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Urbanity. Public life and social quality, by Luisa Bravo


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Public life and social quality

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Urbanity. Public life and social quality, by Luisa Bravo

  1. 1.   Lighter, Quicker, Cheaper: towards an Urban Activism Manifesto Luisa Bravo*, Camilla Carmagnini** and Noa Matityahou*** At the beginning of the new Millennium global transformations of urban territories have opened the way, quite inevitably, to more and more complex and profound considerations about the places that surround us, the places that we have built, the opportunities we have missed, and those ones we must, instead, learn to grasp. Common ground, common places, common people, common sense, common tradition were the declarations of the 13.International Architecture Exhibition in Venice in 2012. It is by now a widely shared fact that cities are a common good, so actions devoted to its transformation, requalification and valorisation should involve everyone. Ideas coming from citizens, associations, residents and ordinary people are easily available and shareable through the virtual world, thus causing drastic changes in the way of thinking and acting in the urban realm. We witness a raising phenomenon of initiatives and ideas in urban planning and design as an expression of that «knowledge society» defined by UNESCO World Report (2005). We are in the midst of an unprecedented moment in planning. Although signs of hardship are all around, we see the emergence of a powerful, networked, creative movement of people who demonstrate that place-based and people-oriented actions are possible, despite economic or political obstacles. Reconnecting citizens to public life in Bologna: the Via Emilia project The present work tries to examine these emerging issues and to develop a proposal for the city of Bologna, always been known for its innovative approach towards urban planning and design. Like many other European and Italian cities, Bologna is characterized by the presence of an historical core with a recognizable collective value and a sprawled, suburban area which is considered as a quite anonymous entity. The image of the suburban environment could be described as a patchwork of a multiplicity of urban settlements, varying in characteristic, density, function and identity. The major criticism related to suburbs is the lack of identifiable public spaces, or their failure in creating functional social places. While in the city centre the square represents the most traditional and identifiable form of public space, designed for that precise purpose, in the periphery this role has been mainly given over to green and residual areas within the new residential settlements. The set of these dispersed suburban publics, despite sometimes lacking any designed purpose, is embedded with hidden potentialities, as the Everyday Urbanism (Chase - Crawford - Kaliski, 2008) movement declares. Instead of criticizing the absence of social qualities in these existing spaces, or suggesting the realization of new ones, this work tries to embrace the new bottom-up concepts in urban planning and design and to take the challenge of creating a network of urban sequences: using only the spaces we already have, every public place can be reinforced by participating in a wider system and through the use of «lighter, quicker, cheaper interventions», as defined by the non-profit Project for Public Spaces organization, based in New York. We argue that it is nowadays essential for urban planning policies, aimed at regeneration activities, to keep considering people as the main reference point. Society and its needs are continuously changing and updating, so that any fixed solution is no longer achievable. The only way to maintain the rhythm is to use people and communities as the primary resource for developing and discovering the best solutions to accomplish their desires. The prescription’s system and big intervention projects have to be substituted with a lighter, less strict and more flexible approach, capable of understanding the changeable needs of the 2.0 society and to transform them into acupuncture interventions. The PSC (Piano Strutturale Comunale), adopted in 2008, shows an innovative interpretation of the city of Bologna through the image of the «Situations». The most significant aspect of this innovative form of urban subdivision lies mainly in the fact that the situations are proposed as an alternative and a different description of the territory in order to overcome the outdated morphological and functional aspects in favour of a more detailed description which highlights, in particular, social, historical and identifiable characteristics of the urban territory. The morphological and administrative boundaries in fact, ignore by their nature the intrinsic differences of the urban environment, especially the social aspects, which are instead taken into account by the «Situations».
  2. 2.   The urban regeneration proposal in Bologna takes place along the 12 km of the urban segment of the Via Emilia, as a symbolic and representative axis that crosses the city, recognized also as a backbone for the whole regional territory. The Via Emilia in Bologna crosses eight PSC «Situations» which were taken and used as the starting point of the project. This work struggles to discover the embedded potentialities of the Via Emilia’s public spaces. The urban strategy aims to improve the existing public places, intended as any place worth of value, such as green areas, bicycle paths, parking lots and infrastructures, creating active networks that would stitch the dispersed tissue of the area in a way that its flaws would become its virtues. Figure 1 - The Via Emilia axis in Bologna. The public space network was created selecting potentials and opportunities of different places, applying the «lighter, quicker cheaper» method and using references from existing successful examples such as Neighborland association creative proposals. In order to bring back citizens to their public spaces it is necessary to create the favourable conditions so they could recognize them as a shared good and have the possibility to improve them. A successful example of these kind of interventions is the Dutch concept of Woonerf, and its international parallels such as the English Home Zones or the American Complete Streets, which aims to the transformation of neighbourhood streets from vehicular based conduits to pedestrian friendly places, where social life could spread as widely demonstrated by Jan Gehl’s studies (2010). New connections within the city space could also be generated by using neglected and abandoned infrastructures that are not being perceived as functional public places, transforming them into new neighbourhood techno-hubs. «Infrastructure can be discovered by designers, worked on by them, and framed into a mode of appreciation» (Ingersoll, 2006). This is also an opportunity to demonstrate to municipalities that welfare services could be perceived in new forms: instead of consolidated needs, basically referred to standards and measurable facilities, such as green spaces, to be put on a map, we should start thinking on new desires expressed by contemporary society. Local communities need not just physical but also spiritual, social and technological services. This means to employ a new methodological approach that connects new
  3. 3.   media, community intervention and urban studies paradigms (Foth, 2009). The resulting cross-disciplinary framework, designed to stimulate socio-economic innovation, will lead to urban sustainability and healthier local economies. It will also develop knowledge of how social, cultural, economic capital can be of service in encouraging public consultation, civic engagement and debate, and assist people to be creative and innovative in everyday life. This will lead to greater social inclusion, fair access to and smart use of local information and services. Embedding an innovative approach into ordinary practices Nowadays it is quite evident that public administrators and architects have to adapt their procedures to a different way of action, based not only on urban design activities but highlighting what makes that design activities successful. This means a new way of thinking about the urban realm, mainly based on contexts and places, to be explored not looking at a map but through in-deep site analysis and investigations, able to reveal potentialities and opportunities (Lydon, 2011) and to promote smart urban visions, based on an updated set of contemporary community needs and values. Bottom-up processes of transformation, made by people, are then developed not following consolidated rules, but through real participating events made by sharing and appropriation. Results of this kind of approach are not outside general requirements of urban plans and codes. On the contrary, they could be a significant tool of the Piano Strutturale Comunale for the city of Bologna, embedding, in what they define as “Situations”, practices of social engagement as a means for regeneration processes and for public space networking enhancement. Public administrations should hopefully embrace such urban trends, as an antidote to the crisis of the contemporary world, through an innovative sustainable action of governance. So the present work is just a starting point of a wider research aimed to define «Urban Design and Placemaking Guidelines in Bologna», for the urban and the suburban city, containing a general strategy able to generate places, acting on local and social capitals, towards a renewed urbanity (Bravo - Crawford, 2013) and a more comprehensive urban experience. Acknowledgments This research work is part of a graduation thesis entitled «Urban design and Placemaking in Bologna», successfully discussed by Camilla Carmagnini and Noa Matityahou on 19th September 2013 at the University of Florence, Department of Architecture, iCad - International Curriculum on Architectural Design, Supervisor prof. Saverio Mecca, Co-supervisor prof. Luisa Bravo. The authors would like to thank prof. Saverio Mecca whose kind collaboration, precious advices and effective assistance made this work possible. Notes * Department of Architecture, University of Florence, ** Department of Architecture, University of Florence, *** Department of Architecture, University of Florence, References Bravo, L. - Crawford, M. (2013), Publics and their spaces: renewing urbanity in city and suburb, in ISUF 2012 – New Urban Configurations conference proceedings, TU Delft (forthcoming) Chase, J. L. - Crawford, M. - Kaliski, J. edited by (2008), Everyday urbanism, Monacelli Press, New York Comune di Bologna (2009), Bologna. Leggere il nuovo piano urbanistico, Edisai, Ferrara Foth, M. (2009), Handbook of research on Urban Informatics: the practice and promise of the real-time city, Information Science Reference, New York Gehl, J. (2010), Cities for people, Island Press, Washington DC Ingersoll, R. (2006), Sprawltown. Looking for the city on its edge, Princeton Architectural Press, New York Lydon, M. (2011), Tactical Urbanism 2. Short-term action, long-term change, Street Plans, Miami-New York, available on line United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (2005), Toward knowledge societies. UNESCO World Report, Imprimerie Corlet, Conde-sur-Noireau, France
  4. 4. URBAN TRANSFORMATION: CONTROVERSIES, CONTRASTS and CHALLENGES 543 GENIUS LOCI AND GENIUS SAECULI: A SUSTAINABLE WAY TO UNDERSTAND CONTEMPORARY URBAN DYNAMICS Luisa BRAVO, Dr. University of Bologna, Italy ABSTRACT Recent literature shows the limits of modern town-planning theory in front of the complexity of a new world which is the result of political and economic transformation: globalization, new forms of marginalization and exclusion, the advent of so-called ―new economy‖, the redefinition of the production base and labour market have built a different city structure, based on transactions and symbolic exchanges rather than processes of industrialization and modernization towards which modern city was oriented. At the same time complexity is also expressed by contemporary urban populations through upheavals taking place in the social context: intermittence of citizenship, so that cities are increasingly experienced and enjoyed by citizens of the world (tourists and/or visitors, temporarily present) and common citizens (suburban, provincial, metropolitan), the irregularity and flexibility of timetables, agendas and rhythms of working population, social mobility, so that individuals have life trajectories and everyday practices less determined by their social origins, compared to what happened in the past, the radical transformation of family structure, the growth of the elderly population, the rise of the education level, then the increased demand of culture, a strong social individualization. The historic city, that lives in the present time, can be proposed as a sustainable model, able to collect and contain all instances of the contemporary world, to transform and express them through the continuity of architectural language inherited from the past. The historic city retains a character of great attractiveness and fascination, lived as a place suspended in a timeless universe, capable of representing the public membership recognition to civitas: genius loci, the spirit of place in the historical dimension of the city, is what survives to the ever changing functional structures and confers an indelible character to the city and the urban landscape, through different urban phenomena but part of a single and recognizable experience. Civitas of the historic city establishes feeling of its identity, its own genius, on collective themes that a common visitor can understand as a local version of representative buildings, recognizable in other world cities. The contemporary dimension of historical city, namely genius saeculi, the spirit of time, requires a continuous updating of the collective themes, of public spaces, places of human relations, and contents that are assigned to the historical forms from people who lives and inhabit those places, and the inclusion of new meanings, new values, new forms of social life. In the contemporary city we are experiencing the onset of new public spaces, linked to globalization phenomena: time-space acceleration, multi-presence, dissolution of personal relationships, space of flows, new information and communication systems, experiences related not to sites but to images, way of quick, visual, not physical knowledge, loss of old solidarity forms and knowledge (family, community) and birth of new ones (distance and confidence), different and non-fixed scale social places. Hence this is the challenge for the new Millennium: conciliating the spirit of place, genius loci, with the spirit of time, genius saeculi, retrieving history values through their preservation and combining them in the present time through a sustainable model.
