Iqbal, jinnah and india's partition an intimate relationship

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Iqbal, jinnah and india's partition an intimate relationship

  1. 1. Iqbal, Jinnah and Indias Partition: An Intimate RelationshipAuthor(s): V. N. DattaReviewed work(s):Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 37, No. 50 (Dec. 14-20, 2002), pp. 5033-5038Published by: Economic and Political WeeklyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4412964 .Accessed: 01/11/2011 01:09Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jspJSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Economic and Political Weekly is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Economic and Political Weekly.http://www.jstor.org
  2. 2. Iqbal, Jinnah and Indias Partition An Intimate Relationship This paper brings olut soime dinlensionls of the crucial political relationship betweenz MulhannliadIqbal anzdMohammad Ali Jinniah. Though this relatiotnship lhadfar-reaching consequences in shaping the cotntours of the suibcointinenzts taurbulenthistory, it las not been adequately studied in partition histories. V N DATTA C M Naim has edited a comprehensive material on politics, especially on the volume containing six scholarly articles on Hindu-Muslim question, and demonstrate spate of scholarly literature has the Iqbal-Jinnah association.1 This is a his political evolution as a poet-philoso- appeared on the poetry of valuable contribution to our understand- pher. Sheikh Mohammad Ashraf, a well MuhammadIqbal(1878-1938) and ing of communalism, nationalism, Islamic known publisher from Lahore, publishedthe politics of Mohammad Ali Jinnah polity and Indian politics. But this work, partsof this correspondence with a preface(1876-1948) in both India and Pakistan. a product of intellectual premeditations, by Jinnah in 1943.5 Iqbals two letters inIqbals political role has so farbeen mainly concentratingexclusively on the system of Urdu to Jinnah, dictated to Ghulam Rasulstudied as a starting point, a sort of con- ideas, does not analyse the concrete social Mehr, a distinguished Urdu writer, havespicuous linkage, if not as a footnote, in and political reality relating to Indias also been quoted by scholars. But, Jinnahsthe creation of a separate, independent, partition. replies to these letters are not available.sovereign state of Pakistan.But little effort In Pakistanihistoriography,Iqbalis often Nor did Iqbal preserve Jinnahs correspon-has been made to examine the political represented as the founding and spiritual dence - poets are untidy in such matters.relationshipbetween Iqbal and Jinnahthat father of Pakistan. In many Indian writ- Scholars like Aley-Ahmed Suroor haveled to significant political developments ings, on the other hand, he is projected as questioned the authenticity of some of thein the history of modern India. a firm and convinced Muslim nationalist, Iqbal-Jinnahcorrespondence.6 Assuming This paper seeks to understandthe role while in other works he emerges as a that some of these letters have been tink-of Iqbal and Jinnah in the Pakistan move- champion of Hindu-Muslim solidarity and ered with to justify the ideological foun-ment, the nature of their relationship and freedom of India and a unique symbol of dations of the Pakistan movement, it willcommitment to a principle that ultimately Indias composite culture, fostered and be fruitful to juxtapose them with chang-became an aspiration, and a battle-cry for sustained throughout the centuries. Rafiq ing trends in Iqbals poetry and otherMuslims in shaping the destiny of a sepa- Zakaria, S M H Burney and Khawaja writings. Doubtless, changes in Iqbalsrate nation. By focusing upon the evolu- Ahmed Faruqi, in their studies, hesitate in political attitude can be discerned princi-tion of Iqbals ideology, as reflected in his saddling Iqbal with the parentage of pally via his poetry, while his lettersdeepenpoetry, letters and speeches, it is intended Pakistan.2 For Mohammad Mujeeb, Ali our understandingof his political ideologyto show the growth of separatist trends in Sardar Jafri, Jagan Nath Azad and and vision.his thinking and ideas. By appropriating Khushwant Singh, the question whether Indeed, Iqbal was an outstanding Per-his ideas and philosophy, in the changed Iqbal was a poet of Muslim separatism is sian-Urdu poet. His reading was exten-historical circumstances of the 1930s, irrelevant - their principal interest lies in sive, his mind fertile and vigorous, and hisJinnah forged an intimate intellectual and his poetry, and in his outstanding creative style, rising at times to solemn eloquence,political-philosophical vision. This paper journey. For them, he was essentially a reflected boundless creative