1
Master Program in Development Studies
Faculty of Social Science, Chiang Mai University
Discourse of Vietnam Forest Land ...
2
Discourse of Vietnam Forest Land Policy and Local Livelihood Strategy:
A Case Study of Shifting Cultivation
1. Introduct...
3
blamed for forest reduction and soil degradation; it is also commonly denigrated as
backward, wasteful, and destructive,...
4
example, looks at it as turning nature into capital. This is what Escobar, 1995 claimed in
the chapter named “Power and ...
5
In addition, it is not only the policy toward shifting cultivation but also the policy
in land tenure and land security....
6
Apart from these policies, Vietnam also has the Forest Land Allocation (FLA)
policy that creates many conflicts regardin...
7
destruction. The government‟s aim is to promote cash agriculture in the highlands,
therefore prohibiting what they call ...
8
accessing them. The controversy and conflict arises because legal access clashes with the
traditional customs in land te...
9
in terms of equity, democracy, poverty reduction and resource conservation have been
questioned. It may be doubted wheth...
10
knowledge space was first introduced to social sciences by Turnbull in 1997. He began
by recognizing that knowledge pro...
11
becomes again forest (Anan, 2008). Agricultural fields are used to grow commercial
crops as well as subsistence crops. ...
12
of livelihood is regulated by the activities, the assets and the access that jointly define the
living.
Most ethnic min...
13
Although multiple of negotiation forms have already used, there haven‟t benefited
in some contexts due to the term of s...
14
cannot see the potential in their strategies, how can they believe it. It means that they
have to combine indigenous kn...
15
5. Conclusion
The government discourse claims that swidden farming was an excellent form of
agriculture for Vietnam‟s u...
16
traditional cultivation. Some of them changed their livelihood to commercial crop but
they fail to do it because many p...
17
REFERENCES
Adams, Bill
1993 “Sustainable Development and the Greening of Development
Theory”, (From Schuurman)
Adams, B...
18
1994 “Shifting Cultivation in Vietnam: its social, economic and
environmental values relative to alternative land use”,...
19
2005 “The Power of Everyday Politics: How Vietnamese Peasants
Transformed National Policy”, Ithaca, N.Y, Cornell Univer...
20
2002 “Land policy and issues of forest resource management based on
the community”, Sustainable development of Vietnam
...
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Discourse of Vietnam Forest Land Policy and Local Livelihood Strategy: A Case Study of Shifting Cultivation

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Discourse of Vietnam Forest Land Policy and Local Livelihood Strategy: A Case Study of Shifting Cultivation

  1. 1. 1 Master Program in Development Studies Faculty of Social Science, Chiang Mai University Discourse of Vietnam Forest Land Policy and Local Livelihood Strategy: A Case Study of Shifting Cultivation By Hoang Hao Tra My 560435804 Submitted To Professor Dr. Anan Ganjanapan Associate Professor Dr. Jamaree Chiangthong Assistant Professor Dr. Chusak Wittayaphak Assistant Professor Dr. Pinkaew Luangaramsri Dr. Mukdawan Sakboon This Term Paper is a Partial Fulfillment for A Course on Development Theories First Semester of 2013
  2. 2. 2 Discourse of Vietnam Forest Land Policy and Local Livelihood Strategy: A Case Study of Shifting Cultivation 1. Introduction The land is a key factor of the manufacturing process, both a material condition and a domain of labor in the agro-forestry. The forest is also another important element on the land background. It has economical as well as aesthetic and emotional value (“the cradle of humankind”), it is also the lungs of the planet and the habitat for many species. In recent years, decentralization of natural resources management, such as forest and land management has become a global trend (Yasmi and Guernier, 2008), and forest resources have changed, both quantitatively and qualitatively, due to unreasonable policies of forestry land use and other factors. Vietnam has gone through various land policy reforms during the past five to six decades, the outcome of a dynamic interaction between the state and communities in trying to (re)negotiate the meaning of „land‟, „land use‟, „land access‟, „resource control‟, and „farm and forest productivity and sustainability‟. These negotiations, from the period of revolutionary collectivization campaign onwards, were not smooth but marked by conflict between key actors, the state and the peasantry (Kerkvlie, 2005; Saturnino, 2008). As a result, forest land has become the subject of major land policy reforms beginning with the 1993 Land Law. Moreover, in many upland areas of Vietnam, most ethnic minorities‟ relationship with their land and resources is deeply intertwined with their customs, culture, and political practices; it is the expression of their social wholeness. In their view, living, working and nurturing the land with full control and tenurial security is a key to wholesome living and surviving as a people (Luong Thi Truong and Orlando M. G.). Shifting cultivation is one of their traditional cultivating methods that has been much