  5. 5. 14th IPHS CONFERENCE 12-15 July 2010 Istanbul-TURKEY 544 PAST AND PRESENT OF LIVING CITIES The city is the human settlement‘s place within territory, it is the transformation of natural landscape into built environment, according to certain morphology and urban arrangement, repeatable with different models and shapes, time after time in different territorial sides, subject to foundation and expansion, defined and edged by specific administrative codes. The historic city is that built environment‘s portion which history passed us on as a legacy and heritage of the past, it is the consolidated face of our culture, result of a superimposition over centuries, it is the best expression of our cultural identity.«For a thousand years all over Europe – as Romano points out – citizens inside the city formed a collective entity pictured as a real holistic subject, an organism endowed with an identity and will of its own, with a superior order in comparison to every single member and, while in other civilizations the city is essentially a geographical episode, only in the European context it refers mainly to morality, a holistic civitas». This means that in Europe individuals are socially established persons as components of cities. «Civitas bases its identity upon collective themes which appear to be a local vision of important buildings to visitors, recognizable in other world‘s cities, even if they actually have a different meaning, because they not only evoke a ritual behaviour but they show the civitas identity related to its citizens, comparing their material consistence with other European cities» (Romano, 1993).Collective themes inside the city – churches, walls, buildings, theatres, museums, public gardens – acquire their own autonomy as symbolic language‘s marks, valid as an instrument aimed to portray the urban beauty of a place. At the end of nineteenth century, far-seeing essays by Camillo Sitte (Sitte, 1889) and Charles Buls (Buls, 1893) expressed the widespread demand to keep aesthetics and urban composition into the design of the city, besides technical requests.The desire to build a beautiful town shows itself through the arrangement of collectives themes, they all related and compared into the urban mass: they are placed into the dense urban tissue not randomly, but following precise principles underlining the aesthetic purpose, ordered in authentic sequences, in a studied and pondered hierarchy. These sequences are possible in Europe due to their huge emotional impact because of thematic streets and squares built nearby collectivethemes, namely urban places able to mutually connect themthroughsequences, able to fix highly expressive objects with a place which elate its significance: these are main squares, market places, monastery squares, church squares, monumental squares and streets, the promenade and the boulevard, the tree-lined avenues. The historic city project is characterized by a deep connection between urban central sequences and distant, peripheral quarters so that the equality principle among citizens belonging to the civitasis clearly defined. The beauty of a city reflects this way the primary social purpose which is, as Romano explains, «the making of urbs intended as the appropriate habitat for the civitas, opened, dynamic, democratic and egalitarian». Collective themes and thematic squares or streets, each one with its own name and easily recognizable among others, represent a sort of catalogue to flip through in order to plan a beautiful city, a common list for every European city, slowly generated over the years and enriched gradually, generation after generation. The historic city retains a character of great attractiveness and fascination, yet topical and ready to answer to the present generation desires, lived as a place suspended in a timeless universe, capable of representing the public membership recognition to civitas: the genius loci (Norberg- Schulz, 1979), the spirit of place in the historical dimension of the city, is what survives
  6. 6. URBAN TRANSFORMATION: CONTROVERSIES, CONTRASTS and CHALLENGES 545 to the ever changing functional structures and confers an indelible character to the city and the urban landscape, through urban phenomena, wich are different in time and shapes but part however of an unique, recognizable experience. Genius loci is a Roman concept: according to an ancient belief, every ―independent‖ being has his own genius, his guardian spirit. This spirit gives life to places and people, bringing them from the cradle to the grave, determining their character or essence1 . The modern city, or rather the modern idea of the city, is founded on order, regularity, tidiness, equality and good government, aimed to the maximum wellbeing of singles and community, conforming to real people‘s needs. The modern world vision is based on valuable concepts and conjugated through paradigms of progress, universality of rights, work, factory, house, welfare state, family and freedom. Modern town planning turns to a society which has not yet completely expressed its needs, which hasn‘t voiced a request for services: urban planning counts services diffusion from neighbourhood to quarter to territorial scale, following a serial standard model, suitable for every place and contest. Inside the city it‘s possible to focus on four different functions: living, working, recreation and circulation2 . The city, through the creation of independent zones, is rationally planned and organized by specialized and functional parts – houses are pulled apart from production activities, from offices, commerce and leisure too – connected and bound by a strong, hierarchical mobility system. People and things orderly moves in clearly defined and recognizable places, every citizen explores restricted and connoted sides of urban space (bourgeois or working quarters, industrial areas, trade centers, theatres, restaurants, shops along elegant downtown streets, canteens or outlying public facilities). The welfare state action is addressed toward social security (developing the pension system), public health, base level instruction, house policies, protection of working class in case of unenmployment. These principles has been enacted with wide architectural and urban plans all over territorial expansion areas, outside the historic city, following methods and criterions quite common in several European cities. However this planning action turned out weak and incapable to transfer historical genius loci values, producing as a result debased peripheral quarters, from physical, social and environmental point of view.The problem concerning outskirts is due to the fact that they have been conceived and realized as something completely different from the rest of the city: in this direction, the English meaning for sub-urb and the French one, ban-lieu, remove the misunderstand the italian term periferia could represent, if merely intended in a geographical sense, namely a spatial dimension of living far away from the centre. The uncontrolled and unplanned growth of territorial settlements, according to the sprawl(Ingersoll, 2006) phenomenon intended in its double meaning of diffuse city3 and urbanized countryside4 , has generated morphologically and architecturally homogeneous suburbs, mostly residential and inhabited by the same social or ethnic group, giving up that weave of 1 Regarding the interpretation of the concept of genius loci, see the opening address by Michael Petzet at the 16th General Assembly of ICOMOS, GENIUS LOCI – The Spirit of Monuments and Sites, Scientific Symposium, Quebec, 30 September 2008. 2 So we read in IV CIAM proceedings in Athens (1933), ―Constatations du IVeme Congres‖, chapter entitled ―The present situation of cities and their needs‖. 3 Expression coined by Francesco Indovina in 1990 to describe the central area of Veneto Region (Italy), as a consequence of the occurrence of visible signs of urban sprawl and low density, in which the hierarchical relationship with the centre is very attenuated or even reversed. 4 Kind of urbanization linked to dispersive processes concerning residence and productive areas of Tuscany (Italy), which has a polycentric settlement character referred toa pre-district type.
  7. 7. 14th IPHS CONFERENCE 12-15 July 2010 Istanbul-TURKEY 546 public and private functions and activities that characterize the historic city. Modern city appears, therefore, as something much more different from the historic city, not qualified to answer to old and consolidated needs – the efficient, functional, productive, accessible city – but first of all unable to provide an answer to new questions, needs and wishes, either for consolidated services or for new ones – beautiful, usable, safe and sustainable city. Modernity‘s crisis in its ideals, instruments and representations, shows the powerlessness to define in its several aspects the present city and to edge it in a new post-modern or contemporary5 universe, which is investigated with inefficient and not precise knowledge. The contemporary city, from the morphological point of view, is the place of discontinuity and diversity: it‘s recognizable the centre, intended as the historical one, the centre of civitas and collective themes, while the rest of the urban structure seems to be blurred, not clearly defined, deprived of reference points but mainly lacking in collective themes. Urban dimension has a policentric structure, resulting from political and economic transformations – globalisation, new forms of marginalisation and exclusion, the advent of so-called ―new economy‖, the redefinition of the production base and labour market – in a wider and surely over municipal scale, in opposition with the monocentric one, pertaining to the historic city, so that geographic city doesn‘t overlap with the institutional city anymore. From the social point of view, contemporary city can be defined on transactions and symbolic exchanges rather than processes of industrialization and modernization towards which modern city was oriented. Elements at the base of this twisting are several: intermittence of citizenship, so that cities are increasingly experienced and enjoyed by citizens of the world (tourists and/or visitors, temporarily present) and by common citizens (suburban, provincial and metropolitan); the radical family structure transformation, so that the family-standard couple with sons, solid reference for economy and politics, is nowadays a minority; irregularity and flexibility of timetables, agendas and rhythms of the working population; social mobility, so that individuals have life trajectories and daily practises less determined by their social origin, compared to what happened in the past; the elevation of the education level together with increasing of cultural demand; the growth of elderly population and a strong social individualization; the rise of poverty over the middle class, under economic pressure and almost in total absence of welfare policies, due to structural employment market modifications, origin of uncertainties and frailty for family systems. Besides, the more or less peaceful presence of contemporary minorities and majorities makes contemporary city a place of contradiction and conflicts: the relevant presence of immigrants inside consolidated communities, intended as citizens but different, less willing to exchange their own cultural identity with acceptance, according to Glazer‘s model of melting pot(Glazer and Moynihan, 1970) – which unifies diversity by virtue of powerful integration means – seems to generate new social forms and new examples of fruition for urban public spaces. In this sense, the theory which consider contemporary city as a cosmopolis(Sandercook, 1998) constellation is interesting. According to the American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (AHD), cosmopolis stands for a«big city populated by people from different countries» (1992), namely by several structures which are expression of difference-based urban condition, intended as 5 The term contemporary refers to a system that is no longer modern, thatdoesn‘t possess anymore the structural characteristics on which it was formed. Contemporary, therefore, must be understood as synonymous of post-modern acceptation by J. F. Lyotard (1979) and C. Jencks (1977), as an expression of a real transition age.
