwith the traditional folded paper and straw rope. In the center of the altar on a table stands an ex- traordinary mirror, a traditional Shinto symbol of divinity. This mirror is set into a naturalistically sculpted Fuji (complete with the bump that ap- peared after the eruption of I 707), on whose slopes waft clouds support- ing the traditional sun and moon at right and left respectively. Where the slopes become foothills are two monkeys, hands clasped in prayer. These whimsical creatures are there because, according to Fuji lore, the mountain appeared in the koshin ("Elder Brother Metal Monkey") year of the34 TAKEUCHI MAKING MOUNTAINS
  26. 26. sexagenary cycle; a monkey god named Sarutahiko was included in Fuji wor-ship. The form of Fuji in the simpler altar of the Nagata confraternity followsthe more archaic, stylized three-peak shape (fig. i o). These altars show howFuji-ko worship combined aspects of Shinto, Esoteric Buddhism, mountaincults and popular folklore.From the prominence accorded the beautiful female defty, it is clear thatthe feminine as an object of desire played a significant role in Fujisgendered landscape. The reverse, the feminine as an object of loathing,obtained equally strongly. The pervasive culturally sanctioned misogynismthat kept women out of sacred space was officially written into the religious andpolitical ideology of traditional Japan (and most of Asia, for that matter). A textdated 18 , for example, describes the raison d&re of the popular Buddhist 82Menstruation Sutra (Ketsubon-kyo), one of Chinas gifts to Japan: All women, even those who are the children of high families, have no faith and conduct no practices, but rather have strong feelings of avarice and jealousy, These sins are thus compounded and become menstrual blood, and every month this flows out, polluting the god of the earth in addition to the spirits of the mountains and rivers. In retribution for this women are condemned to the Blood Pool Hell."Whereas in Confucian tradition women were flawed because of their per-ceived weakness of character, in both Shinto and Buddhist belief their infe-riority stemmed from biological causes as well. Blood, undoubtedly owingto the stain it leaves, constitutes a very serious form of pollution. Women,because of their potential for defilement (even when not actually menstru-ating or giving birth), could unpredictably inject impurity into the naturalworld and thereby bring divine wrath on human affairs. When, for ex-ample, heavy rains threatened to spoil the crops in 18oo, a special "goodkarma" year when women were allowed farther up the mountain thanusual, local farmers attributed the bad weather to the presence of the fe-male pilgrims and successfully petitioned for a stop to their dangerous pro-fanation of sacred space.2 On the face of it, women were unlikely devoteesof mountain -climbing cults. But religious establishments made increasedefforts to accommodate the biologically disadvantaged half of the popula-tion during the Edo period-a classic case of entrepreneurship in which aneed is created and then addressed by the same partyThe primary boon that the deities of Fuji and other mountain cults offeredwomen was a predictable one, namely, procreation. Fujis Sengen Shrinesdid a brisk business in the sale of safe-childbirth talismans, to be carried ina womans obi for the duration of her pregnancy Wealthier or more fer-vent devotees could bux sanctified sashes to wear during pregnancy" It islikely that these lucky objects were bought at the shrines by Fuji-associa-tion husbands as souvenirs for their stay-at-home wives.If a woman were particularly energetic and devoted, she too could make apilgrimage to Fuji. In a normal year women would be allowed, after seven-teen days of purification (more than the time required for men), all theway to the second, and sometimes to the third, of the ten stations. Theoptimum opportunity for womens salvation occurred once every sixtyIMPRESSIO NS 24
