Presentación Finlandia Contingency... six dias in each handouts

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Presentación de Hannu Simola, catedrático de Sociología y Política de la Educación de la Universidad de Helsinki

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Presentación Finlandia Contingency... six dias in each handouts

  1. 1. Contingecy behind the Finnish PISA Miracle: a Socio-Historical Angle to Belief, Status and Trust Contingencia tras el milagro Finlandés en prueba PISA: un ángulo socio-histórico a la creencia, el estatus y la confianza Hannu Simola University of Helsinki Institute of Behavioural Scineces Sociology and Politics of Education Seminario del Proyecto comparado Chile-Finlandia PASC Auditorium Facultad de Educación UC, Campus San Joaquin UC Vicuña Mackena 4860 Santiago de Chile 1
  2. 2. "The Finnish ‘secret’ of top-ranking may (…) be seen as the curious contingency of traditional and post-traditional tendencies in the context of the modern welfare state and its comprehensive schooling.” Simola, H. 2005. The Finnish miracle of PISA: historical and sociological remarks on teaching and teacher education. Comparative Education, 41(4), 455–470 2
  3. 3. “The major point to know [for understanding the Finnish comprehensive school] is that the new system was indeed comprehensive. This was both a necessity (…) and a chance encounter, a lucky constellation of political, economical and social conditions.” Hautamäki, J., Harjunen, E., Hautamäki, A., Karjalainen, T., Kupiainen, S., Laaksonen, S., et al (Eds.). (2008). PISA06 Finland: analyses, reflections and explanations. Helsinki: Ministry of Education. P. 197 3
  4. 4. 1. Contingency as uncertainty and freedom, coincidence and Spielraum 4
  5. 5. “Age of Contingency” Joas, H. (2004). Morality in an Age of Contingency. Acta Sociologica, 47, 392-399. “A fact is contingent if it is neither necessary nor impossible – something that is but does not have to be.” Ibid. , 394 5
  6. 6. a double meaning: (i) coincidence or conjunction (ii) free will or volition (i) the uncertainty and ambivalence (ii) possibilities and the Spielraum of the actor 6
  7. 7. “(…) social science theory looks for determinate causal relationships, which do not give an adequate account of this thing that ‘everyone knows’. If we take the idea of ‘it happened by chance’ seriously, we need a quite different kind of research and theory than we are accustomed to.” Becker, H. S. (1994). "FOI POR ACASO": Conceptualizing Coincidence. Sociological Quarterly, 35(2), 183-194, p.183) 7
  8. 8. an ability to handle and face the contingent characteristics of reality “the art of playing with the contingency “ Palonen, K., & Parvikko, T. (Eds.). (1993.) Reading the political: exploring the margins of politics. Helsinki: The Finnish Political Science Association, p. 13) 8
  9. 9. “The major point to know [for understanding the Finnish comprehensive school] is that the new system was indeed comprehensive. This was both a necessity (…) and a chance encounter, a lucky constellation of political, economical and social conditions.” Hautamäki, J. et al (Eds.) (2008). PISA06 Finland : analyses, reflections and explanations. Helsinki: Ministry of Education, p. 197) 9
  10. 10. (1) the Finns share a high belief in schooling (2) teaching is highly appreciated as a profession (3) Finnish comprehensive school enjoys rather high trust on the part of the authorities 10
  11. 11. 2. A high belief in schooling 11
  12. 12. Hypothesis 1 The high belief in schooling is an outgrowth from the contingent conjunction of three social changes that were all exceptionally late in Finland: * the late expansion of schooling * the late modernisation of the occupational structure * the late construction of the welfare state. 12
  13. 13. Table 1: The expansion of schooling in Finland 0 100000 200000 300000 400000 500000 600000 700000 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 Elementary school Secondary grammar school Upper secondary school Vocational school University 13 Source: Kivinen 1988; Kivinen, Rinne & Ahola 1989; Kerr forthcoming
  14. 14. 14 Table 2: Two Nordic population cohorts aged 55-64 years with at least an upper-secondary education 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Born in 1937-1946 Born in 1941-1950 Percentage Finland Sweden Norway Denmark Source: Education at a Glance 2002, 37; 2007, 37
  15. 15. Table 3: Chage of working population in agriculural work and industrial and service work in Nordic countries 1880- 1970 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 Percentage Finland Norway Sweden Denmark 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 Persentage Finland Norway Sweden Denmark Agricultural work Industrial and service work Source: Pöntinen 1983