  8. 8. URBAN TRANSFORMATION: CONTROVERSIES, CONTRASTS and CHALLENGES 547 cultural difference. It‘s not surprising, therefore, someone proposed to change three main principles of modern cohabitation – freedom, equality and brotherhood – into freedom, diversity and tolerance. SPACE VERSUS TIME In the global era the conception of time and space has deeply changed: the world seems smaller and bigger than ever because everyone can easily reach any place or have information about it, the way of living and experiencing cities is influenced by images, reproduced and sold through the web, so that consumption of places is detached from a slow and physical knowledge, erasing affection and care. According to the model proposed by Francois Ascher (Ascher, 2000), cities are undergoing a complete metamorphosis, taking ever more on the character of metapolis: the transportation system and telecommunication software techniques, the so-called telematic agora, are the new social glue of a multitude of different individuals, replacing the square of ancient villages. Society of metapolis has a hypertext-based structure6 , a network of social links which are established between individuals, so that society is organized and operates through series of multidimensional and interconnected networks that provide an increased mobility of people, goods, information, where individuals move between both in a real and virtual way into separate social worlds, several times a day. The contemporary society is made up of multi-owned individuals who are able to belong to multiple different social fields: family, work, leisure, neighborhood, religious and socio-political organizations. However not all individuals, for various reasons but largely related to their personal history, have the same opportunities to build n- dimensional social spaces or to pass easily from one dimension to another. For someone, the stratification of network membership is completely flattened: inside metapolis they are not multi-owned, often inhabit large blocks of public housing, meet people from their district or neighborhood, so their business, family, local, religious areas are largely overlap each other. This means that the possibility of moving in a range of different field creates opportunities that are not accessible to everyone. To keep away and separate all differencesthere are not only social or geographic barriers: the global dimension of the contemporary city is characterized by a secular acceleration concerning capital, people and information movement, continuously expanding through geographical space, so that everyone can inhabit more than one place at the same time and can live experiences in a physical and not physical dimension, erasing memories of slow times of daily living. The contemporary city is, as Giddens argues (Giddens, 1990), stretched in space and time.An example is NYLON (New York - London), unified transnational space designed by academics and mainstream media: the annual flow of passengers on the London - New York air route, which currently is the busiest route in the world, is the expression of a set of economic, social and cultural interactions between the two urban centres, a vast urbanity which is the basis of a rebirth of the two cities, both developed after years of decline, hosting rich and heterogeneous immigrant populations that contributed to the vitality of their 6 Hypertext is text displayed on a computer or other electronic device with references (hyperlinks) to other text that the reader can immediately access, usually by a mouse click or keypress sequence. Hypertext is the underlying concept defining the structure of the World Wide Web, making it an easy-to-use and flexible format to share information over the internet platform.
  9. 9. 14th IPHS CONFERENCE 12-15 July 2010 Istanbul-TURKEY 548 culture and economy (Burdett and Kanai, 2006). The experiment of a city as a result of two purely geographical urban centres is not new: during 80‘s the mayors of Milano and Torino dreamed the meta-city called MITO, a continuous urban form within the same urbanized area, the vast megalopolis extending in northwest padana valley of Italy7 .The proposal of Franco Purini at the Biennale of Architecture in Venice (2006), at the Italian pavilion, follows the same philosophy: he designed a new city, located between Verona and Mantova, near the intersection of railway European corridors Lisbon-Kiev and Berlin-Palermo, called VEMA. This is a total experiment, which explores every area of urban planning: VEMA summarizes and proposes, in a more complex structural key, embedded in European and global dynamics, the urban world of the padana valley, marked by a strong environmental and architectural uniformity, contradicted by specific, subtle differences and animated by powerful monumental presences (Purini, Marzot and Sacchi, 2006). VEMA aims to become, in its whole, an out-and-out think tank, a mental engine of society, through the application of the ―three T‘s‖ theory by Richard Florida (Florida, 2002), namely talent, technology and tolerance: the first one clearly understood in the creative sense, the second one mainly in the computer science aspect, the third one in a social sense and, specifically, open to diversity. The contemporary city has developed the ability to build its three-dimensional image through powerful spatial representations, searching for a new language and a new expression, which is closely dependent on technology, real urban high-impact utopias towards social, emotional and cultural imaginary, far away from everyday reality. Opportunities are offered by large voids left by the end of industrialization city processes, in large areas in different parts of central Europe, namely urban transformations through which rebalance the physical and functional structures of the existing city. Time, the fourth dimension in urban design projects, seems to be an elusive variable, flowing faster if technology that feeds it is high-speed and advanced, difficult to harness in a grid of predetermined factors, but capable of altering the physical enjoyment of urban places. Time, evolving through daily physical forms of the city, is linked to personal clocks of individuals – timetables, agendas, rhythms - and to modalities through which, during daytime and at night, the city offers itself to people, able to give services and to amaze at the same time. This duality in the contemporary world is strongly influenced by technological innovation that turns urban spaces into highly sophisticated and competitive places, in a global sense. But time is also intended as genius saeculi8 , the spirit of time, the dominant spirit of our contemporary age, able to change the normal perception of things and of the whole world. The city, the place of humanity and society par excellence, is the truest physical representation of inner-time universe. 7 The growth patterns of the last two decades, however, show that MITO does not really exists, although the two cities show the presence of forms of economic and functional interdependence and are supposed to be further influenced by the high-speed railway line under construction in this part of Europe. 8 Spiritof time, Zeitgeist in German, is an expression adopted in the eighteenth century philosophy which indicates the dominant cultural trend in a certain historical period. The term is found almost unchanged in a sentence of Mephistopheles in "Faust" by Johann Wolfgang Goethe (Was ihr den Geist der Zeiten heißt –it has been the spirit of times), but it is mainly known in the field of analytical philosophy of history, through Hegel thought and his lectures on the subject. The concept of genius saeculi is used in this paper referred to social and cultural practices related to a specific context.
  10. 10. URBAN TRANSFORMATION: CONTROVERSIES, CONTRASTS and CHALLENGES 549 LOOKING FOR BEAUTY AND URBAN WELLBEING In the contemporary city it is possible to identify four dimensions related to different ways to experience and enjoy urban places: real city, living city, imagined city, dreamed city. The living city does not necessarily coincide with the real city: everyone, in fact, daily lives, passes through, uses spaces and places inside the city, but everyone, in a unique way, composes each day his own city, defining the mesh of paths and connections, based on his place of residence, his working time and life, choosing entertainment and leisure places on his habits and needs. Everyone moves in an urban endless continuum, where public aspects, related to relationships, sharing, participation, social practices, mix up with private aspects, related to individuality, diversity, lifestyles. Everyone is inclined to build his own neighborhood, drawing in the real city a tailor-made city, a city a la carte. So the boundary between reality and image/imagery is increasingly blurred: dreams, fashion, myths, illusions, desires have become powerful factors in shaping the real city. No longer, therefore, a city of numbers, multitudes, actors, entrepreneurs, interests, according to a Cartesian and overhead model.The urban planning culture today, more than ever, is committed to respond to a demand of beauty and attractiveness, both in its physical and morphological dimension, offering attractive models of transformation of places throught huge, futuristic, powerful symbolic-architectures, self-expression of a specific language design and strong visual sign in the urban landscape. The mayors of many Italian and European cities establish a direct relationship with the renowned architects - so-called archistars (Lo Ricco and Micheli, 20039 ) – in charge of performing major public works or spectacular infrastructures, because their implementation is considered exceptional and therefore it follows special procedures. Trade journals, but also mass divulgation magazines, tend to evaluate and enhance projects as such, its intrinsic value rather than its relationship with the existing built environment. The most significant evidence of new urban centrality are represented, as well as from established structures such as theaters, cinemas, museums, parks, also from new forms of entertainment shops - shopping centres that also offer recreational activities and games - or edutainment places - places of entertainment related to education - which require to come out the isolation and the puntual location in order to access the network, which is the city. The cityscape - physical landscape of the city - thus assumes new connotations, more ultramodern, technologically functional, projected towards the conquest of the coming future. At the same time public spaces needs to host new representations of leisure, entertainment, consumption, flanerie, in order to satisfy a wide dimension of pleasure, expression of freedom, all rights and all needs. The mindscape(Amendola, 1997) - symbolic and mental landscape of the city - materializing into physical forms within the city, becomes synonymous of a widespread urban weelbeing demand, intended both individual and collective coexistence, through wide forms of social security. Security has always been regarded as the essence of the city, already detectable in the fresco by Ambrogio Lorenzetti (1338-40) depicting the ―Allegory of Good Government‖, considered the most faithful description of the Middle Age ideal city, the happy, beautiful and prosperous city. He puts an angel over the city, 9 This interesting essay outlines details of a rising inexorable phenomenon, in the world of Architecture: the term "spettacolo" (show business) refers to the jet-set cool atmosphere and the copyright on the word "archistar" is an expression derived from the fusion between marketing and culture, as well as the transformation of identity into a commercial brand which are dominant elements in the contemporary economic society.