energy andbrings out some dimensions of this highly poet parexcellence, not a cultural-political audacity of spirit. His sense of the lan-crucial political relationship, a relation- ideologue of the Pakistan movement. guage was original and unparalleled. Yet, ship that has not been adequately studied In understanding lqbals political ideo- we cannot disengage Iqbals poetry fromin partitionhistories. Yet, this relationship logy, the difficulty lies in the natureof the his political ambitions and aspirations. had far-reachingconsequences in shaping source-material. His presidential address Scholarly writings do not often engage the contours of the subcontinents turbu- delivered at the All India Muslim League with the politics of lqbals poetry. This lent history. The British imperial autho- session at Allahabad on December 29, essay is a modest attempt to fill this gap. rity, the Congress, the Muslim League, and 1930, and the account of his participationcommunal forces were the major players at the Round Table Conferences in 1931 II in the vivisection of the country. Yet, it and 1932 are well documented and well is importantto explore the origin and nature known.3 But his correspondence with In the early part of his life, until Iqbal of the ideological shift towards Muslim Mohammad Ali Jinnah, between May 23, went to Cambridge in 1905, his poetry separatism through the personalities of 1936 and November 10, 1937, comprising was imbued with a burning passion for these two remarkable men of the 20th eight letters, poses certain problems.4 Indian nationalism and its heterogeneous century. Iqbals letters contain vital source- culture. Unlike his contemporaries, hisEconomic and Political Weekly December 14, 2002 5033
  3. 3. identificationwith Indianculture,religions up the message of the Bhagavada-Gita: high moral tone, and carried a clear com-and history was quite spontaneous, intense Shakti bhi Shanti bhi Bhagton key geetmunitarianmessage. Therein, perhaps layand broad.His poems expressed his eclec- main hai his originality. Iqbal did not emulate thetic outlook, his respect for Hindu gods and Dhartikey basiyanki muktipreetmainhai.lyrical charm of Mir Taqi Mir or GhalibaSikh religious leaders and his profound Powerandpeacearethe songs of a devoteeacute sense of exalted humanism.16feelings for the rivers, the hills and land- Love is the ultimate for humankind.10 Instead, he acknowledged his intellectualscape of India. By drawing upon Hindu, debt to Altaf Husan Hali, the poet ofMuslim and Sikh traditions and symbols, In the same poem, Iqbal declared his Islamic Renaissance for inspiring him unstinted commitments to his homeland toIqbal, in these years, emerges as a leading compose poetry for the moral re-Indian poet. His Tarcahalh-e-Hind 1904 of and its cultural symbols: generation of the fallen Muslim com-(the Song of India that he recited at the ka Khak-e-vatan mujhko harzaradevtahai munity:Young Mens IndianAssociation in Lahore For me every particleof my country is a Main kishawarshair ka Nabi ho gayaat the request of Hardayal) extolled the deity. Nazil hai meyre lab pai kalam-e-Haliglories of his Hindustan: One of his poems, Aftab, was a loose I am a model for composing poetry se Sarey-e-jahan acchaHindustan Hamara rendering of the GayatriMantra,for which But I echo Halis voice.17 Ham Bulbelain hay uski woh gulstan a Muslim cleric preparedafatva (religious In particular, his poems Shikva (the hamara edict) against him Complaint), composed in 191 1, andJavab- Mazhab nahin sikhata apas main bayr rakhna Aftab Ham Ko Zaya-e-shawordey I-Shikva(Answer to the Complaint)n 1912, Hindi hain hum watan hey Hindustan Chashm-e-Khirad tajjalisey noordey were clearly inspired by Halis Musaddas. apni hamara O Sun, stimulateour mentalfaculties with Akbar Allahabadi, who had exhorted Yunan-o-misrRoma sab mit gaya jahan Muslims to lead a pure life and to prepare your glorious light sey Give us wisdom by your divine light.12 themselves to protect their cultural iden- Baki rahahai ub tak namo nishanhamara also influenced him greatly. Kuch bat hai key hasti mitti nahin hamraiAfter his return from Europe, in 1908, tity, Islamic principles of dynamic righteous- Barsoon raha hai dushman dor-e-jahan Iqbal was a changed man. He acquired a ness and social action were not mere new world view. He began to reflect on poetic hamara. or comtemplative images for Iqbal. They religious issues in the wake of the Euro- became a medium of Our country is the greatest in the world. integrating and pean aggression against the Muslim coun- We are her nightingales,and she our gar- consolidating Muslims as a strong Pan- dener tries, including Turkey and Persia. To face Islamic the western challenge, he, like his contem- community