  3. 3. 3 blamed for forest reduction and soil degradation; it is also commonly denigrated as backward, wasteful, and destructive, not as a sustainable cultivation system. This assessment has been criticized as inaccurate and unfair (Tran Duc Vien and collaborators, 2007), since it results to insufficient land for the ethnic minorities in mountainous areas, leaving them unable to equally access the natural resources. Deforestation can be said to result from many causes including the rapid development of infrastructure and, in particular, road construction, from the management of Forest Land Allocation, in which state policies regulate forests and forest products as „national assets‟ owned by the state (Tran Duc Vien, 2002), and also from the change of land use (Yurdi, Kelley and Enters, 2011). It is not clear, however, whether shifting cultivation is indeed a cause of deforestation, taken into account that it exists for a long time, supporting indigenous people to live harmoniously with the nature and the forest. Therefore, in this paper I would like to clarify the controversies arising due to the Forestry Land Policy in Vietnam, blaming shifting cultivation as a deforestation cause. I will comment on the dominating discourse about shifting cultivation used by the Vietnam Forest Land policy. I will also use the concept of access to land, to illustrate some relevant problems in the Vietnam case. And then, I will point out that shifting cultivation may indeed be a case of sustainable cultivation, highly important to local communities as a livelihood strategy by using concept of knowledge space and negotiating livelihood strategies. 2. Discourse of Shifting Cultivation and Conflict of Access to Land 2.1.Discourse of Shifting Cultivation The phrase „Sustainable Development‟ has been discussed since the 1980s, widespread in the reports of international consultancies and the agencies that employed them by the end of this decade (Rich, 1991). It has been looked at in a variety of ways. No two individuals or agencies understand it similarly. Vietnam Forest policy, for
  4. 4. 4 example, looks at it as turning nature into capital. This is what Escobar, 1995 claimed in the chapter named “Power and Visibility: Tale of peasants, Women and the Environment”. The government‟s chosen policy is to establish national parks or protected areas and then declare them as the best way to conserve nature and natural resources, punishing anyone collecting forest products. The government and other powerful agencies have their own particular worldview, and through the use of language they create a negative image of shifting cultivation in order to serve their dominating purposes. As Mills, 2003 pointed out from in his chapter “Discourse” about Foucault view‟s, the distinction between true and false is a power relation: the ones who are being regarded as “experts” have the right to the truth, whereas the rest who possess no power are denied this right. In the case at hand, the government claims that shifting cultivation causes deforestation, therefore it should be banned; the local communities who have no power are being disregarded when declaring shifting cultivation as their traditional culture that has been implemented sustainably for a long time. As Foucault pointed out, the combination between power and knowledge shapes the truth. The language chosen by the government influences the thinking of citizens in order to adopt the government worldview (Mills, 2003). The Government has the power and therefore entertains only the knowledge and ideas of its choice. Through the use of language it shapes the thought of citizens to smear shifting cultivation as a detrimental practice. This is a case of power trumping indigenous knowledge. According to Tran Duc Vien (2002), Vietnam Forest Land policy points out five main targets in which the third and fourth ones are “sedentarize shifting cultivators” and "prevent shifting cultivation”. This is a policy that looks at shifting cultivation as a detrimental practice which should be banned around the country. It is a case where the goals of forest land management does not adhere to local people‟s livelihoods
  5. 5. 5 In addition, it is not only the policy toward shifting cultivation but also the policy in land tenure and land security. In Vietnam, forest land is managed by the state and by industrial-agricultural-forestry enterprise associations. State policies regulate forests and their products as „national assets‟, owned by the state. Therefore, local people do not have rights to manage and use either forestland or forest products (Luong Thi Truong and Orlando M. G). Moreover, the broader legal framework of Vietnam‟s land legislation does not pay explicit attention to ethnic minorities‟ particular relationship to land. The general land policy is to allocate agricultural and forest land to individuals and organizations for long-term use. There is still a lot of confusion among many ethnic minorities about land certificates and what they are, since much of their traditional land was never officially allocated to them. In some cases, minorities have unwittingly sold