  16. 16. 16 Table 4 The timing and rapidity of the change in occupational structure in three Nordic countries: the period during which the agrarian labour force decreased in proportion from 50 to 15 per cent. (Source: Manninen 1976 & Pöntinen 1982, cit. Karisto et al. 1998, 64)
  17. 17. 17 Table 5: Public employment in Nordic countries 1970-1985 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 1970 1975 1980 1985 Percentage Finland Sweden Norway Denmark Source: Kosonen 1998, 152
  18. 18. 18 Table 6: Growth of the work force of the public sector in the Nordic countries 1963-1987. -2 0 2 4 6 8 10 1963-67 1967-73 1973-79 1979-85 1985-87 Percentage Finland Sweden Norway Denmark Source: Alestalo 1991, 8
  19. 19. This rare conjunction created a strong collective experience of causality between progress in formal education and simultaneous social advancement. Ari Antikainen (1990): the overall rise in student enrolment brought increasing numbers of students from the lower classes, even though their proportion of the total number remained low. This might be "a shared experience among the common people", who also have their own experience of education as a real resource in the rapid transformation of Finnish society, not least as a channel of migration from rural areas and agriculture to the cities in the period of the ‘Great Migration’, 1960- 1975. Antikainen, A. (1990). The Rise and Change of Comprehensive Planning: The Finnish Experience. European Journal of Education, 25(1), 75-82. 19
  20. 20. 3. The high status of comprehensive school teachers 20
  21. 21. 21 Table 7: The percentages of accepted students versus applicants for teacher training and for university education in general in the 2000s. 15 17 6,6 26,2 17,2 17,1 0 10 20 30 40 50 2001 2005 2009 Years Percentage(%) Class teacher education University education in general Source: Kumpulainen & Saari 2005, 10, 12; Kumpulainen 2009, 20, 22; OPH 2009; OPM 2010
  22. 22. Master’s-level qualification required of all teachers The teacher’s career in Finland, even at primary-school level, is no cul-de-sac or second-class honour, but is on a par with all other professions requiring higher university degrees, which on an international level corresponds to the M.A. 22
  23. 23. Hypothesis 2 The Master’s level teacher education was realised due to the coincidence of teacher education reform with the General Degree Reform of Higher Education 23
  24. 24. The 1971 Act on Teacher Education transferred primary-school teaching to the universities but the degree programme was still on a three-year basis and at the Bachelor level, i.e. at the level of a lower university degree. 24
  25. 25. No state-committee or other authoritative texts proposed the elevation of training for primary school teachers to the Master’s level before 1978. On the contrary, a late-stage teacher-education committee headed by an influential professor of education suggested in 1975 that even the four-year degree model should not incorporate Master’s-level studies in education. Simola, H., Kivinen, O. & Rinne, R. (1997). Didactic Closure: Professionalization and Pedagogic Knowledge in Finnish Teacher Education. Teaching and Teacher Education, 13(8), 877—891. 25
  26. 26. The decision was made as part of the General Degree Reform of Higher Education (1977-80) and the thousands of pages of committee reports and memoranda written since the late 1960s by specialists in teacher education were ignored. Simola, H. (1993). Educational Science, the State and Teachers. Forming the corporate regulation of teacher education in Finland. In T. S. Popkewitz (Ed.), Changing patterns of power: Social regulation and teacher education reform in eight countries, 161-210. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Simola, H. (1995). Paljon vartijat. Suomalainen kansanopettaja valtiollisessa kouludiskurssissa 1860-luvulta 1990-luvulle. (The Guards of Plenty. The Finnish school teacher in state educational discourse from the 1860s to the 1990s). Helsinki: University of Helsinki, Department f Teacher Education, Research 137. Pp. 184-185) 26
  27. 27. 4. High-trust culture in comprehensive schooling 27
  28. 28. "The gradual shift toward trusting schools and teachers began in the 1980s, when the major phases of the initial [comprehensive school] reform agenda were completely implemented and consolidated in the education system. In the early 1990s, the era of a trust-based culture formally began in Finland.“ Aho, E., Pitkänen, K., & Sahlberg, P. (2006). Policy development and reform principles of basic and secondary education in Finland since 1968. Washington, D. C.: The World Bank. Pp. 12; 132 28
  29. 29. The school inspectorate, a detailed national curriculum, officially approved teaching materials, weekly timetables based on the subjects taught and a class diary in which the teacher had to record what was taught each hour —all these traditional mechanisms were abandoned in early 1990s. Furthermore, Finland has never had a tradition of nationwide standardised testing at the comprehensive-school level. Simola, H., Rinne, R., & Kivirauma, J. (2002). Abdication of the Education State or Just Shifting Responsibilities? The appearance of a new system of reason in constructing educational governance and social exclusion/inclusion in Finland. Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 46(3), 247-264. 29