inspired by the highest Religion doesnt peach rift ideals of truth, love and justice. He ex- We are Indians,and our country is Indiaporaries Maulana Azad, the Ali brothers. pressed the finest values of Islam in his Greece, Rome and Egypt are no more Mohammed and Shaukat and Hasrat Yet we continue to flourish powerful poetic rhetoric of inspiring Mohani, advocated Pan-Islamism as the Muslims to consolidate themselves as a Somethingwithin us makes our existence political goal of the Islamic world. He worthy of note community. began to regard himself as Islams mes- Often in his poetry Iqbal anatomised his Though unsmiling Fortune has been senger or Shair-I-Islam, and his poetry our enemy.7 piteous spectacle of the Muslim commu- became a vehicle of Islamic thought.13 its moral degeneration, its false idols,Iqbal described Rama as Imam-e-Hind It was in these years that Iqbal adopted nity,(a religious leader of India) and its hypocrisy. In anguish, he cried in the posture of a fervent preacher (nasih) Namna, Phir hai ram key wajud per Hindustan in his poetical compositions. His poetry Saqi ko naz was to serve as a moral guide, a shaper Bhuji Ishq ki ag andher hai Ahley nazarsamajteyhein usko Imam-I- of individual, and, by extension, a Musalman nahin ag ka dher hai Hind The fire of life is dead communitys conduit. He warned: India is proud of Rama It is not a Muslim, but a heap of dust18 Shair ra maqsoud agar adamgariast The wise revere him as a spiritualguide. In Shikva he argued with God for Shairi ham wars-I-paygambri ast Likewise, Iqbal considered Guru Nanak If the purposeof poetry is the fashioning favouring the non-Muslimsas Mard-e-Kamil or the perfect man.8 of men Rehmat-en hainteriagyarkeykashanon par Taking pride in his brahmin ancestory, Poetry is likewise the heir of prophecy.14 Burggirtihaito bechareyMusulmanon parhe wrote: Moreover: Kindnessis bestowed not on the Muslims mara binger key Hindustandigar namey but on non-Muslims bini Brahmazada ashnaye Rom-o-Tabriz Shair ander risht-e-millatchu dil While the Muslims continue to suffer19 ast Millat-e-bayshair-e-anmbar-e-gil The poet is like the heartin the breastof Iqbal waxed lyrical over Muslim con- Look at me, you will never find another quests and domination. There is an expres- in India the community who, like me, a Brahmans son, under- A people without a poet is a mere heap sion of aggressive communitarian nation- of clay.15 alism in the following lines: stands the secrets of the Arabs and Persia.9 Cheen o Arab hamaraHindustanhamara Ghalib never pontificated. His most Muslim hain ham watan hay sara jahan In Naya Shivala (The New temple), a serious thoughts were expressed irrever- hamaraharmonious blend of Shakti (power) and ently and rather spontaneously. After Teygon key saya main ham pal karjavanbhakti (workship), he eloquently summed 1908, Iqbals poetry gradually acquired a hooye hain5034 Economic and Political Weekly December 14, 2002
  4. 4. Khanjar halalkahaiquomi nashanhamara the foundation of nationality. In a satirical India Muslim League session took place, Magrab vadyonmaingoonjiazanhamari ki vein, in his poem on Husain Ahmad he in Lahore in 1920, Iqbal did not take care Thamtana thakisi say sail e rawanhamara wrote: to attend it even though the meeting was Salar-e-karwanhai Mer-I-Hijaz apna held at the Gulab theatrejust opposite his Us nam say baqi aram-I-jahanhamara Ajm Hanooz nadanadramuz-e-dinvarna Zi Deoband Husain Ahmed eh chey residence.26 Iqbal ka taranaBang-I-darahai goya Never before had the communal ques- Hota hai jada paima phir karvanhamara Bulajmiast Sarood bar sar-e-mamberkey millat us tion assumed such dangerous dimensions China and Arabia are ours, Hindustanis watan ast in the country as it did in the 1920s, after ours Chey bai khabarus makama Mohanmmad Khilafat and non-cooperation move- We have grown to mankind under the Arb ast ments (1919-22), an era of Hindu-Muslim shadow of sword Ba Mustaffa barasan khesh ra key din fraternisation. Between 1923-26, there The dagger like Crescent is our national hamaoost were as many as 72 communal riots against symbol Agar bey oo narasiditamam buhalbi ast 16 in the course of 20 years from 1900. The valleys of the West resonatedwith our call to prayer Non-Arabiancountriesdo not know what The Hindu-Muslim problem, Mahatma Nobodycouldstemtheswelling tideof our true faith is Gandhi announced in March 1925, was an conquerors A strangeinterpretation truefaith from of insoluble puzzle and he would keep out Mir-l-Hajaz(the Prophet)is our leader Husain Ahmad of Deoband! of it. He took to fast and saw no light His namegives us peaceandtranquillity.20 He declares that countries make nations to resolve the communal question. How ignoranthe is of the message of the