their land-use rights to speculators (McElwee, 2004). We can imagine the situation of local people with no land security. They have no rights to access their land and they cannot control it. They are the ones to suffer the most from the problems that arise. Government statistics claims that anywhere from 25 percent to 75 percent of the deforestation in Vietnam was due to swiddening (Hoang Xuan Ty, 1994 cited in McElwee, 2004). Therefore, the government established national parks for conservation purposes. This may sound as a benign task but is frequently done at the expense of forest- dwelling communities who are forced to vacate their lands in the name of conservation. Falling back on familiar critiques of swidden agriculture and unsustainable practices, the Department of Foresty tries to have these people resettled outside of the park boundaries, disregarding the fact that they have occupied these lands for centuries and made use of them in sustainable ways (Ducan b, 2004). They remove all local users from potential parks, claiming as reforestation area the place where people use for shifting cultivation (Anan, 2008), in order to attract greater international funding through the park rankings of the International Union for Conservation of Nature
  6. 6. 6 Apart from these policies, Vietnam also has the Forest Land Allocation (FLA) policy that creates many conflicts regarding the use of land. The first thing is the total swidden area mountainous areas decreased after FLA. The decrease in swidden area was accompanied by the shortening of the fallow period and a decrease in swidden fields and the associated decreased rice production has led to food insecurity in mountainous areas. Another thing is that the local people cannot access these programs because of insufficient forestry land. Only households who have been allocated a sufficient land area without any ownership dispute can participate in this kind of programs such as project 327, project 661, material forestation project etc. However, the forest land is always in disput. Therefore, in many instances, local communities and indigenous peoples suffer the most when such conflicts play out (Yurdi, Kelley, and Enters, 2011). In addition, some academics argue that commercial agriculture is more advanced than shifting cultivation simply because it is based on scientific knowledge. This idea can be seen as a form of monopolization of knowledge because it excludes other kinds of knowledge (Anan, 2008). Under the influence of such discourse, in an effort to integrate local people into the market economy, swiddeners and forest-dwelling foragers are encouraged to become cash-crop producers growing rubber, coffee, or tee for national and regional markets (Ducan a, 2004). The Government aims to modernize indigenous minorities, to carry them from their „tradition-bound‟ local worlds into national and regional networks. Swiddeners have even been regarded as not only unproductive farmers but as a threat to biodiversity and the ecosystem. Groups that prefer to maintain a swidden based subsistence economy are frowned upon, and the government seeks to replace their productive systems with plantations or wet rice agriculture, or utilize the natural resources of the area for mining or timber extraction. On the other hand, officials close their eyes to the intensive large-scale agriculture that takes place in the area (Anan, 2008). This can be called the stigmatization of shifting cultivation versus cash agriculture by blaming the former as the main cause of forest
  7. 7. 7 destruction. The government‟s aim is to promote cash agriculture in the highlands, therefore prohibiting what they call “slash-and-burn cultivation” there (Anan and Mahawitthayalai 2004, cited in Anan, 2008). But it may well be a fact that the high lands are often not suitable for permanent cultivation, no matter the inputs the state provides (McElwee, 2004), much better suited for the traditional shifting cultivation, which, in the eyes of the government, does not produce ample economic profit. The issue of shifting cultivation has been controversial up to now. The government has formed an image about its consequences without thoroughly researching it. They want to transform swidden land to cash agriculture because of the perceived economic benefits. In this way, they disregard the livelihood of local people and whether they can adopt to the new kind of cultivation, or whether the mountainous characteristics can be used for crop agriculture. The controversy is still going on. 2.2.Conflict Pertaining to Land Access The term access is frequently used by property and natural resource analysts without adequate definition. In this paper I will use a concept of access as distinct from property; we may define the former as: “the ability to derive benefits from things”, and the later as: “the right to benefit from things”. Following this definition, access is more akin to “a bundle of powers or abilities” than to property's notion of a “bundle of rights”. It includes a wider range of social relationships that constrain or enable benefits from resource use than property relations alone (Ribot and Peluso, 2003). In the case of shifting cultivation, local people cannot access the land because they have no power acknowledged by the government policy. Guha and Marinez-Alier argue in Poverty and Environment: A Critique of the Conventional Wisdom that some structures impoverish people by denying them the choice to exploit natural resources or