  11. 11. 14th IPHS CONFERENCE 12-15 July 2010 Istanbul-TURKEY 550 Securitas, who brings a scroll on which it is written: «…senza paura ognuom franco camini». Contemporary public spaces, places of collective coexistence, are more and more linked to globalization phenomena: time-space acceleration, multi-presence, dissolution of personal relationships, space of flows, new information and communication systems, experiences related not to sites but to images, way of quick, visual, not physical knowledge, loss of old solidarity forms and knowledge (family, community) and birth of new ones (distance and confidence), different and non-fixed scale social places. They are scenarios of individuality, where the social dimension doesn‘t exist anymore, «the non-place urban realm» (Webber, 1964)as defined by Melvin Webber. Thus it is very clear and effective the distinction introduced by Marco Cenzatti and Margaret Crawford (Cenzatti and Crawford, 1993) of «quasi-public space» and «public quasi-space». The first ones, shopping malls, stations, airports and convention centers, are private places but open to public use, accessible to all people who have a credit card or can buy and spend money: they express a new form of social space, something between the domestic and public space, with a strong mechanism of inclusion and often, only formally, similar to squares. The second ones are sons of new communication networks, electronic mail, fax, modem, telephone, TV and have no relation between physical place and social experience: they create a new way of looking at the city, not a static organization of physical objects around one centre or more centres, but organization of networks, often invisible, able to multiply the possibilities of communication and interaction at a distance and to eliminate the need for a physical place. They represent new forms of place generated by the media and increasingly sophisticated technologies, which promote an home-culture service and contribute to the loss of all possibilities offered by interaction and conflict that generate social growth. However, it is just in the public space, the physical place of human relationship between individuals, that the contemporary city can try to define its identity, because it is the place where everyone can exercise the experience of autonomy and uniqueness and at the same time of community, local and global, diversity, comparison, hybridization, knowledge, contamination, socialization made of speech, listening, game, rules, transgression, recognition. The place, therefore, where every individual can be, where freedom and democracy are put into practice, where values of humanity are exalted (Scandurra, 2003). CONTEMPORARY HISTORIC CITY Today half of the world‘s population lives in cities. The United Nation report ―State of the World‘s Cities 2006/7‖ calculates that 75% of the planet in 2050 will live in cities, while just a century ago only 10% lived in urban areas. In the light ofthe urban scenery complexity emerging at the beginning of the millennium, it is clear how the contemporary city has to reinvent and improve itself, acting on the growing demand expressed by its inhabitants, trying to bridge the gap between «methods of thought and methods of feeling» (Giedion, 1948) occurred in the previous century, trying to achieve an intellectual, political and emotionalunityof culture. Such intervention requires interrelation of micro with macro-social, of quality with quantity, through the use of different and cross-learning knowledge related to urban planning discipline, in order to
  12. 12. URBAN TRANSFORMATION: CONTROVERSIES, CONTRASTS and CHALLENGES 551 reconcile physical city aspects to those related to the living cityand the subject (intervention on the city) with the object (community). But how to design places that can generate affectivity and satisfy forms of desire for collective life within a complex global society that tends to level differences, that denies forms of solidarity because it encourages isolation and loneliness? It is obvious that it‘s not possible todesign places accessible to everyone, to all existing human diversity, because exclusions should be inevitable. The paradigm of contemporary urban theory is to reverse the classical concept of public space, intended as a place where people gather to discuss the facts of the city, according to an ideal of political life based on dialogue and reasoning, and consider urban place as a comparing space between differentpeople with the same rights, inside which everyone feels free and safe having dealings with others. The project of agora, namely the place of public-private urban sociality, and ecclesia, namely the public-public place of political power, must be closely linked to the oikos, namely private place of home and family, because the public decision affects in some waythe private life, and at the same time the private sphere does not guarantee socialization of individuals (Castoriadis, 1998).In addition to being regarded as the first aggregation element in the overall design of the city, the house must be systematized with all the functions of the city. In European urban culture, since the late twentieth century, life style and behaviour of the inhabitants depend very largely on the geographic location of their houses, which is no longer regarded as the place of permanent residence but as an extension of the city: houses must therefore be able to meet the same requirements of beauty, usability, attractiveness, safety that contemporary city has to satisfy, must be technologically equipped, through an efficient system of networks and of energy savings of consumption.This need is reflected in an increasingly housing disorder: the upper-class housing estates, gated communities, restored blocks in the historical centre inhabited by bourgeoisie, degraded (sometimes historical) central areas, suburban middle-class neighbourhoods, popular quarters without services, semi-central autonomous districts, dormitoryslats, emergency houses in the extreme periphery, barracks. The unequal spatial distribution of residences not only draws a physical geography of the city but also a social geography which is projected into the material concreteness of the city. It is necessary to look at the city and its genius loci through new eyes, «the question of whether you can see and think differently from the wayyou think and see, is essential to continue to look at and reflect»(Foucault, 1984). This means to start a real epistemological revolution, which aims to establish a new knowledge able to understand our inner-world, consisting of our thinking and our feeling, the genius saeculi, that guides us in reflecting these thought and feeling in the historical built environment. The parameter is no longer Man, with capital M, intended as in traditional normative and universalistic models of Humanism, but people, with the lowercase p and in a plural sense, which means different populationsliving together in the designed city, intended for what they really are and not for what they should be. The imperative is to design the city with people in mind, having people as datum-point, getting into the diverse humanity that constitutes the contemporary social world, in order to answer to the growing desire to live and enjoy the city, as an expression of that «right to the city» mentioned by Henri Lefebvre (Lefebvre, 1968) forty years ago. So the historic city could be the instrument of a new genesis, an order-setting element inside complexity because it can collect and contain all instances of the contemporary world in the consolidated urban grain. Genius saeculi, the spirit of time, requires an
  13. 13. 14th IPHS CONFERENCE 12-15 July 2010 Istanbul-TURKEY 552 update of public spaces content and collective themes, which are read and assigned to the historical forms from people who live and inhabit those places, and the insertion of new meanings, new values, new forms of environmental exploitation. The historic city is able to translate this need and to express it through the continuity of architectural language, inherited from the past, and through identity values of community, according to a sustainable model that has already demonstrated its effectiveness through history, adapting itself andcreating layer upon layer, century after century. It can act as a centrifugal force to which all peripheral appendages converge, in order to connect all public spaces into one network, defining a system of sequences from the urban centre to outdoor districts, activating regeneration and rehabilitation processes of degraded areas, defining new focuses, becoming a hierarchical and scalarprinciple. It is able to generate a spatial oneness, in which different parts interact through the interconnection of public spaces, updated and adapted to new forms of social life, forming an evolved narrative plot, turned to a new ethical, functional and aestheticaldimension. The historic city is able to awake the sense of belonging of the contemporary man to the world that he has builthimself, which is the purest reflection of his social evolution. Because the world that history has consigned us is a long processresult, bound to change again and again by introducing new variables, where the only constant is and has always been man. And it is only through a comprehensive and clear knowledge of the human real world that it is possible to return to work on the city and to identify the meaning and value of all things. «For a split second, between the loss of everything that I knew beforeand the purchase of all that I would have learned later, I was able to embrace in a single thought the world of things as they were and things as they could have been, and I realized that a unique system held everything» (Calvino, 1967). REFERENCES Alexander, C (1987) ―A new theory of urban design‖, Oxford University Press, Oxford Amendola, G. (1997) ―La città postmoderna. Magie e paure della metropoli contemporanea‖, Laterza, Roma-Bari Amin, A. and Thrift N. (2001) ―Cities. Reimagining the Urban‖, Polity Press, Cambridge Ascher, F. (2000) ―Le nouveaux principes d‘urbanisme―, Edition de l‘Aube, Paris Augè, M. (1992) ―Non-lieux‖, Edition du Seuil, Paris Bauman, Z. (1997) ―Liquid Modernity‖, Polity Press, Cambridge Buls, C. (1893) ―L'Esthetique des Villes―, Bruyland-Christople, Brussels Burdett, R. and Kanai, M. (2006) ―La costruzione delle città in un‘era di trasformazione urbana‖, Catalogo della 10. Mostra Internazionale di Architettura. Biennale di Venezia, ―Architettura e società‖, Marsilio, Padova Calvino, I. (1967) ―L‘origine degli Uccelli‖ in ―Ti con zero‖, Einaudi, Torino Castoriadis, C. (1998) ―De l'autonomie en politique. L'individu privatisé―, Le Monde diplomatique, février, 23 Cenzatti, M. and Crawford, M. (1993) ―Public Spaces and Parallel Worlds‖, Casabella, 597-598, pp. 34-38