Again, Iqbals new sensibility is evident Despite a number of unity conferences, Prophet, who is the true political parties were unable to cure thein the following lines: Source of Religion.24 communal canker. The Nehru Report, Main tuj ko batata hun taqdir-I-umam Thus, according to Iqbal, Islam was a published in 1928, accepted Dominion kya hai Shamshiro sina awwal taus o rababakhar single unanalysable reality and its sepa- Status as its goal but found no favour with ration from politics was unjustified. He the Muslim League, and the All India Let me tell you what is the destiny of a nation rejected the western idea of territorial Muslim conference. The Nehru Reporthad nationalism as a byproduct of the per- recommended the abolition of separate The sword and dagger take precedence over singing and dancing.21 version of western democracy, and deve- electorates and the reservation of seats and loped an intertwined notion of Muslim weightage for Muslims in provinces in He preferred to die in Mecca and nationalism and Islamic universalism as a which they constituted a majority. TheseMedina: common basis of action. recommendations were made on the as- Main maut dhoondta hoon zammen-e- sumption that Muslim interests were pro- hijaaz mein III tected by the principle of provincial auto- I seek death in the holy land of Hejaz.22 nomy. Weighted heavily in favour of a In Bang-e-Dara (The Call of the Iqbals passionate commitment to Is- strong centre, the constitution that theCaravan bell) and mathanavis Israr-e- lamic universalism, his notation of sepa- Nehru report recommended, could hardlykhudi (Secrets of the Self) and Ramuz- rate Muslim identity and citizenship, and be called federal. Understandably, Mus-e-Baikhudi (Mysteries of Selflessness), his complete disregard of territorial na- lims reactions against the Nehru ReportIqbal expresses his commitment to Mus- tionalism provide sound clue to an under- were strong.The appointmentof the Simonlim sentiments and beliefs.23 His Masjid standingof his political conduct. His poetic Commission in 1927 split the MuslimQurtaba (Cordova) in Bale-Jibril energies and political leanings increas- League into two factions, one led by(Gabriels wing), which equals Miltons ingly came underthe shadow of an Islamic Muhammad Shafi, and the other by M AParadise Lost, harps on the glory of framework. Jinnah. In 1929, Iqbal joined the ShafiIslam and Muslim conquests that had led Iqbal himself did not take any active part group. For four years (1926-1930), heto the expansion of Muslim dominion in in politics until 1927, though in iis Asrar- was a member of the Punjab legislativethe world. For him, Islamic idiom was a I-Khudi (1915), Ramuz-I-bi-Khudi(1918) council. In 1930, he was president of thepowerful medium of inspiring Muslim and Payam-I-Mashriq (1923) he expoun- Punjab Muslim League.communities and forging a modern ded the notion of millat, and exhorted Jinnah came to an agreement withMuslim identity. He realised that the con- Muslims to follow the tenets of Islam and M A Ansari, president of the Congress,cept of Khudi (self-realisation), embodied to consolidate themselves as a community. on March 20, 1927, which guaranteedthein the Quran, was an essential element Essentially, he was a poet, not a politician. Muslims 33 per cent of the seats in thefor the moral and spiritual uplift of the But, he was a poet with a difference. In centrallegislature,a separationof Sind fromMuslim society. When Maulana Husain these years, he turned into a poet-philoso- Bombay and reforms in Baluchistan andAhmad Madni, Sheikh-ul-Muhaddas, pher, inspiring a generation of people North-Western Frontier Province. At thispresident of Jamiatul Ulama-I-Hind, ex- througha powerful message of community stage Jinnah was willing to give up thehortedHindus andMuslims, at Bara Hindu regeneration and self-confidence. demand for separate electorates. Initially,Rao, Delhi, on January 9, 1938, to sink In 1920s and 1930s, the Muslim League, the Congress working committee wel-their differences and join together in their torn by factionalism, was an upper-class comed the Delhi proposals on May 15,fight against British imperialism, and party of landed gentry, was almost at 1927, but later rejected them, Mohammedemphasised that nations were formed by deaths door, depending on the munifi- Shafi, Mian Fazl-I-Husain and Iqbal alsocountries, Iqbal contested his views sar- cence of the Raja of Mahmudabad and a repudiated this agreement. Iqbal felt thatcastically, and retorted that religion was a few other individuals.25 When the All provincial legislatures could not protectEconomic and Political Weekly December 14, 2002 5035