  8. 8. 8 accessing them. The controversy and conflict arises because legal access clashes with the traditional customs in land tenure security (Anan, 2000) When the land law was revised in 1993, it was believed that issuing longer-term lease rights for households to use forest land would result in gains in productivity. This has not proved to be the case, however, the changes in land tenure, particularly in upland areas, continue to be plagued with problems, such as land consolidation into fewer and fewer households, unequal access to land for minorities, and some violent conflicts over disputed lands (ADB, 2000, cited in McElwee, 2004). Although the government has in place a forest land management policy, conflicts still occur. There are many problems for forest land use conflicts; one of them is problems with inappropriate land use planning-social conflicts (Nguyen The Chien, 2011). The Government has livelihood support programs for local communities, however the local people cannot access to these program because of insufficient forestry land. In addition, no land tenure reform has been implemented in the highlands. The government simply allows commercial agriculture to occur in the highlands and at the same time tries to exclude or take away land from shifting cultivation. There is clearly a competition for forest lands. As a result, ethnic people have been marginalized and displaced. What is happening in the highland can be seen as a problem of tenure insecurity. As I pointed out before, the Government puts up effort into transforming shifting cultivation to cash agriculture, or prevent it by the use of conservation areas. Local people cannot raise their voice to protect themselves and have no legal rights and certificates to access their land. This causes many conflicts. People cannot leave their traditional cultivation, and cash agriculture may be difficult to adapt to slop environment as some scientists demonstrated (Tran Duc Vien, 2005). The real impacts on the ground
  9. 9. 9 in terms of equity, democracy, poverty reduction and resource conservation have been questioned. It may be doubted whether forest land governance promotes equity and democratic land management at the local level. Yet there are two key issues with current land policy from the perspective of ethnic minority people living in remote areas: First, much of the land important to them has been classified as forestland, even though they have used it for cultivation and livestock husbandry for a long time. This has caused severe economic hardship to ethnic minorities and has led to serious conflicts between forest protection officers and local villagers. Vietnam‟s land legislation is thus in stark contrast with the recognition of indigenous notions of landownership in the Philippines‟ IPRA (Luong Thi Truong and Orlando M. G.), declaring that land is a key resource for IPs‟ economic and cultural development. Second, Vietnam‟s land legislation continues to ignore the role of communities in land governance, which is of particular concern in many ethnic minority villages. Although the 2004 revised Land Law allows land allocation to communities, they still do not possess any formal governance powers over land. They can receive collective land certificates, but they cannot make decisions about the use and assignment of land within communities. This runs directly counter to the customary role of community-based institutions in land governance, a tradition to many ethnic minority villages. 3. Multiplicity of Shifting Cultivation as Knowledge Space In this past, I will use concept of multiplicity and knowledge space to demonstrate the important role of shifting cultivation not only in their livelihood but also in forest and biodiversity. Multiplicity means multiple scales, multiplicity of issues which is the issue of livelihood, knowledge, culture and so on. Shifting cultivation is not only a means for survival, it also carries many more meanings. Space, according to Henry Lefebvre, referring to physical, mental and social space, is a social product. The concept of
  10. 10. 10 knowledge space was first introduced to social sciences by Turnbull in 1997. He began by recognizing that knowledge production is a social activity as well as a social history of space (Anan, 2008). Concept space means how the same concept can be applicable to different situation and it include both the places of knowledge and of power production in the sense that they are contested spaces associated with complex social relations (Anan, 2008). In Vietnam there are two main types of shifting cultivation: pioneer shifting cultivation, making full use of soil fertility and then abandoning the land without further use, and rotational shifting cultivation, with a fallowing period of usually 10-15 years, depending on the conditions (Do Dinh Sam, 1994). The former is mainly practiced by the H‟Mong people living in