  27. 27. Fig. ii. Katsushika Hokusai. Group years, during the koshin combination in the sexagenary cycle discussedClimbing the lountain, from the series above. According to Fuji lore, it was in the koshin year traceable to 2 8 6 B.C.Thirq-Six Viens of,Mount Fuji. Early that the mists parted and Fujis form miraculously appeared. Climbs dur-18 3os. Color woodcut, iban. Courtesy ing the koshin years (the so-called goen nen, "[good] karma years") wereSothebys, London touted as being sublimely efficacious. A climb during a good karma year was worth thirty-three climbs in ordinary years. During these years (unless special circumstances, like the heavy rains of i8oo, interfered), women flocked to climb as far as the "rvonin kekkai" (womens off-limits), located between the fourth and fifth stations. There they were welcomed by the nyonin oitate kekkai, literally the "driving-women- away barrier." At what point does ritualized gendering of landscape elide into questions of sexualization? Fujis Womb Cave and the practices associated with it blur that boundary. Much has been wTitten about the telescoping of the notions of entering a cave and entering the womb, thus to be reborn, in Carmen Blackers lovely phrase, "by the mimesis of symbolic action." This is certainly not unique to Fuji-cult thought. From Daoist to Shugendo writings one finds explicit linkage of caves and wombs.2 4 Hokusais Group Climbing the M1ountain, from his series Thirty-Six Vicls of Mount Fuji, shows white-clad pilgrims curled in the fetal position literally enacting this pro- cess of rebirth (pl. 3/fig. ii). Not only would pilgrims enter the womb to be reborn, they would also nurse at the breast of the Great Mother. This too has counterparts in Daoist lore, which likens the caves stalactites to the "bell teats" of Holy TAKEUCHI IMAKING MOLINTAINS
  28. 28. Fig. 12. Hashimoto Sadahide (1807- 801873). Pulgrims in the 0h6nib Cave on MountFuji (detail of Amida Cave) 1857. Colorwoodcut triptych, Oban. 3 5.4 x 24.4 cmeach. D. Max Moerman Collection.Photo: John DeaneSee Pl. 4 for full triptych. SMother Earth, thought to secrete a nourishing essence (pl. 4/figs. L2, 13).2 h When a grown man suckles at the breast, that act takes on erotic overtones; womb elides with vagina. Since entering the womb and penetrating the va- 741, gina are operations wholly difterent in nature, the erotic implications of sucking the Womb Caves stalactites cannot be denied. It is hard to imagine how this topographical feature could serve the spiritual needs of women or how women might feel participating in such a ritual. The enactment of re- entering the womb and nursing at the breast would have very different psy-Fig. 13. Stalactites in cave on Mount Fuji. chological nuances for the two sexes.Photograph. From luji, Special issue 01fBessatsu TThyo, no. 44 (winter 1983), 1 33 MOUNT FUJI IN EDO If women, the weak-bodied, children and the aged were excluded from full participation in the rituals connected vith the Suruga Fuji, replication pro- vided a solution for their salvation. In the spirit of the inclusionist trend of Edo popular religion in general, the Mini-Fujis managed to accommodate those whom the sacred peak itself couhl not. 7 It is here that mens and womens devotional practices overlap to the greatest degree. Physically replicating NIount Fuji for ritualistic purposes was not a wholly new phenomenon. Starting in the fifteenth century, a few Sengen shrines (that is, shrines dedicated to Sengen, another name for the Fuji deity) had been built on eminences, mostly old burial mounds. The Sengen Shrine at Komagome in Edo, pictured in the Record of Edos Famous Places (Edo I N1 P R I S 5 I 0 N s
  29. 29. Fig. 14. Artist unknown. Fuji SengenShrine at Komoaome in Edo, from Record -Edos Famous Places (Edo oeishoki), vol. 2.r 66 2. Woodblock-printed book. s"2 6 x 18.3 cm. Spencer Collection,New York Public Library, Astor,Lenox and Tilden Foundations meishoki) of 1662, exemplifies this older configuration (fig. 14). It differs from the later Mini-Fujis in a number of respects. A straight stone stair- case leads directly to the shrine at the top. The designer makes no attempt to duplicate the process of climbing Fuji, to copy the switchback trails to the summit or to incorporate Fujis famous landmarks. Sengen Shrines conducted festivals connected with the opening of the Suruga Fujis climb- ing season, and it is possible that with time the general populace did not differentiate between the new cultic Mini-Fujis and the older forms such as that at Komagome. We will return to this point below By way of explaining the motivation for the creation of the Edo Mini-Fujis, the Jiiscell,neous HistorvoJippoan (Jippoan yureki zakki, i 8o4 8) states: Mount Fuji is so high that even in the case of men, those with a weak heart fall ill because it is difficult to climb a 0o-ri mountain. How much