  14. 14. URBAN TRANSFORMATION: CONTROVERSIES, CONTRASTS and CHALLENGES 553 Cullen, G (1961) ―Townscape‖, The Architectural Press, London Durkheim, E. (1970) ―La Science sociale et l‘Action―, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris Florida, R. (2002) ―The Rise of the Creative Class: And How It's Transforming Work, Leisure, Community and Everyday Life‖, Basic Books, New York Foucault, M. (1984) ―L‘usage des plaisirs‖, Gallimard, Paris Friedman, Y (1974) ―Utopies Réalisables‖, Editions de l‘éclat, Paris Geddes, P. (1915) ―Cities in evolution‖, Williams and Borgate, London Gehl, J. (1987) ―Life Between Buildings. Using Public Space‖, Van Nostrand Reinhold, New York (first edition) Giddens, A. (1990) ―The consequences of modernity‖, Polity Press, Cambridge Giedion, S. (1948) ―Mechanization takes command: a contribution to anonymous history‖, Oxford University Press, Oxford Glazer, N. e Moynihan, D. P. (1970) ―Beyond the melting pot‖, MIT Press, Cambridge Indovina, F. (2006), (edited by) ―Nuovo lessico urbano‖, Franco Angeli, Milano Ingersoll R. (2006) ―Sprawltown. Looking for the city in its edge‖, Princeton Architectural Press, New York Jacobs, J. (1961) ―The death and life of great american cities‖, Vintage Books, New York Jencks, C. (1977) ―The Language of Post-Modern Architecture―, Academy Editions, London Koolhaas, R. (2001) ―Junkspace‖, Project on the City 2/Harvard Design School, ―Guide to shopping‖, Taschen, Köln Lefebvre, H. (1968) ―Le droit à la ville‖, Antrophos, Paris Le Galès, P. (1995), ―European Cities‖, Oxford University Press, Oxford Lo Ricco, G. and Micheli, S. (2003) ―Lo spettacolo dell‘architettura. Profilo dell‘archistar©‖, Bruno Mondatori, Milano Lynch, K. (1981) ―A theory of good city form‖, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachussets Lyotard, J. F. (1979) ―La Condition postmoderne: Rapport sur le savoir―, Les Editions de Minuit, Paris Martinotti, G. (1993) ―Metropoli. La nuova morfologia sociale della città‖, Il Mulino, Bologna Mela, A. (2006) ―Sociologia delle città‖, Carocci, Roma Mumford, L. (1938) ―The culture of cities‖, Hartcourt Brace & Co., New York Norberg-Schulz, C. (1979) ―Genius loci. Paesaggio ambiente architettura―, Electa, Milano
  15. 15. 14th IPHS CONFERENCE 12-15 July 2010 Istanbul-TURKEY 554 Park, R. E., Burgess, E. W. and McKenzie, R. D. (1938) ―The city‖, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago Purini, F., Marzot, N. and Sacchi L. (2006), (edited by), ―La città Nuova italia – y – 26. Invito a Vema, Il padiglione italiano alla 10. Mostra internazionale di Architettura‖, Compositori, Bologna Romano, M. (1993), ―L'estetica della città europea‖, Einaudi, Torino Rossi, A. (1966) ―L'architettura della città‖, Marsilio, Padova Sandercook, L. (1998), ―Towards cosmopolis. Planning for Multicultural cities―, John Wiley & Sons, New York Sassen, S. (1991) ―The Global City‖, Princeton University Press, Princeton Scandurra, E. (2003) ―Città morenti e città viventi‖, Meltemi, Roma Sen, A. K. (1993) ―Capability and wellbeing‖, Nussbaum, N. and Sen, A. K. ―The quality of life‖ Clarendon press, Oxford Sitte, C. (1889) ―Der Städte-bau nach seinen künstlerischen Grundsätzen―, Verlag von Carl Graeser, Wien Webber, M. (1964) ―The Urban Place and the Non-Place Urban Realm‖ Explorations into Urban Structure, University Press of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Wirth, L. (1938) ―Urbanism as a way of life‖, American Journal of Sociology, 44
  16. 16. urbanistica DOSSIERonline 006 Rivista monografica online ISBN 978-88-7603-101-4 INUEdizioni CITTÀ OPEN SOURCE SPAZIO PUBBLICO NETWORK INNOVAZIONE SOCIALE a cura di Ilaria Vitellio ATTI WORKSHOP BIENNALE SPAZIO PUBBLICO 2013
  17. 17. Presentazione MARIO SPADA Introduzione ILARIA VITELLIO L’Infoscape Open Source delle Città SALVATORE IACONESI, ORIANA PERSICO La Città Open Source ILARIA VITELLIO Multiwalks. Passeggiate artistiche nelle città europee DAMIANO RAZZOLI Performing Media per l’Urban Experience. La via ludico-partecipativa alla cittadinanza educativa CARLO INFANTE, SAVERIO MASSARO Il suono dello spazio pubblico: camminare e ascoltare per rivivere la città CAMILLA CROSTA ITI Itinerari Turistici Industriali CATERINA TIMPANARO In viaggio attraverso geografie emozionali e paesaggi sonori urbani: la mappa sonora tenera di Firenze ANTONELLA RADICCHI STAMPAXI+ SARDARCH, FRANCESCO COCCO, MATTEO LECIS COCCO ORTU, NICOLÒ FENU Il Progetto Artena ANGELO ABBATE, ANTONIO CAPERNA, ANGELO GENTILI, GIACOMO GRAZIOSI, ANGELICA FORTUZZI, GUGLIELMO MINERVINO, STEFANO SERAFINI Sequenze urbane. Unità minime di conversAzione sullo spazio pubblico MATTIA LEONE, DANILO IACONE, VITTORIO SANTANGELO, FRANCESCA NICOLAIS, VALERIA SCIALÒ, GUIDO ACAMPA Spazio pubblico figitale: una convergenza tra luoghi e comunità attive GIUSEPPE ROCCASALVA, SIMONA VALENTI Mapping Marina LORENZO GRUSSU, PATRIZIA SULIS INDICE 1 | SOFTWARE CITY 01 03 05 11 16 20 24 29 33 40 48 60 55 66
  18. 18. El re-uso como clave para una regeneración urbana sostenible PATRIZIA DI MONTE, IGNACIO GRÁVALOS citymakers GT, produrre giocando! TIZIANA AMICUZI, GIULIO PASCALI Urban hacktivism e locative media. Strategie di riappropriazione dei paesaggi dell’abbandono ALESSANDRO CARIELLO, ROSSELLA FERORELLI, SMALL: SOFT METROPOLITAN ARCHITECTURE AND LANDSCAPE LAB  [im]possible living DANIELA GALVANI, ANDREA SESTA MICROSPAZI-MI: crowdsourcing e crowdmapping per la qualificazione partecipata e sostenibile dello spazio pubblico latente MARCO VEDOÀ La governance tra progettazione partecipata e metodologie open: il progetto “E tu cosa ci vedi?” ANDREA CECCHIN, ANNA AGOSTINI, MICHELE SBRISSA, MATTEO BRUNATI EMERGING FORMS OF LIVING COLLECTIVELY THE CITY. The experience of LOCAL SQUARES in community-driven spaces in Madrid GIULIA MOLINENGO, LENA HUMMEL NON RISERVATO dal web alla piazza e ritorno NICOLA CIANCIO, ASSOCIAZIONE CULTURALE EX-VOTO MILANO, GIOVANNA CRISAFULLI Riformulazione urbana attraverso nuovi spazi di co-working DANIEL ESGUEVILLAS Il Sabato alla Bovisa DAVIDE FASSI, ROBERTA MOTTER Spazi urbani e vita pubblica. Azioni ed esperimenti di “social engagement” LUISA BRAVO Piattaforme ibride per moltiplicare le possibilità: diventare segugi urbani con CITY-HOUND Nina Artioli, Alessandra Glorialanza, Eliana Saracino (T SPOON) INDICE 72 79 81 87 88 92 95 105 100 109 114 119 2 | CITY 2.0
  19. 19. INDICE Coltivando. L'orto conviviale al Politecnico di Milano DAVIDE FASSI, ALESSANDRO SACHERO Agriculture as peace infrastructure MIRKO ANDOLINA Un frutteto a Metropoliz MICHELA PASQUALI Nuove pratiche di riconfigurazione dello spazio pubblico per contrastare gli effetti del cambiamento climatico VALENTINA CRUPI La generazione CO- e i processi di riqualificazione del Terzo Paesaggio DANIELA PANARIELLO Sensibilità collettiva e smart cities. Una proposta di metodo per tenere bassi i costi dell’errore nel progetto dello spazio pubblico ALICE ALBANESE Intercultural garden: strumento per costruire appartenenza ELIANA SARACINO Mappare l’interazione sociale negli spazi verdi: strumenti di visualizzazione analitica GIUSEPPE ROCCASALVA, WALTER CAVALLARO La prossimità dell’agricoltura periurbana tra criticità e potenzialità; quale prospettiva? GINA FURIA, LUIGI NEFASTO, DANIELA D’ARGENIO Tecnonatura: processi di Land Art come generatori di energia ELISA CRISTIANA CATTANEO 125 129 135 138 142 146 151 157 156 162 3 | RE-IMAGINING THE COMMONS FIELDS