  30. 30. Eurydice report (2004): Finnish teachers at comprehensive schools seem to have the greatest freedom from evaluative control among their European colleagues. EURYDICE. 2004. Evaluation of schools providing compulsory education in Europe. European Commission. Directorate-General for Education and Culture. Brussels: Eurydice, European Unit. 30
  31. 31. The aim of the reform in the 1990s was not to free teachers and schools but rather to restructure the steering of education. Traditional means of normative control were to be replaced by evaluation, realised by the municipal and national authorities. Evaluation is a pivotal element in the new steering system since it “replaces the tasks of the old normative steering, control and inspection system” Hirvi, V. (1996). Koulutuksen rytminvaihdos. 1990-luvun koulutuspolitiikka Suomessa [Changing Pace of Education. Education Policy of the1990s in Finland]. Helsinki: Otava. P. 93 31
  32. 32. The recession of 1991–93 heralded the deepest peacetime crisis in Finland’s economy. Without shifting decision-making to the local level the municipalities could not have been required to cut spending as much as they did during the recession. In the thick of the recession the new legislation radically increased local autonomy and strengthened the judicial position of the municipalities. The decentralisation level of educational administration in Finland became one of the highest in Europe Temmes, M., Ahonen, P. and Ojala, T. (2002) Suomen koulutusjärjestelmän hallinnon arviointi [Evaluation of the Finnish education administration] Helsinki: Opetusministeriö. Pp. 129; 92) 32
  33. 33. “One of the most serious institutional issues in our educational system is the unsatisfactory relation between the State and the municipalities. … The decentralisation level of the educational administration in Finland is one of the highest in Europe, according to the information of the OECD.” Temmes, M., Ahonen, P. and Ojala, T. (2002) Suomen koulutusjärjestelmän hallinnon arviointi [Evaluation of the Finnish education administration] Helsinki: Opetusministeriö. Pp. 129; 92) 33
  34. 34. “The evaluation work done has had very small effects at the level of municipalities and schools. Nation-level evaluations have been implemented to a creditable extent, but there is no follow-up on how these evaluations affect the actions of the evaluated and the development of the schools. (…) Many municipalities are at the very beginning in the evaluation of education.” The Finnish Parliamentary Committee for Education and Culture 2002 34
  35. 35. Two competing coalitions in the national QAE field of compulsory schooling: the ME and the NBE the Association of Finnish Local and Regional Authorities (AFLRA) and the Ministry of the Interior, often accompanied by the Ministry of Finance Simola, H. et al (2009) Quality Assurance and Evaluation (QAE) in Finnish Comprehensive Schooling – a national model or just unintended effects of radical decentralisation? Journal of Education Policy 24(2), 163–178 35
  36. 36. One high-ranking NBE official explains his/her feelings: “(…) we have no jurisdiction to touch anything, we have no legislation about it, we have no mechanisms, we have nothing. This, in a nutshell, is our biggest weakness.” Simola et al 2009, 171 36
  37. 37. “The evaluation work done has had very small effects at the level of municipalities and schools. Nation-level evaluations have been implemented to a creditable extent, but there is no follow-up on how these evaluations affect the actions of the evaluated and the development of the schools. (…) Many municipalities are at the very beginning in the evaluation of education.” The Finnish Parliamentary Committee for Education and Culture 2002 37
  38. 38. Hypothesis 3 An intervening conjunction – the deep economic recession and the radical municipal autonomy linked to it – circumvented and extinguished the reform intentions of moving from norm steering to evaluation based goal steering. Ironically enough, this conjunction seemed to create trust and freedom as unintended side-effects. 38
  39. 39. 5. Contingency as freedom and Spielraum 39
  40. 40. Different levels of conjunction. 1. Three historical processes (change in the occupational structure, the expansion of mass education and the construction of the welfare state), which ‘normally’ happen with certain time lags were crammed in Finland into a very short period of time. . 40