harder then is it for women with their defilements and many obstacles! And it is arduous also for the verv voung anti the old to climb Fuji. Feeling sorry for these people Ch6jiro [sic] had the sincere wish that exeryone would be able to climb the mountain, and he made a copy of it so that men, women, young antI old could set their hearts at peace. The Chojiro men-tioned in the account was a follower of Miroku Jikig6 named Takata Toshiro (religious name Nichigy6 Seizan, 170 5-1 782). A gardener by trade, Toshiro is said to have climbed Fuji seventy-three times, although this may be part of the hagiography that quickly enveloped many T A K E U C 1I-: M A K I N (I M ( Ll N T A I N S
  30. 30. Fig. iS. Utagawa 1-firoshige 1I. Takata: cult leaders. To commemorate the thirty-third anniversary of JikigyosTakata Fuji, fi-om Picture Book of Edo death in 1765, T6shir6 decided to build a "Fuji utsushi," or, in HenrySoulvenirs (Ehon Edo nimage), vol. 8. 1861 Smiths phrase, a "transferred Mount Fuji," in keeping with JikigyosColor " oodb lock- printed book. Wishes.2 In 1779 Toshiro and some disciples began work on a mound six14.6 x 18. 1 cm. C. V Starr East Asian meters high in the Mizu Inari Shrine in the precincts of the Tendai templeI ibrary; Columbia UniversitN, Nex Hosenji at Takatanobaba in Edo (fig. 15). Like the older Fuji Sengen"•ork Citv shrines, Toshiros Fuji seems to have had an ancient burial mound as its base. Because T6shir6 lived in the Takata area of Edo, his "surname" (as was often the case with commoners) reflects his area of residence. His mound thus came to be called the Takata Fuji. To imbue his Mini-Fuji with authenticity, Toshiro used black volcanic rock transported from Mount Fuji for the upper part of the structure. He also furnished his miniature with Fujis legendary sites: the Womb Cave, the switchback route consisting of nine "turns" with markers for each of the nine stations, the Sho Ontake Shrine at the fifth station along with the gir- dling road called the Ochudo (the midway circuit marking the boundary between heaven and earth), the Hat Rock near the seventh station and the Okunoin Shrine at the top. By including the Hat Rock, the site of Mirokus self- sacrifice, Toshiro fused religious lore and historical personality. In similar fashion a statue of Toshiro himself was used in the opening ceremo- nies (yanibiraki)of the Takata Fuji. It would seem that the charismatic per- sonalities of various association leaders were embedded into the fabric of cultic worship-they became folk deities themselves. Toshiro, who died a I M P R E S S 1 0 N S 39
  31. 31. Fig. 16. Hasegawa Settan. Pilgrimage at mere three years after the construction of the Takata Fuji, arranged to be1hip Sengen Shrine at Komugome, fi-or buried at the foot of his creation.Guidebook to Edos famous Places (Edo The Takata Fuji was supposedly open to the public for climbing only (lur-lislho zuc), Vol -. 185--34 36.oodblock-printed book. 26 x [ 8.3 cm. ing the time that the "mountain opening" ceremonies for the "real" FujiSpencer Collection, New York Public took place. This varied friom the end of the fifth lunar month to some timeIibrars, Astor, Lenox and Tilden after the middle of the sixth. The inscription on the guidebook image inFoundations figure 15 reads: "Takata. Fujisan. This is located in the Takata H6senji Mizu Inari compound. It is unlike the other Fujis. Pilgrimage goes on till the eighteenth day of the sixth month. Snakes made of straw are sold. "Teashopsand other enterprises appear. This continues for several days." The observances held at the Mini-Fujis seem to have overlapped with an- nual festival customs already in place at the older Fuji Sengen shrines like the one at Komagome. An illustration by Hasegawa Settan (1778- 1843) from the 1834-36 Guidebook to Edos Famous Places (Edo ineisho zue) shows the festive pilgrimage that took place annually at the Komagome Sengen Shrine around the first (lay of the sixth month (fig. i6). Throngs of fash- ionably dressed people of all ages, samurai and commoner alike, worship, sightsee, buy, sell and stroll. In addition to the straw snakes, fans and five- colored string bags noted in the caption (many of the same festival souve- nirs listed for the Takata Fuji), there are tea sellers, watermelon vendors and people selling dried fruit and grilled delicacies on skewers. I have not come across any illustrations of a Mini-Fuji showing anyone wearing the TAKEUCHI MAKINC( MOUL]NTAINS