high altitudes. To practice this type of shifting cultivation, the people usually have to travel a great distance (about 70-80 km), even moving to another province or to wherever accessible forests are available. For example, the H‟Mong in Talacao, Tua Chua district (Lai Chau province) have moved an entire hamlet 70 km to its present location. Most of the ethnic groups practice rotational shifting cultivation. Moreover, there is a diversity of shifting patterns as adaptive strategies. People do not use the fields only for producing rice. For example, they mix into the shifting fields different kinds of agricultural crops. They grow vegetables to sell to the market as well as subsistence crops. They use their knowledge variably, applying it to new situations to maintain their livelihood, still protecting the forest. As a matter of fact, the issue of shifting cultivation is quite complex. It is not a modern issue: native dwellers in tropical rainforests have used variations of this system for hundreds if not thousands of years. A goal of today's rotational farmers is to assure that cultivation will be as sustainable as that used by the native forest dwellers (Brady, 1996). Permanent rice fields exist in the lowlands, but in the highlands people move around. A particular piece of land may be an agricultural field, and in the future in
  11. 11. 11 becomes again forest (Anan, 2008). Agricultural fields are used to grow commercial crops as well as subsistence crops. This has been the traditional cultivation for a long time. Moreover, shifting cultivation plays an important role in the livelihood of peoples. Since the implementation of the ban on shifting cultivation, the government only allows people to practice it under 25 degrees of sloping lands. When this type of land is used for crops, it loses its fertility. Therefore, some people in some studied sites changed from upland rice and cassava cultivation to cash crops such as Acacia sp., cinnamon or Rubber trees (Hong,T.T.T and L.V.An, 2009). It can be said that the ethnic minorities‟ relationship with their land and resources is deeply intertwined with their customs, culture, and political practices; it is the expression of their social wholeness (Tran Duc Vien, 2005). Each area has its own kind of shifting cultivation. Shifting culvation in Viet Nam has a little bit different with shifting cultivation in Thailand, and in Vietnam, the North‟s kind will differentiate with the South‟s kind of shifting cultivation because each area has their own space and culture. It means that their knowledge will be change to adapt to this environment. The last but most important, people can negotiate by generate new knowledge space to prove that local communities do not destroy forest with no reason, in addition, Shifting Cultivation also converse forest and maintain their livelihood. 4. Negotiating Livelihood Strategy of Shifting Cultivation as a Sustainable Development System Swiddeners should use their knowledge to protect their traditional cultivation, as well as their livelihood, from the impact of Forest Land policy and its discourse on shifting cultivation. Local people have their own livelihood strategies through which they perceive and learn the environment, ecology and society; these are improved by the inter- relationships between humans, and between humans and nature. Therefore, the meaning
  12. 12. 12 of livelihood is regulated by the activities, the assets and the access that jointly define the living. Most ethnic minorities in Vietnam such as the Vietnamese-Thai, Tay, Nung, Hmong, Muong and Dao have a special relationship with the land, the elements of nature and the animals. This relationship goes beyond mere economic interests to cultural and spiritual connections to the places they have inhabited for generations. They have been transmitted and nurtured from generation to generation; ethnic minorities still believe that “land is sacred and land is life”. The expression of this sacredness is the worship of deities and spirits within the land and its resources that provide the essence of their existence. The question here is that without land security and ownership, local people cannot live sustainably. Their relationship with their land and resources is deeply intertwined with their customs, culture, and political practices. In their view, living, working and nurturing the land with full control and tenurial security is a key to living fully and surviving as a people (Luong Thi Truong and Orlando M. G). Sustainable livelihood security which refers to secure ownership and the rights to access to resources and income-earning activities, including reserves and assets to offset risk, ease shocks and meet contingencies. A household can have their own secure livelihood whenever they have their own ownership and they can control their land. Livelihoods can be conceptualized as negotiate space used by local people to gain power to manage and control natural resources. They can struggle to get power and the rights to control their land, in this case they can use their multiplicity of knowledge in natural resources management. They can maintain both conservation and livelihood with their knowledge space.