  41. 41. 2. Two relatively separate reforms in the different educational sectors (Teacher Education Reform and General Degree Reform in Higher Education) coincided. 3. Two reforms in different policy sectors (comprehensive-school governance and municipal autonomy) were concurrent. What is common to these cases is the fact that these conjunctions were not planned or foreseen by the contemporary actors. 41
  42. 42. The policymakers reacted differently 1. reacted decisively and the late but quick expansion of the education system began. 2. were rather passive and finally agreed to the decision made by the higher decision makers as a part of a bigger reform. 3. did not see any alternatives as long as the decision on municipal autonomy was beyond their jurisdiction. There was certain freedom or Spielraum for the policy actors. 42
  43. 43. 6. Concluding remarks 43
  44. 44. three deep-rooted national beliefs: the belief in schooling as an essential source of welfare, the belief in teachers as rather solid and stable suppliers of this common good, the belief in schools as institutions that deserve a certain autonomy, trust and industrial peace free from trendy quality-assurance and evaluation systems 44
  45. 45. These beliefs have been constructed through historical processes in which both rational actors and coincidental factors have always met, converged and intertwined. 45
  46. 46. “Politics is the art of the possible” Otto von Bismarck Prussian Iron Chancellor “Only the good teams are lucky” Juhani Tamminen, Finnish Ice-hockey Coach 46
  47. 47. Muchas gracias por su atención y esmero 47
  48. 48. 48
  49. 49. 49
  50. 50. 50
  51. 51. 51
  52. 52. Muchas gracias por su atención y esmero 52
  53. 53. Anexo 53
  54. 54. I concluded my historical and sociological remarks on the Finnish PISA success as follows: "The Finnish ‘secret’ of top-ranking may (…) be seen as the curious contingency of traditional and post-traditional tendencies in the context of the modern welfare state and its comprehensive schooling.” Simola, H. 2005. The Finnish miracle of PISA: historical and sociological remarks on teaching and teacher education. Comparative Education, 41(4), 455–470; pp. 465-467 54
  55. 55. “In summary of the socio-historical points made above, first, a somehow archaic, authoritarian but also collective culture prevails, secondly there is some social trust and appreciation of teachers, third, there is a tendency towards political and pedagogical conservativeness among teachers, and finally, teachers are relatively satisfied with and committed to their teaching. (…) there is a certain cultural homogeneity among pupils in most Finnish classrooms. (…) a well-organized and effective special education system (…) To put it simply, it is still possible to teach in the traditional way in Finland because teachers believe in their traditional role and pupils accept their traditional position. Teachers’ beliefs are supported by social trust and their professional academic status, while pupils’ approval is supported by the authoritarian culture and mentality of obedience.” (p. 466) 55
  56. 56. Positively thinking …. “It is tempting to think that at least some of the authority of Finnish teachers is based on their relatively strong professional identity, which enables them to season their traditional teaching with the spice of progress. It is also tempting to think that at least some of the obedience of Finnish students stems from the natural acceptance of authority, and the ethos of respect for teachers.”(p. 466) 56
  57. 57. “In conclusion, two paradoxes are identifiable in the success story of Finnish schooling. First, the model pupil depicted in the strongly future-oriented PISA 2000 study seems to lean largely on the past, or at least the passing world, on the agrarian and pre- industrialized society, on the ethos of obedience and subjection that may be at its strongest in Finland among late modern European societies. This paradox leads to the question of what will happen to teaching and learning in Finnish schools when teachers no longer believe in their traditional mission to be model citizens and transmitters of knowledge, but rather see themselves as facilitators, tutors and mentors. What will happen to teaching and learning in Finnish schools when the pupils no longer accept their position as pupils, but rather ‘climb the walls’, as one urban primary-school principal put it?” (P. 466) 57
  58. 58. “The second paradox is that the politically and pedagogically progressive comprehensive school reform is apparently being implemented in Finland by politically and pedagogically rather conservative teachers. What is more, the outcomes seem to match the aims better than in a few other countries. This paradox raises the question of whether it is possible to move easily from the older authoritarian to an updated neo-authoritarian pedagogy. Given the lack of a real tradition of pupil-centred teaching legitimized by social policy, it might be rather easy to adopt the new economically legitimized pedagogy. Its pivotal elements are dense and clear: distinctive and Finnish schooling and PISA 2000 467 discriminative competition, popular constructivist shifting of the responsibility for learning to the pupil, and all-pervasive assessment and self-evaluation.” (Pp. 466-467) 58