  32. 32. white pilgrims garments described in the texts. Those climbing wear theeveryday clothing of sightseers.That large numbers of the Edo populace came to consider the Mini-Fujisas part of the enormous annual round of observances that guided themthrough the seasons is clear from the example of the scholar Saito Gesshin( 804-1 878). Gesshin, the third generation of a family of writers who hadcompiled numerous monumental guidebooks such as the Record of AnnualEvents of the Eastern Metropolis (Toto saijiki) of 1838 and the Guidebook to EdosFamous Places, seems to have made a business of attending as many seasonalevents as was humanly possible-sometimes several in one (lay. Detailedknowledge of local customs was, of course, mandatory for the author of athirty-eight-volume account of the annual events of Edo. Although Gesshincannot be made to speak for all Edoites, his comprehensive polytheisticapproach seems fairly typical of the dominant premodern (and even mod-ern) style of worshiping whatever deity claimed center stage on a given oc-casion, in a gregarious, communal celebration. The Mini-Fujis did doubleduty as festival and entertainment sites as well as serving as a focus forFuji-ko devotionalism.Gesshins Record of the Annual Events ofthe Eastern Metropolis mentions at leastfourteen other Edo Mini-Fujis that had come into existence (luring thehalf-century since the creation of the Takata Fuji. I He ends his list withthe remark that these mounds had recently become quite popular. Gesshinhimself attended the Fuji "mountain opening" festivities at Komagome,Kayacho and Yanagihara. At the end of the fifth month he also went on apilgrimage to climb the "original" Fuji in Suruga."4Given the documented popularity of Edos Fuji cult and its mounds, theimage of the akata Fuji in the 18 5o-67 ten-volume Picture Book of Edo Sou-venirs (Ehon Edo miyage) by Hiroshige and Hiroshige 11 (1826- 869) showsa curiously denatured scene (fig. i 5). Even though the seasonal teashopsindicate that this is the Tlkata Fuji at peak tourist season, so to speak, thehandful of tiny figures of men and women is at odds with the image ofthronging celebrants so vividly described in other sources.It is possible that common models existed for the depiction of Edos fa-mous sites and that artists freely borrowed and adapted them. Consider,for example, a comparison of two renditions of the Mini-Fuji locatedwithin the precincts of the Fukagawa Tomigaoka Hachiman Shrine. One isfrom the Record of Annual Events of the Eastern 41etropolis, compiled byGesshin, illustrated by Hasegawa Settan and published in 18 3 8, the otherfrom the Picture Book ofEdo Souvenirs (figs. 17,18). Each employs the samegeneral composition: the mound, anchored at left, is viewed from such anelevated perspective that the viewer can see over its summit, over city roof-tops and a large body of water, to distant mountains behind. The illustra-tion by Settan teems with people of all ages jostling each other on the nar-row path (fig. 17). It accords with the written descriptions of the Mini-Fujis as popular pilgrimage sites. There is no Suruga Fuji on Settans hori-zon. Although the caption from the Picture Book of Edo Souvenirs describesthe "mountain opening" days and the sideshows that accompany them,I t, P R F 5, I 0 N S ?
  33. 33. Fig. 17. Hasegawa Settan. Hachinan there are only two couples participating in this lonely spectacle (fig. 18). TheShrine at Fukayawa Tomigaoka, from artist seems to have been more interested in illustrating the part of the inscrip-Record ofAnnUal Events in the Eastern tion that describes the distant views from the summit, which includes mentionMetropolis (Tto saijiki), vol. 3. 18 38. of tie Suruga Fuji itself Possibly Hiroshige I and Hiroshige II both took the lib-Woodblock- printed book. 22.6 x i 5.9 erty of making a visual play between the real Fuji mound and the imitation Fuji,ckn. Hans Thomsen Collection as in figures i and 2. Were the Suruga Fuji actually visible from the Fukagawa Hachiman Mini-Fuji, it is inexplicable that Settan, under the direction of the ubiquitous, indefatigable and positivist Gesshin, neglected to include it. The third Mini-Fuji depicted by Hiroshige in his One Hundred Famous Views ofEdo is this same Fukagawa Tomigaoka Hachiman Shrine (pl. 5/fig. 19). Henry Smith draws attention to the ambiguity in the caption to this print- Fukayawa