  5. 5. Muslims under the existing constitutional presidentialaddressthathe delivered at the Muslim League session, where Iqbalprovisions, and therefore required drastic Muslim League session held in Allahabad delivered his address, his audience,changes. on April 29, 1930. Here he propounded mostly local men not knowing English, During 1928-29 Iqbal delivered six his theory of a Muslim homeland, though fell short of quorum not exceedinglectures, under the auspices of Madras ambiguously so. He felt that the Nehru seventy, and the next day due to its meagreMuslim Association at Madras, Mysore, reportand the Simon Commission recom- attendance, the Muslim League sessionHyderabadand Aligarh, which were pub- mendations had denied the Muslims their was terminated.lished as Reconstruction of Religious legitimate political rights. He expressed lqbal delivered his address at a timethought in Islamlin 1930. In these lectures, his desire to free Muslims from the geo- when the first session of the Round Tablehe offered a rational interpretation of graphical limits hitherto imposed by the Conference was being held in London. HisIslam. explored its philosophical basis, and British government, and spoke in favour proposal suggested that the amalgamationregarded it as consistent with modern of a separate area (he did not use the word of four Muslimlmajority provinces wouldphilosophy and science. He believed that province but area) for the protection of strike a balance between the Hindu andthe teaching of Islam advocated a a separate Muslim cultural identity.29The Muslim India. His scheme for the redis-meliorism, it recognised the importance of life of Islam as a cultural force depends tribution of territory,in the north-westernthe growing universe, and was dynamic on its centralisation in a specified terri- part of India, was in sharp contrast to theand flexible enough to adapt itself to the tory.30 He realised the threat posed by unitary form of government in a self-current needs and thought of modern Hindu majoritarianismto Muslim cultural governing India.34 In other words, Iqbaltimes.27By giving a rationalinterpretation identity. He criticised the Lucknow Pact supported the plan for a federal India withof the Quran,he reinterpretedsome of the of 1916. the crowning achievement of a strong emphasis on provincial autonomy.essential Islamic legal principles. He urged Jinnah,forreducing Muslims to a religious In his letter to Edward Thompson, heMuslims to model their social life in the minority, a notion that Jinnah drastically reiterated that he did not want a separatelight of ultimate principles as revealed in modified later in his presidential address Muslim state.35the Islamic ideals. Almost Janus-like, Iqbal at the Muslim League session in Lahore About three years later, in 1932 at thehad one face towards the past in the in 1940. In his address, Iqbal also attacked Second Round Table conference in Lon-recovery of the essence of Islam, and the scheme of Punjabruralism,the sheet- don, Iqbal felt isolated. His speech at theanother towards the future that looked anchor of the Unionist Party,for reducing conference was resented by the British,ahead by projecting a Faustian vision of the Muslim majoritytoa minorityin Punjab. Hindu and Muslim delegates.36 It is doubt-unlimited power and the concept of man Iqbal gave a blueprint for resolving the ful whether Chaudhry Rahmat Ali, whobent on a ceaseless quest for apprehending communal problem, which had acquired had floated a scheme for the creation ofreality. Condemning traditional or ob- an insidious character in 1920s. He said, a sovereign independent Muslim state ofscurantist Islam, Iqbal gave legitimacy to I would like to see the Punjab,north-west Pakistan,derived his inspirationfrom Iqbalthe political cause of Muslim nationalism. frontier, Sind and Baluchistan amalgam- Muhammad. Jehangir, as an eye-witness,Because of his profound reverence for ated into a single state. Self-government claims that Iqbal had met Rahmat Ali atIslamic tradition and symbols, he upheld within BritishEmpireor withoutthe British Cambridge, and approved his proposal forShariatas the guiding principle of Muslim empire... The formation of a consolidated namingthe new Muslim stateas Pakistan.37polity and society. He sought to revive a north-west IndianMuslim state appearsto But K K Aziz maintains that Iqbal neverdynamic and radical element within Islam me be the final destiny of the Muslims at met Rahmat Ali.38by restoring the freedom to use Ijtihad, a least of north-west India.31This state was When Jinnah visited Punjab, in Junemeans of exercising independent judge- conceived to be exclusive of the Ambala 1936, to seek public supportfor the Muslimment, as a necessary instrument of division and other areas where non- League in the forthcoming 1937 