  13. 13. 13 Although multiple of negotiation forms have already used, there haven‟t benefited in some contexts due to the term of social life is dominated by development policy which expresses the relationship between the economic, political, cultural and social dimensions. Therefore, to construct better livelihoods, people could have a choice of the assets and resources they have access to, for after that they have a choice of strategies. (DFID, 2001). For instance, the emphasis on this spatial dimension of knowledge opens up the possibility of seeing knowledge more clearly as practices by knowledge producers. The practices, especially through social strategies of negotiation, allow knowledge producers to create spaces that can generate new knowledge from heterogeneous and isolated knowledge (Turnbull 1997: 553). They can regenerate their knowledge and negotiate for their livelihood strategies. They have to negotiate for better livelihood strategies under a new situation and the concept of knowledge space can help them better understand how they may negotiate and the concept of knowledge space is also useful for understanding the multiplicity of shifting cultivation (Anan, 2008). I believe that knowledge space should be seen as a strategic package of contestation and negotiation. They do not alone. It is based on a kind of multiple reasoning or mixing of different kinds of knowledge. They have to negotiate with different kinds of knowledge situated in a variety of places. Through their engagement in social forestry, people can generate different kinds of knowledge space in the community forestry movement in order to negotiate with the government. In addition, in order to negotiate for their livelihood strategies, they have to extend their networks and their social capital. According to DFID, 2001, a livelihood of each household depends on five types of capital: natural capital, human capital, financial capital, physical capital and social capital. They have to strengthen their capital if they want to negotiate with the Government. What capital they have and whether it is sustainable or not? Because the state and other powerful agencies with their own interests, approaches, language and styles generate discourse and meaning in development which is intended at serving their purpose of power, so that the Government
  14. 14. 14 cannot see the potential in their strategies, how can they believe it. It means that they have to combine indigenous knowledge with scientific knowledge to reveal their belief in front of Government (Hirsch and Wyatt, 2004). In addition, in the pressure of global market, it is no doubt that the Government want to transform form swidden land to cash agriculture. Therefore, as with all types of farming, the diverse methods of swidden agriculture have to be shaped by the natural and socio-economic conditions of a given region in order to generate new knowledge to adapt to the new situation (Tran Duc Vien and collaborators, 2007). Put it in another word, shifting cultivation have to demonstrate their sustainable in economic, social, and environment perspective. In economic perspective, shifting cultivation provide food and livelihood for local people. In terms of social perspective, shifting cultivation can be seen as a traditional cultivation system, associated with the people from generation to generation. Shifting cultivation can be seen as an age-old outcome of history, and is linked with the cultural and spiritual life of a number of ethnic groups. For example, for the ethnic groups in the Central Highlands the rice harvesting time (from slash-and-burn areas) is celebrated as a festival in the community. People customarily make offerings and worship before bringing in the crops, and in many places there is a habit of making ceremonies to welcome the rice from the field. With regards to environmental perspective, rotation cultivation maintains the quality of land and regenerates the forest. Local People usually associate development and conservation with making money. Thus, conservation is also linked to the negotiation for livelihood resources in the forest. To sum up, local people can negotiate for their livelihood strategies and struggle to get access to resources by apply knowledge space flexible.
  15. 15. 15 5. Conclusion The government discourse claims that swidden farming was an excellent form of agriculture for Vietnam‟s uplands when population density was low and forest cover was high, however, today, the growing population pressure in the uplands and with the reduction of forest cover have gradually reduced fallow periods from 15-20 years to only 4-5 years. Loss of forest and soil fertility, along with erosion--factors that rapidly reduce crop productivity--are inevitable consequences of swidden agriculture when the fallow period is so reduced (to only two or three years in some localities). Thus the government discourse claims. Swidden farmers find it difficult, day by day, to meet their families‟ food requirements, yet many must continue this practice in order to survive. It is no doubt that there are outside reason for this consequence (Tran Duc Vien and collaborators, 2007). There is a fact that the government policy puts conservation perspective in the top and claims shifting cultivation is a detrimental practice, but it overlooks other aspect of shifting cultivation as a form of culture, traditional knowledge and mountainous people livelihood strategy. It has been used as a sustainable traditional system in the past. My opinion is that the government policy unconsciously puts pressure on this kind of cultivation due to commercial market. The state uses its power to decide what is right and what is wrong. Thus, it creates many problems to local society and government. In my opinion, the land tenure insecurity creates a lot of impacts to traditional cultivation, land rights, and resources. The local people cannot legally access their resources and land, they have to do it through ways that are deemed “illegal”. It is no doubt that there has occurred the negotiation of local people to state and capitalists for getting their power relation by several ways, because the land and resources is alike their life, they have used for their
  16. 16. 16 traditional cultivation. Some of them changed their livelihood to commercial crop but they fail to do it because many problems and they just can do shifting cultivation. In my opinion, this problem is very serious nowadays not only in Vietnam, but also in many Southeast Asian countries. Therefore, it requires a joint effort among stakeholders to set a better policy in which local people can raise their voice as legitimate participators. In this situation, local people will be active to negotiate for their own benefits as well as advance shifting cultivation as a practice which is not detrimental to the forests.