Hachiman vamabiraki-which he translates "Open Garden at Fukagawa Hachiman Shrine." It could also mean "Mountain Opening at Fukagawa Hachiman," although Smith believes that )yamabiraki (mountain opening) in this case refers to the annual opening to tourists of that shrines famous old garden for a few (lays in the third or fourth month." Hiroshige thus played down the importance of this Fuji mound by depicting it out of season but with a few sightseers climbing it. As if to deemphasize further the gardens connection with Fuji worship, Hiroshige did not include the Suruga Fuji in the background. The Meiji Restoration did not put an end to the Fuji-k6. On the contrary, erection of the mounds seems to have reached a high point in the 189os.16 TA KE U CH I, MAKING MOUNTAINS
  34. 34. Fig. 18. Utagawa Ifiroshige II. But their popularity did not necessarily depend on their religious aspect. TheHuchiman Shrine at tFukagjaia Tmiogaoka, thirty-three-meter Mini-Fuji in Asakusa (fig. 2o), built by an entrepreneur infrom Picture Book o?fEdo Souvenirs (Ehon 18 8 7, stood in the newly created Asakusa Park in the company of musicEdo miooage), vol. 9. j 864. Color halls, a movie theater and other up-to-date entertainments. Although an un-woodblock-printed book. 14.6 x 18.1 generous observer likened it to an apparition of a freshwater snail, fashion-cm. From Asakura I laruhiko, ed., able people flocked to it. It lasted only ten years before a typhoon damaged it"Nihonmeisho.fl-zoku zzzc (Pictorial beyond repair.compendium of the Japanese famous-places genre), vol. 3 (Tok-vo: Kadokawa A simulacrum of a natural landscape exposes underlying social formations.Shoten, 1979), 320 The various protocols assigned to the Mini-Fujis are a case in point. It is time now to put these into sharper focus. Bernard Faure has written that, "The world in miniature is said to call the powers of the macrocosm, which flow into it, fusing with it.", While concentrating the manna of a large sacred form into a smaller one, the process of miniaturization also profoundly alters the nature of the copy: And once meanings are assigned, they slip. This process in turn opens up new areas of discursive meaning. Miniatures, for example, have been equated with the domain of the marginalized, and particularly with women, as Donna Haraway and Susan Stewart argue."s As simulacra the Mini-Fujis, unlike natures more vulner- able original, become, ironically, undefilable sites. They are impervious to the blood pollution of the unclean. The presence of women, old people, the handicapped and the very young-societys more fragile members whose vulnerability may bring ritual pollution to everyone-cannot ad- versely effect the essence of these structures now under human control. IM PRESS IO NS 214 43
  35. 35. The process of substitution has conquered nature. Mini-Fujis are surrogates that receive and deflect defilement. The miniatures transform Fujis "fearful syrtn- metrv" (to borrow Blakes phrase), revealed to the intrepid pilgrim episodicalN; segment by segment on the actual mountain, into something whose totality is immediately ap- A, i prehensible on a human scale. In a mini- pilgrimage to a Mini-Fuji, time and space, ritual and religious "reality" are collapsed. Miniaturization replaces narrative with tab- leau.s" The climber is able to participate and to bear witness at the same time. In hind- sight it seems almost inevitable that phe- nomena like the Asakusa Fuji would come to represent the ultimate conflation of the miniaturize(] pilgrimage with sheer enter- tainment. Hiroshige had a curiously, detached vision of Edos Fuji mounds. Its marked difference from both the literary evidence and the bus- tling air given these sites by other artists suggests that a process of editing and omis- sion was operating. This decidedly reserved point of -iew invites us to contemplate the subjective nature of representation. Hiroshige, a man of minor samurai status, invests most of the panoramic scenes in One hludred Famous Views oJ Edo with an emotional distance and aFig. 19. Utagawa Hiroshige. "Alountain sense of propriety. These qualities pervade his Picture Book ojEdo SouvenirsOpening" at Fukagawa t1achiman Shrinc, as well. It is as if Hiroshige set out to represent a xieNv of the city quietlyfi-om the series One Hundred Tamous Views compatible with the Tokugawa notion of an ideal Confucian order. This,J fEdo. 18 56-58. olor