elections,Muslim politics.28 Muslims predominated. He also opposed he found no response. He was welcomed But on specific issues, especially those the inclusion of Indian native states in the by five personsatthe Lahorerailwaystation.relatingto women whom he wanted to lead nominal federation.as recommended by He had no political standing. He was aa pure life in subjection to men, and the the Simon Commission. consultative politician, quick only at pro-Islamic restriction of eating and drinking, Reginald Coupland, an imperial-consti- ducing ready-made formulae to settle thehe had conservative views. In the closing tutional historian, thought that Iqbals communal problem. He was a generalchapter of the Oxford edition of his book, proposals for a separate Muslim state in without an army. Fazl-i-Husain, the secu-he warned the reformers against moving India, couched in an ambiguous language, lar-unionist, ignored him, and wrote in histoo fast in introducing radical changes in were susceptible to various interpreta- diary Jinnah could not get on with any-the old institutions and practices fol- tions.32 He did not contemplate a separate body. He is no leader. I shall not go outlowed in Muslim countries. sovereign Muslim state, but only a north- of my way to be nice to him. Jinnah was Clearly, Iqbal was opposed to the idea west autonomous Muslim religion com- disgusted and vowed never to come backof territorial nationalism. In his concep- prising the Muslim majority areas within to Punjab. Jinnah met Iqbal on May 21,tion of the state, the spiritual and the a loose All India Federation,but excluding 1937, at his residence in Javid Manzil,temporal issues were inseparable. Islam Indian states and exercising only those Lahore, and thereondeveloped that a closewas a theocracy that realised the spiritual powers expressly vested in it by a free relationship between them that lasted untilin human organisation. He doubted if a consent of the federal states.33 Interest- Iqbals death in April 1938.non-Muslim legislative assembly could ingly, Iqbals address was completely Despite his failing health, Iqbals deepexercise the use of Ijtihad. These prin- ignored by the Indian political parties, involvement in politics from 1937 on-ciples formed the ideological basis of his including the Muslim League. At the wards arose, to some extent, due to his5036 Economic and Political Weekly December 14, 2002
  6. 6. distressat the poor performance the Hindu leaders.44 his correspondence of In Jinnahborrowed Iqbals political languageMuslim League, and the victory of the with Jinnah, IqbalincludedBengalin his and vocabulary. The problem of India isCongress the 1937elections.Withclear schemeof a consolidated in Muslimstate.45 not national, but international. Jinnahmajorities six provinces,the Congress This was a step further in from his Muslim realising the gravity of the situation,emerged the strongest as politicalforcein League addressof 1930. especially the obduracy of the Congressthecountry formedministries. the and On leadership, and the might of Hindu com-other hand, the Muslim League was IV munalforces, charteredhis course of actiontrouncedin Punjab,Bengal and Sind; it for the creation of Pakistan. But Jinnahcountedlittle in the North-Western Fron- We may conclude that Iqbals poetic was not an ideologue. His Lahore Reso-tierProvince. Iqbal realisedthe weakness vision markeda distinctshift from syn- lution fed itself on the juices of Iqbalsof the Muslim League in the Muslim theticview of Indiato a cry for a separate principles.majority provinces, the disunity of Muslim homeland. Of course, his creative Iqbals politics stemmed from his poeticMuslims, and was conscious of the journeywas shapedby the changinghis- sensibility, but Jinnah used ideology as anvulnerability Musliminterestsunder torical of circumstances theexigenciesof and instrumentof political action. As a vision-the all-toopowerful he Congresshegemony. high politics. Consequently, emerged ary, Iqbal crowned the dawn of PakistanHe thus sharedseveralideas with Jinnah as a poet-ideologueof a Muslim home- of which Jinnah became an accessory byfor the protectionof Muslim political land. Both Iqbal and Jinnahbegan their his tactical skills as a first-rate politician.interests. separate journeys as Indiannationalists, Notwithstanding the profound role of Iqbal becamepresidentof the Punjab but ended as advocates of a separate imperial designs, political manoeuvringsProvincialMuslim League on May 19, homelandfor Muslims. and economic exigencies in the partition1936. His correspondence with Jinnah, ItwasIqbalwhoblazeda trailthatJinnah story, Iqbal, goes down in history as the 1936-38, throwsample light on how he followed. Iqbal conceived an idea of herald of Pakistan