  59. 59. On contingency “A fact is contingent if it is neither necessary nor impossible – something that is but does not have to be. I think this definition is useful because it makes clear at the outset that the best way to understand the meaning of contingency is to see it as a counter- notion to another idea, namely ‘necessity’. Thus the precise meaning of the term ‘contingency’ depends on the precise meaning of the term ‘necessity’ that it presupposes. If ‘necessity’ referred, as in pre-modern philosophy, to the idea of a ‘well- ordered cosmos’, ‘contingency’ referred to the incompleteness and imperfection of the merely sensual and material world on the one hand, and to the liberty and creativity of God’s unrestrained will on the other.” (Joas 2004, 394) 59
  60. 60. The law on publication of evaluation results The providers of basic education (mainly the municipalities) are obligated to evaluate the education they provide and to submit to external evaluations of their operations. Moreover, as a common but vaguely articulated norm, the results should be public: “The main results of evaluations shall be published” (Law 628/1998, §21). Simola, H. et al (2009) Quality Assurance and Evaluation (QAE) in Finnish Comprehensive Schooling – a national model or just unintended effects of radical decentralisation? Journal of Education Policy 24(2), 163–178 60
  61. 61. Sample-based studies One of our interviewees (#10) suggested that it was, at least partly, because of the pressure from the Education Committee of the Confederation of Finnish Industries and Employers (CIE) to introduce national testing that the NBE in 1994 launched a series of thematic sample-based studies as an alternative to the national testing scheme. The person in charge of those studies describes them as follows: “Since 1994, large national assessment projects have been carried out, suitable for use in fine-tuning the assessment methodology. The national learning result assessment system has become a central way of producing data on the effectiveness of operations. Wide-ranging evaluations of the state of education have made use of large-scale surveys, statistical data, interviews and statements given by professionals.” (Jakku-Sihvonen 2002, 3) 61
  62. 62. Anti-rankining consensus 1 (…) practically no education official or politician has supported the provision of ranking lists or making schools transparent in competition by comparing them in terms of average performance indicators. The Education Committee of the Confederation of Finnish Industries and Employers (CIE) has been virtually the only body to openly back English-type league tables and national testing4 (CIE 1990; 1991). The Standing Committee for Education and Culture of the Parliament of Finland stated first in 1998 and then again in 2004: “The publicity concerns only the main results of evaluations. The purpose of the new Basic Education Act is not to publish information directly linked to an individual school or teacher. Publishing the evaluation results cannot in any case lead to the ranking of schools or the categorisation of schools, teachers or pupils as weak or good on unfair grounds.” (CEC 1998) 62
  63. 63. Supreme Administrative Court decision This stand against educational league tables was tested in court in two separate appeals in 2000 and 2003 in the two big cities of Turku and Vantaa, which were made to the regional administrative courts following the municipal education authorities’ decisions not to publish school- specific information on comprehensive schools. In both cases, the focus of the appeal was on school-specific performance indicators that, it was argued, parents needed in order to make their school-choice decisions. In its final decision in 2005 the Supreme Administrative Court ordered the municipal educational authority to hand over the school-specific evaluation results to the appealing party. 63
  64. 64. Anti-ranking consensus 2 Despite the 2005 court order, however, the Finnish media have so far only published school-specific evaluation results of the Vantaa case. The silence here is very meaningful, and probably says something about the Finnish ethos concerning league tables and schoolspecific evaluation results in general. Informally, we learned that the municipalities were in strong agreement not to evaluate schools in such a way that the results could be used to produce ranking lists. 64