woodcut, oban. detachment distinguishes his later work from earlier scenes such as the36.2 X 23.7 cm approx. Courtesy more lyrical series of 18 34 depicting the Tokaid6 Highway. Perhaps, as heSothebys, London aged, he became more conservative and decorous, as is often the case. Hiroshige was fifty-nine y,ears old (sixty by Japanese count) when he started the set, and he had just taken the tonsure. He may have had the sense that he was coming to the end of his life. He died just two years later, before the set had been completed. It is also possible that Hiroshiges "cool" representation of the Mini-Fujis had to do with the status of the Fuji cults in Edo society. Not everyone viewed this populist religious movement with enthusiasm. Perhaps Hiroshiges samurai sensibility put him in sympathy with the authorities, who saw the Fuji-ko as a social nuisance undesirable in an orderly society.4, It may not be a coincidence that the most severe edict against the cults was issued in 1849, the year before the first volumes of Hiroshiges Picture Book of Edo Souvenirs were published (and seven years before he began One T A K E U C H I MAKINCG MOLI NTAIN,S
  36. 36. Fig. 2o. Ikuei (Kobayashi Eijiro, active Hundred Famous Vieus of Edo). Hiroshige mayx well have considered the ac-i8 Sos). Asakusa Park: The Prosperit, o/ tivities of the Fuji fraternities with the distaste with which a High Episco-4lount Fuji. 1 887. Color 0Woodcut, palian views a televangelist.ohan triptxch. From -U)ji,special isSLC o0Bessatsu Tah,6, no. 44 (wxinter 1983), 90 Are the Mini-Fujis artificial landscapes, topographically mimetic gardens, instruments of devotional praxis, trivializing theme parks or dilutions of a sacred site? The answer is, they may be all of these. Whatever the explana- tion, Hiroshiges presentation of the Fuji mounds offers a nonstandard or alternate perspective on an important Edo-period phenomenon. An ex- amination of his Mini-Fujis demonstrates that while the One Hundred Famous Vieis"ojEdo appears to be objective reportage, it still encodes the artists own subjective vision of his times. E I NI P R E S S I () N 5 " I 4
  37. 37. Notes i. See, for example, the"MOUnit Akan Fuji" no ,anlaku shinko (Histors of the Fuji cult: Fdo and NIount YC(tei, known as the "Fuji of townspeople and mountain worship) (lbkvo: Hokkaido." There is also the "Satsuma Fuji" Mteiclxo, 1983). See also Royall Tvler, "AI would like to thank I lenry D. Smith 1I foir (Mount Kaimon) and the AizuAVakamatsu Glimpse of Mount Fuji in Legend and Cult,"generously sharing his enormous stash of "Little Fuji" in Bandai-Asahi National Park. jonin-nal f the Associon of 7eather, ojuan,po,ise,material on Miii-Fujis gathered over mainy vol. 16, no. 2 (1981), l4o-65, and Henry 1). 2. For a synopsis of Western thinking on thisyears. A special debt of gratitude is expressed Smith 11, Hokusai: One 1-hindred Uems ofAft.Filp issue, see Michael Camille, "Simulacrum," inalso to Julia Meech, the most fiercely riigorous (New York: George Braziller, 1988). Robert S. Nelson and Richard Shift, eds.,editor in history. Thanks are due in addition to Critical Terinsjfo Art Historv (Chicago and i o. For an example of this configuratio(n, seeChristine Guth, Tom Iltare, Caroline Kakizaki, London: Unimersitv of Chicago Press, 1996), lecc, Reflections, fig. 93.SLIsan Matisoff, FLuMiko Miyazaki, David 3 -44.Moernian, Mikiko Nishimura and Suz,an1C i i. See, for example, a set of sutras executedWright. 3. RolfA. SteCin, The IVrld in Aliniature: in ciinabar ink on paper in Nara National Container ("arens and Diiellings in Ihar Eastern Museum, ed., Saon aku shinko no iho (Relics of Rdigions Thlouqht (Stanford: Stanford University mountain cults ) (Nara: Nara National Press, 1990), 24. MuseuC11, 198 5), 110. 