  20. 20. 5INDICE Sezione A. Architetti e ingegneri / la Categoria 1. La città sociale A.1.1_Estonoesunsolar_Patrizia di Monte, Ignacio Gravasol A.1.2_Una tartaruga in Piazza Venerio-Udine_Gruppo Bedawang_Luca Gremese, Luigi Montalbano, Alessandro Verona A.1.3_MACH MANN HEIM Urban Innovation Platform Empowering Mannheim's Citizens_Daniela Patti, Radostina Radulova, Esaú Acosta Pérez, Mauro Gil-Fournier Esquerra, Miguel Jaenicke Fontao, Wulf Kramer, Franziska Bettac, Leo Grosswendt, Jaro Eiermann A.1.4_Paesaggi (ex)industriali - dalla dismissione alla città_Marino la Torre, Alberto Ulisse A.1.5_Piazza Vittorio Partecipata_Franca Marina Fresa, Ilaria Rossi Doria, Sonia Sabbadini Sezione A. Architetti e ingegneri / Categoria 2. La città Open Source A.2.1_Un Central Park tra Torino e Milano? Uno spazio pubblico per Expo 2015_Andrea Rolando, Stefano Di Vita A.2.2_Catania in Realtà Aumentata_Giordano Salvatore, Rosario Rapisarda A.2.3_City-Hound: social network per la trasformazione temporanea degli spazi urbani sottoutilizzati_Nina Artioli, Alessandra Glorialanza, Eliana Saracino_TSPOON environment architecture A.2.4_Vitamina C: manifestazione fisica din una identità virtuale_Stefano Piraccini A.2.5_Share the City!_Fabio Mancini Sezione B. Studenti e altre discipline / Categoria 1. La città sociale B.1.1_WUNDERKAMMER. Recupero degli ex magazzini fluviali di Ferrara _ Aps Basso profilo B.1.2_1xCoworkerSTORE: la vetrina di maker_Mod-o B.1.3_Dal Borgo al Carcere. La riappropriazione dei luoghi attraverso la riabilitazione dell’uomo_Gionata Rizzolini, Derek Andrea Piemonti B.1.4_Riqualificazione architettonica ed energetica a basso costo partecipata degli spazi occupati della città: la Casa delle Donne “Lucha y Siesta”_Alessandra Marsiglia B.1.5_Progetto “Ex Prima Classe”_Margherita Belgrano, Mattia Galliano Sezione B. Studenti e altre discipline / Categoria 2. La città Open Source B.2.1_FLPP–IL FRONTE DI LIBERAZIONE DEI PIZZINI PIZZONI: la rivoluzione che arriva dal futuro_Tamalacà B.2.2_ChipIn. Un gioco urbano per sincronizzare la città_gruppo Tulup_Emanuela Caponera, Federica Fava, Dorotea Ottaviani, Elena Peruzzi B.2.3_PopHub, una piattaforma di mappatura e riattivazione per innovatori urbani_Silvia Sivo, Luca Langella B.2.4_SEETY Milano: strumento di partecipazione all’illuminazione urbana_Daria Casciani B.2.5_Milano Stòri. Creazione di un hub culturale dove i flussi urbani diventano storia, memoria e azione creativa_Eugenia Montagnini, Alice Selene Boni 167 181 194 205 4 | CALL FOR IDEAS
  21. 21. 114 Spazi urbani e vita pubblica. Azioni ed esperimenti di “social engagement” Nell’era della tecnologia digitale, la percezio- ne e la conoscenza della città e dei suoi spazi è in parte scollegata dalla sperimentazione fisica diretta: i cyber-utenti, come veri e propri flaneur, interagiscono nel web 2.0 in modi e forme del tutto simili a quelle consolidate nello spazio fisico reale. Questa fruizione virtuale del mondo ha progressivamente rilanciato una rin- novata esigenza di vivere e godere fisicamente gli spazi della città: le azioni informali di design urbano alla piccola scala e gli interventi spon- tanei di micro-urbanistica, sempre più pervasivi nella pratica urbanistica, hanno trovato terreno fertile di visibilità e diffusione attraverso il web. Si tratta per lo più di pratiche di condivisione, trasformazione, appropriazione e partecipazio- ne dello spazio, che mettono insieme pubblico e privato in una rinnovata uguaglianza urbana e sociale. Spesso i risultati sono temporanei ma hanno la capacità di imporsi fortemente, dal punto di vista emotivo e partecipativo, median- te una promozione basata anche sul social-net- working, perché in grado di dimostrare ciò che la città potrebbe essere riattivando un coinvol- gimento sociale dei cittadini. Ripensare la città e lo spazio pubblico Negli ultimi decenni, nei saggi di molti autori e in generale nella letteratura relativi ai sistemi urbani, il termine “città” è stato spesso accompagnato da un aggettivo, attraverso il quale si intendeva connota- re, dare consistenza e specificità alla sua condizio- ne fisica o teorica: la città è stata, di volta in volta, bella, ordinata, ricca, efficiente, invisibile, disfatta, dispersa, diffusa, infinita, immateriale e, strettamente legata alla cultura dominante, pure multiculturale, globale, virtuale, universale, in rete, digitale. Tanti aggettivi che hanno progressivamente conferito alla città un’essenza tendenziosa, avviando un inarre- stabile processo di perdita di identità (Purini, 2004). Non solo, tanti aggettivi che hanno reso evidente, da un lato, la difficoltà di comprendere e di definire compiutamente la complessità dell’oggetto “città”, nella sua dimensione contemporanea, e l’evoluzione dei suoi valori, come esito della crisi della moderni- tà; dall’altro la mancanza di un convincimento forte nell’interpretazione delle trasformazioni politiche, economiche e sociali che hanno investito la società e il mondo nel secolo scorso (Indovina, 2006). A questa difficoltà teorica di tipo disciplinare si è aggiunta, già a partire dagli anni Novanta, una difficoltà operativa dell’azione progettuale, generata dall’irresistibile pervasività di una pratica burocratica sempre più basata sull’inflazione normativa e sulla ridondanza delle verifiche quantitative. L’affastellarsi delle regole, dei piani e delle norme ha prodotto una progressiva caduta di legittimazione dell’urbanisti- ca, come strumento, ed ha aperto la strada ad una stagione di sostanziale impotenza dell’urbanistica praticata, imprigionata e quasi paralizzata da una struttura fatta di vincoli, divieti e procedure sempre più complesse e standardizzate, in cui poco spazio veniva lasciato alla componente creativa. Mentre i ritmi dell’azione urbanistica, teorica e pratica, progressivamente rallentavano, perdendosi nella gestione dei processi, anche a seguito della crisi del welfare state e dei modelli di governance, le città iniziavano a cambiare e ad aumentare la loro com- plessità, a seguito di profonde e rapide trasformazio- ni: nuovi gruppi sociali, nuovi conflitti urbani, nuovi problemi di cittadinanza e di coesione, di marginaliz- zazione e di esclusione, nuove condizioni di disparità e d’insicurezza, nuovi stili e modi di vita. All’inizio del nuovo Millennio è apparsa indispensa- bile una penetrante riflessione critica a tutto campo, a cui accompagnare politiche innovative, volte a sperimentare modalità di intervento meno convenzio- nali, basate su una capacità tutta nuova di ascoltare, di comunicare e di condividere. Una riflessione, sviluppata da storici, sociologi, antropologi, geografi, economisti, linguisti, filosofi, scrittori, artisti, architetti, urbanisti, ingegneri, imprenditori ed amministratori locali, che ha dovuto necessariamente interrogarsi sulla ri-definizione della città, declinata attraverso le nuove istanze e le molteplici espressioni riferite al contemporaneo. L’elemento che ha rappresentato un punto di rottura
  22. 22. 115 che è piuttosto difficile oggi ricostruire e comprendere quando questo passaggio è avvenuto. Sappiamo solo che è diventato ineludibile perché troppo eviden- te per essere ignorato. Le pubbliche amministrazioni, avendo inteso la potenzialità di questo fenomeno, tale da imporsi come risorsa preziosa, hanno iniziato a promuovere bandi e attività di sostegno alle libere forme associative, vale a dire forme semplici di ag- gregazione civica. In tempo di crisi, nella precarietà del lavoro nelle sue vecchie e consolidate strutture, le nuove generazioni hanno così trovato forme smart di micro-impresa, legate alla costruzione di una rin- novata consapevolezza e cultura delle città mediante progetti che trovano spazio di finanziamento in Euro- pa e visibilità nel mondo. In questa complessa operazione non sempre gli architetti, e i progettisti in generale, hanno avuto un ruolo: prendersi cura della strada di fronte alla pro- pria casa, promuovere campagne di intervento per la riqualificazione di un giardino o di un parcheggio, organizzare eventi creativi di uso e consumo comu- nitario dello spazio pubblico non richiede nessuna specifica competenza. Everyday Urbanism ovvero la quotidianità dell’ur- banistica Il padiglione degli Stati Uniti, alla Biennale di Ar- chitettura “Common ground” (2012) ha celebrato le azioni di attivismo urbano di tipo bottom-up, mediante la presentazione di 124 progetti (tuttora consultabili nel sito www.spontaneousinterventions. org/interventions), sul tema “Spontaneous Interven- tions: Design Actions for the Common Good”. Il progetto di esposizione, curato da Cathy Lang Ho e promosso dall’Institute for Urban Design di New York, organizzazione non-profit presieduta da Michael Sorkin (Sorkin, 1992), ha valorizzato efficacemente le azioni informali di design urbano alla piccola scala e gli interventi spontanei di micro-urbanistica pre- sentando gli esiti di processi sviluppati anche senza uno specifico progetto firmato da un architetto o approvato dalla pubblica amministrazione3 : nel loro carattere instabile e amorfo queste azioni di do-it- yourself urbanism o tactical urbanism (Lydon, 2011) sono espressione di un’esigenza di partecipazione democratica e di un desiderio di libertà, che vive e si alimenta anche attraverso le reti sociali stabilite a li- vello virtuale. Molto spesso esse prevedono interventi “lighter, quicker, cheaper”, come definiti dagli esperti di placemaking dell’organizzazione no-profit “Project for Public Spaces” (, con base a New York. Nell’ottica di agire in proprio per il benessere 3 Il padiglione USA è stato premiato con una Menzio- ne speciale dalla giuria della 13. Mostra Internazionale di architettura, Biennale di Venezia 2012. Dal 24 maggio 2013 (e fino al 1 settembre) la mostra “Spontaneous Interventions” è stata presentata per la prima volta negli Stati Uniti presso il Chicago Cultural Center. I contenuti sono stati aggiornati con 84 progetti, di cui alcuni dall’area di Chicago e altri selezionati dall’esposizione di Venezia, e con una “outdoor living room” nel Millennium Park, progettata da MAS Studio. e di istantaneo superamento degli strumenti consoli- dati del passato è stato la costituzione del cyber spa- ce delle reti (Mitchell, 1996). Alla complessità fisica e fisiologica dell’organismo urbano, si è sovrapposto, in forme sempre più pervasive ed efficaci, il layer delle comunità virtuali, in cui gli utenti, come veri e propri flaneur, esplorano la riproduzione digitale del mondo: passeggiano nelle piazze, visitano musei, comprano nei mercati interattivi, dialogano con le istituzioni, si incontrano nelle agorà telematiche dei social networks, interagiscono con amici e scono- sciuti, proprio come avviene nello spazio fisico reale. Oggi un quarto della popolazione mondiale (circa 2 miliardi di persone1 ) è connesso alla rete. La tecnolo- gia ha prodotto, in tempi brevissimi rispetto a quelli attraverso i quali la città fisica costruisce se stessa, un vero e proprio passaggio d’epoca, definendo una nuova conformazione dell’urbano, fruibile a tutti e a vari livelli. Le pubbliche amministrazioni hanno dovuto adeguare i loro modelli di funzionamento alle nuove esigenze richieste dalle cyber communities, costruendo piattaforme di comunicazione e dialogo con i cittadini e gli utenti, che a vario titolo esplorano le reti istituzionali, e mettendo a disposizione strut- ture sempre aggiornate per la condivisione di dati e informazioni (open data2 ). Così mentre la fruizione della città e dei suoi servi- zi, pubblici e privati, è diventata sempre più facile, attraverso anche i dispositivi mobili, l’interazione sociale ha creato connessioni fra i diversi utenti, che dal mondo virtuale si spostano al mondo fisico e vi- ceversa: il sistema delle reti digitali non ha prodotto, come inizialmente molti teorici sostenevano, indivi- dualizzazione e isolamento, anzi, ha rilanciato con forza una socialità vivace e una rinnovata esigenza di vivere e godere fisicamente gli spazi della città. In questo senso, di fronte all’inerzia delle pubbliche amministrazioni nel gestire l’azione sul territorio, è cresciuta l’esigenza, da parte dei cittadini, di rientrare in possesso della città, per modificarne lo spazio di relazione della vita collettiva, per migliorarlo o adat- tarlo a nuovi usi. Diversi soggetti, come singoli o come associazioni, come tecnici o semplicemente cittadini, hanno comin- ciato a ragionare sulle potenzialità di trasformazione, ri-uso, riqualificazione di edifici, aree abbandonate, di piazze e spazi pubblici, hanno presentato progetti e immaginato relazioni per poterli realizzare, hanno reso pubbliche le loro opinioni, attraverso blogs e social networks, hanno sensibilizzato le coscienze su temi di attualità, portando avanti petizioni e manife- stando il proprio dissenso, sono cioè diventati attori protagonisti della scena urbana, capaci di lavorare in un’ottica attenta e costruttiva, perché radicati nel territorio e nelle sue problematicità. Dal virtuale al reale il passo è stato breve e quasi immediato, tanto 1 Fonte: Internet World Stats – stats.htm. 2 Si veda, a titolo di esempio, il progetto “Open data” del Comune di Bologna:
  23. 23. 116 della collettività, le risorse economiche sono limitate mentre la creatività e la cooperazione trovano ampio spazio: i cittadini, intervenendo come principali per- formers, attraverso progetti di tipo pop-up, investono il loro tempo e le loro capacità con generosità disin- teressata, caratterizzata, quasi sempre, anche da una componente ludica che invita alla partecipazione, senza distinzioni di età, e diventa motore di consen- so, partecipazione e di approvazione. L’attenzione nell’individuare e scoprire potenzialità urbane non va rivolta solo agli spazi riconoscibili come luoghi di aggregazione pubblica, ma anche a luoghi banali, aree vuote non compiutamente progettate o a spazi non immediatamente percepibili per un uso collet- tivo, come marciapiedi, cortili, aree di parcheggio (Ben-Joseph, 2012), che generalmente sono utilizzati per usi privati o commerciali. Questi luoghi possono diventare o sono diventati spazi di attività collettiva, legati alle molteplici esigenze della vita comunitaria, anche se solo per alcune ore del giorno o per alcuni giorni della settimana o del mese. I risultati, spesso temporanei, hanno avuto la capacità di imporsi forte- mente sulla comunità, dal punto di vista emotivo e partecipativo, perché in grado di dimostrare ciò che la città potrebbe essere riattivando un coinvolgimento sociale dei cittadini. L’origine di queste pratiche di attivismo urbano si può rintracciare in buona parte in esperienze Nord Euro- pee, come complemento di politiche promosse dalle pubbliche amministrazioni per il miglioramento della mobilità urbana e per la valorizzazione dello spazio pubblico di relazione. Dalle esperienze del woonerf in Olanda alla fine degli anni Sessanta (legittimate e regolamentate a partire dal 1976) alle Home Zones tedesche e inglesi degli anni Settanta (Biddulph, 2001) - sperimentate anche negli Stati Uniti a partire dal 2002 – in Europa inizia un graduale processo di ridefinizione concettuale delle strade, intese non più come luoghi dei flussi a priorità carrabile, ma sempre più organizzate e progettate per una percor- ribilità pedonale e ciclabile, quindi intese come spazi pubblici e come occasioni di vita pubblica. Oggi diverse città europee hanno rinnovato la loro im- magine pedestrian-friendly, promuovendo politiche mirate alla riduzione del traffico veicolare e avviando progetti e azioni di condivisione della strada con altri tipi di utenza. L’eredità teorica di Jan Gehl 4 (1971), e di ben noti studiosi americani come Jane Jacobs (1961) e William H. Whyte (1980), è tornata così prepotentemente alla ribalta: guardare la città e i suoi spazi attraverso gli occhi degli abitanti permette di evidenziarne le potenzialità di trasformazione per favorire l’interazione e coesione sociale. Bruxelles, secondo una ricerca del 2011 dell’azienda 4 Jan Gehl rappresenta sicuramente una figura di riferi- mento nel panorama europeo: il suo lavoro, dal famoso “Life between buildings” (1971) fino al documentario “The human scale” (2012) - presentato in Italia alla Mostra Internazionale di Architettura di Venezia “Common ground” – è l’esito di una approfondita ricerca sull’uso dello spazio pubblico. Si veda: dei navigatori TomTom, è la città più congestionata d’Europa: la velocità media del 70% del traffico vei- colare non supera i 5 km/h. Ma negli ultimi 10 anni il traffico delle biciclette è aumentato dall’1 al 4%, come risposta ad una esigenza di riappropriazione dello spazio e a un desiderio di cambiamento. Un documentario dal titolo “Brussels Express”5 racconta le imprese eroiche di questi bike messengers, che percorrono distanze fino a 180 Km al giorno, defi- nendo un trend che trae origine dalla percezione e fruizione dell’ambiente urbano alla scala umana e sociale. A Parigi, dopo la sperimentazione del programma “Condividere la strada” avviata nel 2012 nel 10° ar- rondissement, l’amministrazione cittadina ha imposto su un terzo delle vie urbane, a partire da settembre 2013, il limite di velocità di 30 Km/h: saranno inte- ressati dal provvedimento un centinaio di zone resi- denziali, 1300 scuole della capitale francese e anche alcuni assi di scorrimento declassati dal municipio a strade di quartiere. Un’ulteriore limitazione della velocità, a 20 km/h, interesserà 23 “zone d'incontro”, in prossimità di centri commerciali, scuole e universi- tà - come il quartiere Marais, dove i pedoni e i ciclisti che vanno a passeggiare o a fare shopping hanno sempre la precedenza - che si andranno ad aggiun- gere alle 15 già esistenti. Parigi potrà dunque contare su 560 chilometri di strade a velocità moderata, il 37% del totale della rete stradale cittadina, e divente- rà quindi il paradiso dei ciclisti e dei pedoni6 . Nel 2008 la Monacelli Press di New York pubblica il volume dal titolo “Everyday urbanism”7 , a cura di John Leighton Chase, Margaret Crawford e John Kaliski. L’Everyday urbanism promuove un concetto alternativo di urban design, un nuovo approccio, basato su Lefebvre (1971) e de Certeau (1984), per riconnettere la ricerca e il progetto dell’urbanistica con l’esperienza umana e sociale. Tale approccio è finalizzato da un lato ad approfondire la città esisten- te e la vita pubblica che in essa si svolge quotidiana- mente, secondo pratiche formali o informali (Ba- nerjee, 2001), dall’altro a proporre nuovi e imprevisti significati ai luoghi ordinari, intesi come parte dell’e- veryday space, attivando una sensibilità specifica verso un substrato di contenuti intangibili. L’Everyday 5 6 Attualmente a Parigi, all’interno dei 20 arrondissement, il 60% della popolazione si sposta a piedi, il 27% col trasporto pubblico, il 7% in macchina e il 4% in bici. Il sindaco Bertrand Delanoë ha anche chiesto al governo una modifica del codice della strada che gli consenta di abbassare la velocità sulle grandi arterie di scorrimento intorno alla capitale a 70 km/h. 7 Si tratta di una expanded version del volume dallo stesso ti- tolo, pubblicato nel 1999. L’introduzione di Margaret Crawford, nell’edizione 2008, chiarisce le origini teoriche alla base della definizione concettuale dell’Everyday urbanism, individuando anche studi, ricerche ed eventi che già negli anni Novanta confluivano nella stessa direzione, con particolare riferimento all’area di Los Angeles e del sud della California; riporta inoltre le critiche all’EU, anche da parte di noti studiosi, per lo più ac- cademici, che avevano probabilmente sottovalutato l’importan- za di un fenomeno che stava crescendo al di fuori degli schemi e delle prassi consolidate dell’urbanistica.