  65. 65. Teachers union A significant side effect of the comprehensive-school reform was the amalgamation of the two existing teachers' unions into the Trade Union of Education in Finland (OAJ) in 1973. OAJ has become the strongest union in the important "umbrella organization" AKAVA, which includes all the unions of the academic professions. OAJ members are engaged in early-childhood education, basic education, upper-secondary-school teaching, vocational training, polytechnic-level teaching, basic art education, vocational adult education as well as university teaching. Over 95% of Finnish teachers are members of an organised trade union. On the international level, OAJ could be considered one of the strongest teachers’ unions in the world. An exceptional feature here, moreover, is that the majority of its members are comprehensive-school teachers. Some researchers are of the opinion that no important educational decision has been made without collaboration with OAJ since the late 1970s. The Finnish teachers’ union seems to hold a certain veto power over Finnish educational policy, and this has had and still has a strong effect, especially on Finnish comprehensive-school policy. Simola, H. et al (2009) Quality Assurance and Evaluation (QAE) in Finnish Comprehensive Schooling – a national model or just unintended effects of radical decentralisation? Journal of Education Policy 24(2), 163–178 65
  66. 66. Historical reasons for belief in schooling There has been given various reasons for the durability of that belief. Both the educational authorities and the political parties have strongly committed themselves to the aim of educational equality. Further, the educational administration and its staff were moulded in the "golden age" of equal opportunity policy. And, finally, besides the traditional social democratic thinking regarding equality, there has been a strong rural tradition since the 19th century that regarded education as an important channel for upward mobility in society. (Simola 1993) 66
  67. 67. A Finnish sociologist of education, Ari Antikainen (1990), offers two more explanations. First, the overall rise in student enrolments has included an increasing number of students from lower classes, even though their proportion in the total number remains low. This might be "a shared experience among the common people" while they also have their own experience of education as a real resource in the rapid transformation of Finnish society, not least as a channel of migration from rural areas and from agriculture to the cities in the period of the "Great Migration", 1960-1975. The second reason might be found in the favourable coincidence of economic and technological development. As the growth of the industrial sector continued in Finland into the late '70s, the criticism of public education that had emerged in many industrial countries did not exist. Economic growth was extremely good in the 1980s and a vision of the "information society," which contributed to the expansion of education, was adopted as a formal basis for technology policy. “67
  68. 68. In 1945, 70% of the Finnish population lived in rural areas, and nearly 60% were employed in agriculture and forestry. Following the great migration in the 1960s, by 1970 half lived in the cities and 32% were employed in industry and construction (cf. e.g. Alapuro et al., 1987). 68
  69. 69. “Polity and policy refer to attempts to regiment (polity) or to regulate (policy) the contingency characteristic of politics as action. As opposed to them, politicization refers to opening new aspects of contingency in the situation and thus expanding the presence of the political in it. Politicking may be interpreted as the art of playing with the contingency, using it both as an inescapable moment of the situation to be considered in any case and as an instrument against opponents less ready to tolerate or make use of the presence of the contingency.” (Palonen 1993, 13) 69
  70. 70. “If I have to characterize my work in a couple of words, that is, as is often done these days, to apply a label to it, I would talk of constructivist structuralism or of structuralist constructivism, taking the word structuralist in a sense different from that given to it by the Saussurean or Lévi-Straussian tradition. By structuralism or structuralist, I mean that there exist, in the social world itself, and not merely in symbolic systems, language, myth, etc., objective structures which are independent of the consciousness and desires of agents and are capable of guiding or constraining their practices or their representations. By constructivism, I mean there is a social genesis on the one hand of the patterns of perceptions, thought and action which are constitutive of what I call the habitus, and on the other hand of social structures, and in particular of what I call fields and groups, especially of what are usually called social classes. “ 70
  71. 71. Bourdieu P. (1990) In other words. Essays towards a reflexive sociology. P. 123. Stanford: Stanford University Press. 71

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