43. (Cinnabar is a 4. Mikiko Nishimura, "Circulation oflthe Fuji no substan e considered by Daoists to confMir immortality) It is said that the Buddhist monk hitoona zoshi and Its Influence on the Cult oi1Fuji Matsudai established a temple at the top of during the Medieval Period," seminar paperi Fuji and buried 5,196 sutras there in i, 149,; Stanford Univer-sits, 2 i. This tale, which is Nishimura, "Circulation of the Fuji no Hnoana thought to originate in the late Kaniakura or eailI 1ýshi"," [ 1. Muromachii period, was widely ciiculated during Japans medieval period. Nishimura cites as hei f 2. For KakugyC, see Royall Tyler, "The source Koyama Kamunari, "Fuji I [itoana zoshi "li6kugawa Peace and Popular Religion: Suzuki kenkyuinooto" (Research notes on the luji Shosan, Kakugso Tobutsu, and Jikiý-vo Miroku," Hitoona zoshi), in Rissho daigakU kokugo in Peter Nosco, ed., Confiticianisn0 Tokngaioa and koknbunoakn (March i976 and March i978). The Cuhnmre (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton UniversitA notion that reading a holy text was equivalent to Press, 1984), 1011-9; Martin Collcutt, "Mouilt making an actual pilgiimage was not unique to Fuji as the Realm of IMiroku: The Transfor this work, but a fairly widespread helief. mation of Maitreva in the Cult of Mount Fuji 5. Mikiko Nishimura, "The Popularity of Fuji- in Iarlly Modern Japan," in Alan Sponbeqrg and ko and Its Influence on Image Production I lelen Hardacre, eds., Alonrew:a The Fbuinr during the Later Edo Period," serninar paper, Buddha (Cambridge and London: Cambridge Stanford University, i 3. These replicated huts Unliversity Press, 1988), 2 ý 3-59. were Popular in the Kyoto area but not in Fdo. 13. Carmen Blacker, The Catalpa Boi:A Stwudi ii" For the income generated by the sale of the Shanianistic Practices in Japan (London, Boston, white ritual clothing and xxalking sticks, and by and Sydney: George Allen and Un%xin, 1986), fees charged IOr climbing the mountain, 8 I o 3. Oin ascetic initiation and visionary purification services and lodgings, see and symbolic journeys, see chaps. 9-[ i. Nishimura, "Circulation of the 1-ilp no Hitoana zoshi," 1 3. 14. Martin Collcutt, "Mount Fuji as the Realn of Miroku," 256, citing Aizaxxa Seishisais 6. Jay Appleton, The Svinbolisn of ila,itat:An Shinron of i 825. Interpretation of Landscape in the Arts (Seattle and London: UniversitY of VWashington Press, 1 5. One of the ancient etymologies of Fuji 1990), 15. suggested a mountain of piled-up rice. For infoirmation oni late-Fdo Fuji cults, see FLumiko 7. Although Fuji is dormant, it is not extinct. MiYazaki, "Emperor 0 or1iship and Fujido," 8. See Sherman F. Lee, Rflections of Realm JapaneseJournalof Reliqious SiudiCS, ol 1 7, u0s. (Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art in 2- 3 (June-Sept. 1990), 28 i-314, and cooperation with Indiana Univexisity Press, Mivazaki Fuiniko, " Fuji no bi to shinko saiko 1983), p1. Vi. iiinotoit in no shiten kara" (A reconsideration of Fuji aesthetics and worship from the 9. Some of the key works on Fuji worship viewpoint of the locals), KAN, vol. 2 (surniner include Inobe Shigeo, E-uji no rekishi (Historv of 2000), i24 3i. Fuji), 5 vols. (-likvo: Kokon, 1928-29) and lwashina Koichiro, Eujiko no rekishi: Edo shoinin i t. For more about the conflation of the TAKEUCHI: MAKING MO4 t UNTAINS
  38. 38. deities, see Collcutt, "Mount Fuji as the Realm Stipas, Mandalas: Fetal Buddhahood in from Matsunosuke Nishivarna, Edo Culture:of Miroku," 259 6e, and Miyazaki, "Emperor Shingon," Japanese Journal of Reliqtous Studies, Daibs lije and Diversions at Urban Japan, i6oo-Worship," 287-88. Vol. 24, iios. 1-2 (spring i997), 1-38. s868 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press,17. The mi is written with the ideograph 1997), 80- 91. 25. Stein, The If arld in Miniature, i i o.meaning status, oneself, or ones person; the 33. The list given in Nishiyama, Edo Culture, 26. Helen Hardacre, "The CaVe and theKenkyo-usha dictionarv gives the meaning ofroku 85-87, does not altogether match the one in Womb World," JapaneseJournalof Reliqipousas a fief stipend or ration [of rice]. Jikigyo is the transcription of Rewrd uf Annual Events oj the Studies, vol. io, nos. 2-3 (June-Septemberindicating the link between the physical self Eastern Metropolis in Asakura, Nihon meishofazoiku 1983), 14 9-76, esp. 166-74. Hardacresand the boUnty of rice. Mue,vol. 3, 148. The latter includes: Asakusa article centers on a contemporary Shugendc Jariba, Fukagawa Hachimango, FukagawaiS. Iwashina Koichiro, "Edo shomin no Fuji ceremony of entering a cave at the Oku-no-in Morishitacho Shinmeigei, Teppozu Inari,shinko" (The Fuji worship of Edo commoners), Peak at Mount Omine, Nara Prefecture. Kayacho Tenmangu, Ikenohata Shichikench6,Fuji, special issue of Bessatsu Tag"a, no 44 27. The information in this section was taken Yanagihara Yanagimori Inari, Kanda Myojin(winter 1983), 96. from Henry D. Smith I1, "Fujizuka: The Mini- Yashiro, Kanda Matsushitacho uclo,19. Cornelius Ouwehand, "Fujisan-the Mount Fujis of Tokkyo," Bulletin