  24. 24. 117 urbanism è basato non più sull’idea convenzionale di “spazio pubblico”, morfologicamente definito e iden- tificato, ma su una molteplicità di “publics”, legati ai ritmi temporali e agli itinerari quotidiani degli utenti, di tipo sia pubblico che privato, in grado di generare multiple occasioni di vita collettiva (Bravo e Crawford, 2013). Esso lavora sia in senso bottom-up (riferita al soggetto) che top-down (utilizzando conoscenza e tecniche sofisticate), vale a dire sia in senso tattico (mediante azioni informali non autorizzate dalla pubblica amministrazione) che strategico (mediante la formulazione di progetti e piani da parte degli enti preposti). Uno degli esiti più soddisfacenti del volume – scrive la Crawford – è stato il crescente entusiasmo da parte di architetti, urbanisti, studenti, persone e gruppi like-minded, che hanno accolto il metodo di lavoro proposto, adottando di conseguenza un nuovo approccio progettuale. L’Everyday urbanism ha così dato un nome a pratiche innovative già in corso e ha definito un concetto al quale un numero sorprendente di persone ha potuto identificarsi. Attra- verso la ricerca di un ordinary magic, in circostanze che molti progettisti definirebbero poco promettenti, l’Everyday urbanism diventa espressione di un intento visionario di trasformazione, più di altri paradigmi dell’urbanistica contemporanea. Emblematica, in questo senso, è stata la recente riqualificazione di Times Square a New York, forse il luogo più fotografato al mondo, nell’ambito del progetto “PlaNYC. A greener, greater New York”, promosso a partire dal 2007 dal sindaco Michael Bloomberg: al traffico automobilistico si è sostituito uno straordinario spazio pubblico di circa 1,8 acri (quasi una volta e mezzo un campo da calcio), in grado di accogliere gli oltre 350.000 pedoni che lo affollano ogni giorno, con molteplici aree di sosta e una solida ed estesa infrastruttura di piste ciclabili, accessibile attraverso una rinnovata ed efficiente rete di bus pubblici. Questo ha significato anche un mi- glioramento del traffico veicolare, maggior sicurezza urbana e potenziamento della struttura commerciale. Stessa fortuna ha avuto il progetto di trasformazione in un parco lineare di una porzione di oltre 2 km del- la rete ferroviaria sopraelevata “High Line” nel Man- hattan West side village8 : avviato a seguito dall’inten- sa attività di un gruppo di residenti, già a partire dal 1999, che si opponevano alla sua demolizione, oggi la High Line si è imposta nell’immaginario collettivo come luogo simbolo di una vincente politica urbana. Molte sono le iniziative negli Stati Uniti basate su un approccio people-oriented. Significativo in questo senso è il progetto “Park(ing) day”, avviato a San Francisco nel 2005 dallo studio di progettazione Re- bar ( In un giorno prestabilito dell’anno gli spazi di sosta per le automobili si tra- sformano in spazi pubblici temporanei, in modi e for- me estremamente creative: è l’occasione per ricoprire l’asfalto di tappeti verdi e sistemare tavolini e sedie di cafè e ristoranti all’aria aperta, in uno spazio ben delimitato e separato dal traffico veicolare, mediante interventi low-cost design. Gli attori di questa trasfor- mazione sono artisti, progettisti e cittadini, impegnati ad affermare la necessità di maggiore spazio urbano per le attività della vita pubblica. L’evento ha avuto un tale successo da essere replicato in moltissime città in tutto il mondo, in forme indipendenti rispetto al progetto originario ma basandosi su linee guida condivise: il Park(ing) day del 2011 ha visto coinvolte 975 locations, 162 città, 35 paesi, 6 continenti9 . 8 Fu costruita nei primi anni Trenta, poi abbandonata nel 1980. La storia di questa straordinaria esperienza di rigenera- zione urbana è ben documentata in David, J. and Hammond, R. (2011), High Line. The inside story of New York City’s park in the sky, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York. 9 Anche l’Italia ha aderito al Park(ing) Day con diverse loca- tions: nel 2009 a Roma e Firenze, nel 2010 a Fiesole, Pisa e Alcuni esiti del progetto “Parklet” promosso a San Francisco da “Pavement to parks”, finalizzato alla creazione di luoghi di sosta e incontro, al margine di strade carrabili (
  25. 25. 118 Altro esempio è il movimento “Guerrilla Gardening”: nato a Manhattan nel 1973 dall’iniziativa di un grup- po di residenti che, volontariamente, avevano creato un’oasi di verde laddove prima era tutto cemento - il primo giardino comunitario in uno spazio pubblico - è divenuto presto il simbolo di una spontanea ribel- lione ad un sistema che negava la possibilità di poter coltivare in città piante e fiori. Da lì in poi la comunità dei “guerriglieri da giardino” è cresciuta in tutto il mondo: oggi il gruppo più forte è quello inglese, ma le comunità locali sono fiorite ovunque, Italia inclusa. Un nuovo modo di lavorare Per raccontare la città contemporanea, in tutte le sue molteplici espressioni, è necessario connettersi con la dimensione globale e con il sistema delle reti attraverso cui viaggiano le informazioni, tenendo in considerazione la complessità di valori e desideri, riflesso di una società non più assimilabile a modelli precostituiti, e la capacità di diversi soggetti di pro- muovere pratiche innovative in grado di conquistare larghi consensi e visibilità. Così mentre sempre più si affermano progetti internet-based di crowdsourcing o crowdfunding, per la documentazione e trasfor- mazione del territorio, dell’architettura e dello spazio urbano, appare sempre più squilibrato il rapporto fra l’azione legittima promossa dal governo pubblico, di tipo top-down, e l’intervento spontaneo di tipo bottom-up (Ring, 2013): il sistema delle regole e dei grandi interventi viene scardinato da una nuova strut- tura agile e fresca, basata su una volenterosa deter- minazione a dare il proprio contributo, sulla capacità di promuovere e utilizzare idee e strumenti creativi e di agire in risposta ad una precisa domanda in uno specifico contesto, potendo contare su ridotte risorse economiche. Appare ormai condivisa ampiamente la consa- pevolezza che la città è un bene comune (Porrino, 2013): l’azione di trasformazione, riqualificazione o valorizzazione di parti di essa è aperta a tutti, in termini sia ideativi che operativi. In questo senso la “Biennale dello spazio pubblico” ha meritoriamente accolto e valorizzato le molteplici istanze che anima- no e arricchiscono la disciplina urbanistica e il “fare” urbanistica (Gabellini, 2010), nella complessità della dimensione contemporanea. La condivisione di idee fra i diversi attori che agiscono sulla scena urbana è infatti lo strumento chiave dell’azione progettuale, so- stenuta e amplificata dal social-networking: architetti, ingegneri e progettisti sono chiamati a confrontarsi con le dinamiche prodotte dalle nuove tendenze, seguendo un approccio riflessivo e precauzionale, flessibile e dinamico, aperto, partecipativo e multi- competente, integrandosi come parte attiva all’inter- no di un processo che persegue come fine ultimo la qualità del vivere urbano. Ascoli Piceno, nel 2011 a Torino. Per maggiori informazioni: LUISA BRAVO Dipartimento di Architettura, Università di Bologna, City Space Architecture, Associazione culturale, Bibliografia Banerjee, T. (2001), The future of public space: beyond invented streets and reinvented places, APA journal, 67(1), pp. 9-24 Ben-Joseph, E. (2012), Rethinking a lot: the design and culture of parking, MIT Press, Cambridge Biddulph, M. (2001), Home Zones: A planning and design handbook, The policy press, Bristol Bravo, L. e Crawford, M. (2013), Publics and their spaces: renewing urbanity in city and suburb, ISUF 2012 – New Urban Configurations conference pro- ceedings, TU Delft (in corso di pubblicazione) Chase, J. L., Crawford, M., Kaliski, J. (a cura di) (2008), Everyday urbanism, Monacelli Press, New York de Certeau, Michel (1984), The Practice of Everyday Life, University of California Press, Berkeley (prima edizione in francese, 1980) Gabellini, P. (2010), Fare urbanistica. Esperienze, comunicazione, memoria, Carocci, Roma Gehl, J. (1987), Life between buildings. Using public space, Van Nostrand Reinhold, New York (prima edizione in danese, 1971) Indovina, F. (2006), La nuova lingua della città, in Indovina F. (a cura di), con Fregolent, L. e Savino, M., Nuovo lessico urbano, Franco Angeli, Milano Jacobs, J. (1961), The death and life of great Ameri- can cities, Random House, New York Lefebvre, H. (1971), Everyday life in the modern world, Harper, New York Lydon, M. (2011), Tactical Urbanism 2. Short-term action, long-term change, Street Plans, Miami-New York, disponibile on line Mitchell, W. J. (1995), City of bits. Space, Place, and the Infobahn, MIT Press, Cambridge Porrino, C. (2013), La città come bene comune. Qua- lità urbana al tempo della crisi, Alinea, Firenze Purini, F. (2004), La fine della città, in Purini F., Albero R., Tronchin V., Città e luoghi. Materiali per la “Città rimossa”, Gangemi, Roma Ring, K. (2013), Self Made city. Berlin: self-initiated ur- ban living and architectural interventions, Jovis, Berlin Sorkin, M. (a cura di) (1992), Variations on a theme park. The new American city and the end of public space, Hill and Wang, New York Whyte, W. H. (1980), The social life of small urban spaces, The Conservation Foundation, Washington DC
  27. 27. DOSSIER urbanisticaonline