  17. 17. 17 REFERENCES Adams, Bill 1993 “Sustainable Development and the Greening of Development Theory”, (From Schuurman) Adams, B and Schuurman, FJ 1993. “Sustainable Development and the Greening of Development Theory”, Zed books. p 207-223. Anan Ganjanapan 2000 “Local Control of Land and Forest: Cultural Dimensions of Resources Management in Northern Thailand”. RCSD, Chiang Mai University. Anan Ganjanapan. 2008 “Multiplicity of Community Forestry as Knowledge Space in the Northern Thai Highlands”, Working Paper Series No. 35, Afrasian Center for Peace and Development Studies, Ryukoku University, Kyoto, Japan. Escobar, Artuco 1995 “Power and Visibility: Tales of Peasants, Women and the Environment”, in Encountering Development: the Making and Unmaking of the Third world, New Jersey and West Sussex: Princeton University Press. Brady, N. C 1996 “Alternative to slash and burn: a global imperative‟. Agriculture Ecosystems and environment 58: 3-11. Department for International Development (DFID) 2001 “Sustainable livelihoods guidance sheets”, British government. Do Dinh Sam
  18. 18. 18 1994 “Shifting Cultivation in Vietnam: its social, economic and environmental values relative to alternative land use”, Forest Science Institute of Vietnam, Ha Noi. Ducan, Chistopher.R 2004 a “Legislating Modernity among the Marginalized”, in Civilizing the Margins: Southeast Asian Government Policies for the Development of Minorities, Cornell University Press. Ducan, Christopher.R 2004 b “From Development to Empowerment: Changing Indonesian Government Policies toward Indigenous Minorities” , in Civilizing the Margins: Southeast Asian Government Policies for the Development of Minorities, Cornell University Press. Hirsch, Philip and Andrew, Wyatt 2004 “Negotiating Local Livelihood: Scale of Conflict in the Se San River Basin”, Asia Pacific Viewpoint 45(1): 51-68 Hong,T.T.T and L.V.An 2009 “Management and use of agro-forest land and people‟s llivelihoods in the upland area of a A Luoi district, Thua Thien Hue province: the survey in 2009”, Common property regimes for suitainable livelihoods and porvverty reduction in cental Vietnam, IDRC. Jesse, C. Ribot and Peluso, N. Lee 2003 “A Theory of Access”. Rural Sociology, Vol. 68, No. 2, June 2003. Juan martinez-Alier “Poverty and Environment: A Critique of the Conventional Wisdom”,( From Guha and Marinez-Alier) Kerkvliet, Benedict
  19. 19. 19 2005 “The Power of Everyday Politics: How Vietnamese Peasants Transformed National Policy”, Ithaca, N.Y, Cornell University Press. Luong Thi Truong and Orlando M. G “Recognizing Ethnic Minority Customary Land Rights in Vietnam and the Philippines”, Property Reforms and Forest Rights in Vietnam project, RECOFTC McElwee, Pamela 2004 “Becoming Socialist or Becoming Kinh? Governemnt Policies for Ethnic Minorities in the Socialist republic of Viet Nam” , in Civilizing the Margins: Southeast Asian Government Policies for the Development of Minorities, Cornell University Press. Mills, Saura 2003. “Chapter 3 Discourse” cited in Michel Foucault, London and New York: Routledge Nguyen The Chien 2011 “Management and conservation of forest resources by modifying land use planning and forest land allocation in Bac Lang commune, Dinh Lap district, Lang Son province, Vietnam”, The 1st Global Conference on the International Partnaership for the Satoyama Initiative (IPSI), Nagoya University, Aichi, Japan, CIRUM. Saturnino, M. Borras. Jr 2008 “Towards a Pro-Poor Forest Land (Re) Allocation Process in Vietnam”, An Evaluation Report of the Forest Land Allocation Project, CIRUM. Tran Duc Vien
  20. 20. 20 2002 “Land policy and issues of forest resource management based on the community”, Sustainable development of Vietnam Mountainous Regions: 10 years looking back and planned issues, P472-490. Agriculture Publishing House, Hanoi. Tran Duc Vien (et all.) 2007 “Swidden agriculture experience in Viet nam‟s uplands”, Reports. Yasmi and Guernier 2008 “Managing conflict under decentralized forest governance: lessons from Indonesia and Vietnam”, 12th Biennial Conference of the International Association for the Study of the Commons (IASC), University of Gloucestershire. Cheltenham. United Kingdom, RECOFTC. Yurdi, Kelley and Enters 2011 “Forest conflict in Asia and the role of collective action in its management”, No 102, CAPRI.

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