ofthe Asiatic Koarnichobori Inari, Shitaya Ono TerusakiCentre of a Nation-wide Mountain Cult," Socien, ofJapan, no. 3 (March i986), 2-5, and Myojin, Takanawa Sengakuji/Nyoraiji, HonjoSinssairGazette (October 1984), i 5. some unpublished materials provided by Mutsume and Meguro Gysninzaka. Oddl), Professor Smith; Iwashina Koichiro, "Takata Gesshin does not mention the laMkata Fuji.20. Momoko Takemi, "Menstruation Sutra Fuji," Ashinaka, no. 38 (October 1953), 18-2 8;Belief in Japan," JapaneseJournal cflReligious 34. Nishiyama, Edo Culture, 87. and Iwashina Koichiro, "Tokyo no Fujizuka"Studies, vol. io, nos. 2 3 (983), 235. (The Fuji mounds of Tokyo), Ashinaka, no. i 48 35. See Henrv D. Smith 11s caption to no. 682 1. Iwashina, "Edo shomin no Fuji shinko," 95. (December 1975), i-26. in Hirishise: One Hundred Fanious ie is ofEdo (New York: Braziller, 1986).22. For a reproduction of such a sash, see Fuji, 28. Iwashina, "Takata Fuji," 23.special issue of Bessatsu Toapa, no. +4 (winter 36. Henry D. Smith If, unpublished chart. 29. Smith, "Fujizuka," 3.1983), 76. 37. Bernard Faure, "The Buddhist Icon and 30. f-ianscribed in Asakura Haruhiko, ed., Nihon23. It was not until 1872 that the Meiji the Modern Gaze," Critical hIquir Vol. 24, tneissosuzoku zue (Pictorial conmpendium Of thegovernment lifted this ban, and women were no. 3 (spring i998), 799- Japanese famous-places genre), vol. 3 (Tokyo:allowed all the way to the summit. Miyazaki, Kadoskaxa Shoten, 1979), 3 i o. Since Japanese 38. See Donna Haraway, "A Cvborg Mantifesto:"Fuji no hi," i 26-29, gives an account of the does not diff erentiate between singular and Science, `echMology, and Socialist-Feminism inVarious struggles by women to climb Fuji and plural, the statement "It is unlike the other Fujis" the Late Twentieth Century," in Donnathe strategies employed by the local farmers could also read "It is unlike [the Suruga] Fuji." Harassay, (jvborys, Siunans and lFaien: Theand pilgrimage leaders to keep them out. In Reinvention of Nature (New •oik: Routledge,183 2 the first woman, accompanied b) five 3 1. These items became standard commodities 199 1), i 4 9-8 f. See also the chapter on themen, climbed secretly to the top after the for sale at Fuji shrines. Carried by women with miniature in Susan Stewart, On Longing:official season for climbing had closed. After a children, fans, bags of cancy and straw snakes Narratives ofthe Miniature, the Giqantic, thesufficient number of women had ventured attached to sprigs of bamboo appeai, foi Souvenir, the Collection (Durham, N.C., andbeyond the permitted boundary, local officials example, in a triptych by Utagasa Kunisada London: Duke University Press, 1993), 37 69.erected a sentry station. Many mountain- (1 786--i864), ShoaVer on the lKy Honiefrom thecrashers were apprehended in the years between SixthAfonth Fuji. See JeizO Suzuki and Isaburo 39. Stewart, On Longing, 56.183o and f s50, but many more successfully Oka, ,1asstet,vorks sf Ukivoe: The Decadents 4o. See Smith, "Introduction," Hiroshige: Oneused side routes around the barrier. (Tokyo, Ness York and San Francisco: Kodan- Hundred Iaous n1oieivs, 10. sha International, 1982), figs. 1 3-I 5. I am24. See, for example, the phraseology of the 41. Proscriptions against the cults started grateful to Ellis Tinios for this reference. appearing in public documents beginnino in Japanese Shugendo master S7th-centuryGakuhis, who describes the experience at 32. For example, see nos. 2952, 2953, 2242, 1794. The most serious persecution took placeMount Ominc as "rainai shupao" (womb 2243, 2245-47 and 3330 in Oka Masahiko et in 1849, but it failed to eliminate the cult. Seedevotionalism). Quoted in Blacker, Catalpa Boa-, al., Edo Printed Books at Berkelev (TIokvo: ciYumani, fvashina, "Fdo shomin no Fuji shtnkc," 97,2 12. See also James Sanfsird, "Win]d, NVaters, i99o). The information on Gesshin comes and Mivazaki, "Emperor Worship," 289. I Ni P R E S S 1I N S
  39. 39. COPYRIGHT INFORMATION TITLE: Making Mountains: Mini-Fujis, Edo Popular Religion and Hiroshige’s OneSOURCE: Impressions no24 2002PAGE(S): 25, 10-24, 26-47 WN: 0200109618008The magazine publisher is the copyright holder of this articleand itis reproduced with permission. Further reproduction of this article inviolation of the copyright is prohibited.Copyright 1982-2006 The H.W. Wilson Company. All rights reserved.

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