and a political mentorwasgoading Jinnah takeupsomecrucial Pakistan,Jinnahrealisedit. As an intel- to of Jinnah;Jinnah of couse, acknowledgedissues concerningthe future of the ag- lectualgodfather, Iqbalgave a conceptof his debt to his mentor in 1947. [grieved and beleagueredMuslim com- the two-nation theoryand offereda map ofmunity.It was at his initiative that the of the redistribution territory, forming Addressfor correspondence:Nawab of Mamdotjoined the Punjab a Muslimstate,comprising north-west the iic@delnet.ren.nic.inMuslimLeague. As he andBengal.46 anideologue, rejected In his letterof March20, 1937, Iqbal Maulana Azads notion of composite Notesadvised Jinnah rebut to Jawaharlal Nehrus culture and religious pluralism.47 Iqbal aesthetic socialismontheground the had no truck with JawaharlalNehrus that [This is a revised version of the Athar Ali Me- morial Lecturedelivered at the Aligarh MuslimMuslimproblemwas not economic, but secular-socialist nationalism. Committed University, Aligarh, at the invitation of Aligarhcultural.39 his next letter of May 28, to the notionof Millat,he repudiated In the HistoriansSociety, on November24, 2001. 1 am 1937, Iqbalwrotethatthe time was ripe British constitutional measures,such as grateful to IrfanHabib, GopichandNarang, P Nfortheredistribution thecountry form separateelectorates and weightage for of to Dhar, Saifuddin Soz, Yahspal, M Zuberi, andone or morestateswithoutwhichenforce- resolvingthe communaldisease. He felt Nonica Datta for their valuable suggestions andment of Shariat is impossible in this that the Congress brandof nationalism critical comments.]country. Iqbalwarned "ifsucha thing poseda threat theprotection Muslim that to of 1 C M Naim, Iqbal, Jinnah:The Visionand theis impossiblein Indiathe only other al- culturaland politicalaspirations. de- By Reality (Chicago 1977).ternative civil warwhichas a matter is a of manding separate identityfor Muslims, 2 RafiqZakaria, IqbalthePoet and thePoliticianfact has been going on for some time in he thoughtthatcommunal tensionwould (New Delhi, 1993), p VIII, S M H Burney,the shapeof Hindu-Muslim riots.40 his be contained Hinducommunal In and forces Poet and Patriot of India (New Delhi, 1983).letterto Jinnah,datedJune21, 1937, he would be held at bay. He wanted the See A K Dasgupta,Concept of Pakistan, Mainstream, October 13, 2001, 25-26.proposed,Why should not Muslims of mergingof Muslim nations into a uni- 3 See for instance,S H Vahid,lqbalas Architectnorth-west India Bengalbeconsidered versal commonwealthon the basis of and of Pakistanin Mohammad Iqbal,ThePolitical -as a nationentitledto self-determination Shariat a conceptionthatwas centralto Thinkersof Modern ldlia, xxvi (New Delhi,as anyothernationin Indiaandoutside .4 his poeticvision.Of course,Jinnah, draw- 1993), p 112.He also suggested that the Muslims of ingupon Iqbalslegacy,launched Direct the 4 This correspondencehas been reproducedinnorth-westIndia and Bengal ought to Actionmovementin Punjab topplethe to several standardworks, but the originals are not available. Only few xerox copies typedignore the political compulsions of Khizrministry,mobilisedpublicopinion with Iqbals dubious signatures exist. AshiqMuslim minority provinces and their in the North-West Frontier Province,and Husain Batalvi, Allama Iqbal Key Akhre dolinguisticaffiliations.42 Clearly, wanted realisedhis dreamof a separate he homeland sal (Srinagar 1984), pp 578-88.a separate federation of the Muslimn for IndianMuslims.48 5 Lettersof Iqbal to Jinnah(ed) Sheikh Moha-majority areas. Iqbalsplanof a Muslimstateapproxi- mmed Ashraf, Lahore, 1956 (second edition). Iqbalcriticised Jinnah-Sikandar the to s Pact mated Jinnah declaration theLahore of 6 Aley-Ahmed Suroorsletterto S M H Burneyof 1937. He fearedthat SikanderHayat Resolution(1940) that specified the re- in the privatecollection of S M H Burney,NewKhans machinations would lead to the alignmentof state boundaries before an Delhi. See S M H Burney, Iqbal, Poet and Patriot of India, p 125.ruinationofthe Muslim League Punjab.43 assemblyof 50,000 people in Lahore.It in 7 Ibid, Bang-e-Dara (Aligarh, 1975) p 83.He also pressedJinnahto hold a large also providedfuel to Jinnahstwo-nation 8 Ibid, p 177.Muslimconventionin Delhi, to counter theory,expoundedin Iqbals hometown 9 Nigar,IqbalNumber,January,1963, see Jagatthe Congresspropaganda carriedon by about two years after his death. Indeed, Nath Azad Iqbal ki Shairi, p 16.Economicand PoliticalWeekly December14, 2002 5037
  7. 7. 10 Iqbal, Bang-e-Dara, p 88. 27 Sir Muhammad Iqbal, The Reconstruction 1985, Document 121.11 Ibid. of Religious Thoughtin Islam, Delhi, 1974, 40 Dar, op cit, pp 253-55; Chopra, Document,12 Ibid, p 43. p 174. 315.13 M Mujeeb, The Indian Muslims (London, 28 Ibid, p 194. see also K K Aziz, A History of 41 Dar, pp 258-59; Chopra, Document, 282. 1967), p 488, see also SarwantSulat, Millat- the Idea of Pakistan, Vol I, Lahore, 1987, 42 Dar, pp 267; Chopra, Document, 525. e-lslali ke MukhstarTarikh,Vol III (Delhi pp 192-93. 43 Ibid. 2001), p 41. 29 For a PerceptiveAnalysis of lqbals Political 44 Ibid, p 269.14 Iqbal, Javidnamah, Delhi 1984, p 46. Outlook, see K K Aziz, op cit, chapters4-6, 45 Ibid, p 208.15 Ibid, p 45. pp 184-332. 46 Some scholarsmaintainthatIqbalhadnothing16 M Mujeeb,Ghalib(New Delhi, 1969), pp 35, 30 Speeches and Statements of Iqbal (ed) by to do with the creation of a separateMuslim 41-42. Shambloo, Al Minar, Academy, New Delhi, stateor whatcameto be knownlaterasPakistan,17 Muhammed Sadiq,Historyof UrduLiterature 1948, p 54. and for this view they quote Iqbals letter to (Delhi, 1984), pp 349-50. See also Hali and 31 Reginald Coupland. The Constitutional Raghid Ehsan of Calcutta. (S M H Burney, Iqbal in Baquliyva-e-lqbtll;Mur-itabaSyed Problemof India, The IndianProblem(1833- op cit, pp 122-23) and EdwardThompsons Abdul Wahid, Taimayd Majlis. Karachi, 1945), Part 1I, Oxford, 1945. p 198; see also account (C M Naim, op cit, pp 186, 190). In pp 341-55, and for Akbar Allahabadi, see K K Aziz, op cit,- 193. the early 1930s, Iqbal was of course opposed MuhammadSadiq, op cit, pp 399-40. 32 Reginald Coupland, op cit, p 198. to the ceation of a separatestate, and he made18 Iqal, Bal-e-Jibril, (Lahore 1999), p 102. 33 Ibid. it clear while responding to Rahmats Alis19 Ibid, p 166. 34 K K Aziz, op cit, p 194. scheme. But to stick to this notion is to ignore20 Iqbal, Bang-e-Dara, p 159. 35 The Times, London, October 12, 1931. the changing views of Iqbal evident in his21 Iqbal, Bal-e-Jabril, p 4. 36 Rima Hooja, Crusaderfor Self-Rule, Sir Tej letters to Jinnah. Also Edward Thompsons22 Iqbal. Bang-e-Dara, p 198. Bahadur Sapru and the Indian National evidence is a reconstruction in retrospect.23 M Mujeeb, India Miuslirms, 486. p Movement (New Delhi, 1999), p 120. Thompson was a close friend of Jawaharlal24 Iqbal, Armaghain-e-Hija_:,(ed) professor 37 Jan Baz Mirza, Karwan -e-Ahrar, Vol IV Nehru and a supporterof the IndianNational Yusuf Salim Chisti, Calcutta, 1982, p 272. in Tarikh-e-Azadibar safar, Lahore, 1974, Congress.25 Ayesha Jalal, Nation, Reason and Religion: p 339. 47 For a comparativestudy of Azad and Iqbal, Punjabs Role in the Partition in India, 38 K K Aziz, op cit. Vol I, p 292. see an illuminatingarticle Azad and Iqbal No Economicand Political Weekly, XXXVIII, 39 Letters of Iqbal (compiled and edited by by FarzanaSheikh, in MushirulHasan, Islam August 8, 1997, 2184-85. Bakshi Ahmad Dar) Lahore, 1987, p 249. and Nationalism:Reflectionson AbdulKalain26 Iqbl Key Siasi Rajuhat in Nigar, (ed) Niaz See also, P N Chopra, Towards Freedom Azad (New Delhi, 1992), pp 59-73. Fatehpuri.January-February 1962, 39-41. (January1-December30, 1937), New Delhi, 48 Ibid, p 73. GUIDE TO INDIAN PERIODICAL LITERATURE The GUIDE TO INDIAN PERIODICAL LITERATURE is a Quarterly and Annually Cumulated Author-Subject index to articles, research papers, notes, conference proceedings and book reviews from over four hundred journals in the social sciences and the humanities. It was launchedin 1964 and is in regularpublicationsince. Thematerialis classifiedwiththe help ofthe U.S. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS SUBJECT HEADINGS andarranged alphabetically on the dictionary pattern with appropriate see and see also references. Its comprehensivenessmakes the GUIDE TO INDIAN PERIODICAL LITERATURE a basic referencetool in social sciences in India and provides a wealth of references to the research workers in different disciplines. It is a readymade quick referencer for the busy Librarian to guide the research workers without loss of time. Please ask for a sample issue. The GIPL keeps up-to-dateto the latestquarterlyissue. Its AnnualCumulativesfrom 1964-2000 (37 volumes) have been published and together make up to over twenty thousand pages and over ten lakh references, in different discipline in social sciences. The cumulative volumes are stoutly bound in hard covers to withstand frequent consultation. Volume 38, 2001 is in press. CURRENT SUBSCRIPTION 2002: Rs. 4500/-: US $ 350/- FourQuarterlyIssues Plus CumulativeVolume. Please ask for a sample issue. ANNUAL CUMULATIVE VOLUMES: Vol. 1 (1964) to Vol. 37 (2000) 37 Volumes Set Price Rs.36,600/-: US $ 3185/- free packing and delivery. INDIAN DOCUMENTATION SERVICE 001 887/5PatelNagar,Gurgaon-122 Tel.: 6322779, 6324782 Telefax: 91-124-6324782 E-mail: indoc@indiatimes.com5038 Economic and Political Weekly December 14, 2002

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