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the second edition published in 2012 also describes strategies from the 1990s, 
and the new Strategic Con...
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population.  Lefiist presidents were elected in Venezuela (1998),  Chile (2000), 
Brazil (2002),  Argentin...
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neoliberal reforms was different in each case,  however,  there was a tendency to
adhere to pro-market mo...
Reviews I Notes

Uninterrupted democracy since 1985, economic stability and the leadership of
the main parties—particularl...
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of a party system can have an impact on the shape of economic policies,  but it is
rather a combination o...
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BRUDGINSKA, Kinga y ÁLVAREZ RUIZ, Alejandra. “After Neoliberalism?: The Left and Economic Reforms in Latin America”, en The polish quarterly for international affairs, Nº2 Junio- Septiembre de 2013, por el PISM.

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  1. 1. IIIllllIIiii“*2IIlllllljilllllllil THE Pousu l| 'jll| l ll‘ "W illljljg; 'l: ,._i. l_ OuARTERLY OF '| ,| " INTERNATIONAL Germany’s Choices: Its Foreign Policy after the 20|3 Elections R)’SZ. Tl‘Cl? t Formuszcwlcz, Ulrike Guerot. Stefan Meister, Yrinn—Svon Rlttolmcyoi‘, Daniela Schwarzci‘. l"l. ii'e| < A. Cicliocki. Patrycja Sokolowskri Exclusive Interview with Lee A. Folnsteln, former US. Aliibassndoi‘ to Poland l’()| Sll | llll l Sl’l’» l| | I)/ i-| ’()l)()( ll llll l’()llS| | lHllll ll ()l l’ll | ’ll| <>: ’»| i| l ll’S PlSl/ l
  2. 2. Reviews 0 Notes the second edition published in 2012 also describes strategies from the 1990s, and the new Strategic Concept adopted at the Lisbon Summit in 2010. The author notes that for the last two decades NATO has been focused on the prevention of new threats such as terrorism, and the traditional role of the Alliance to defend its territory has been replaced by a broader understanding of collective defence, one often perceived as taking timely and adequate action to defuse crises that are potentially dangerous to member states. The debate on the balance between the traditional role of the Alliance and its role in addressing threats beyond its borders is ongoing and has not been closed by the Strategic Concept adopted at Lisbon Summit in 2010. Nevertheless, according to the author, the new strategy has been skilfully divided into three distinct areas, thus enabling the member states to craft the Alliance to fast-changing circumstances. Kupiecki is sceptical, though, whether this will lead to smoother decision- making, since, as in the past, there is much room for different interpretations of the document. As a diplomat who was a deputy ambassador of Poland to NATO and . ambassador to Washington, Kupiecki has first-hand knowledge and insight into how NATO’s strategic culture looks in practice and could probably offer an array of examples and anecdotes. Instead, he chose to write the book as a historian and politologist and deliberately relies primarily on NATO documents that until recently have been kept secret. As such, the book is not an easy read, but holds a valuable and unique position in the research on the essence and evolution of NATO’s strategic culture. The book will be required reading for anyone who attempts to fathom the mechanisms that allowed the member states to win the Cold War without a major confrontation. This will also be a valuable source of reference for anyone who will try to answer fundamental questions about NATO’s relevance in the future and its ability to adapt to the changing security environment. Wojciech Lorenz GUSTAVO A. FLORES-MACTAS: After Neoliberalism? The Left and Economic Reforms in Latin America. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012, 261 pp. Since the last century, the conquest by leftist governments in Latin America is evident. In 2009, the left govcmed almost two thirds of Latin America’s total 128 The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs, 2013, no. 2 population. L Brazil (2002) (2006) and conviction in would cause I the case. Ins democraticall; the economy Additionally, economic pI'( translated int: lefiists becam« The authl understanding assess the typ made those c nature of the 1: The Stl‘LlCt'| point of the at the difference system. He ev: including in: dependency fa clarifications : majority of s dimensions of presents a histi Industrialisatic the Great De observers to de “miracles”), Vi triumph of Hut In the set govemment ec in Latin Amer 2) taxation, 1 liberalisation, 5 The Polish Quarterly 01
  3. 3. Reviews 0 Notes population. Lefiist presidents were elected in Venezuela (1998), Chile (2000), Brazil (2002), Argentina (2003), Uruguay (2005), Bolivia (2005), Nicaragua (2006) and Ecuador (2007). The author states that despite the common conviction in the West that the arrival of the lefiists to power in Latin America would cause the abandonment of the market economy, this does not seem to be the case. Instead of the emergence of a revolutionary left, in most cases democratically elected leftist govemments refrained from state intervention in the economy and proved to be able to deliver sound macroeconomic results. Additionally, the leftist govemments in Latin America actually benefited from economic prosperity to convey an image of economic responsibility that translated into electoral viability. Due to their satisfactory performance, the lefiists became a strong political alternative who are willingly re-elected. The author of the book has three objectives. First, to advance the understanding of the leftist govemments’ performance in Latin America and to assess the types of reforms they brought. Second, to present the factors that made those changes possible. Third, to establish a relationship between the nature of the party system and the leftist govemment’s economic policies. The structure of the book is clear and consists of seven chapters. The starting point of the author’s reflection is a search for a theoretical explanation behind the differences among lefiist economic policies based on the type of party system. He evaluates them cross-nationally alongside five altemative hypotheses, including institutional, economic, structural, interest—based, and path dependency factors. In order to clarify the topics, the author gives conceptual clarifications for the pro-market, lefi and statist policies. Conversely, for the majority of studies that have focused only on the political and/ or social dimensions of the economic policy transformations in Latin America, the author presents a historical perspective. He reminds readers that the Import Substitution Industrialisation model (ISI), which was the predominant paradigm following the Great Depression (its quick success during the 1940s and 1950s led observers to describe the economic growth in Brazil and Mexico as development “miracles”), was generally over after the debt crisis in the early 1980s. The triumph of Hugo Chavez in 1998 resurrected some of the old ISI model’s ideas. In the second chapter, Flores-Macias documents the types of lefiist government economic reforms. To capture the main areas of economic reforms in Latin America, he relies on five indicators: 1) privatisation/ nationalisation, 2) taxation, 3) govemment spending, 4) trade, fmancial and monetary liberalisation, 5) poverty alleviation. The author states that the response to the The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs, 2013. no.24 l29
  4. 4. Reviews 0 Notes neoliberal reforms was different in each case, however, there was a tendency to adhere to pro-market models in some, rather than in all spheres. For example, Bolivia took a pro-market orientation to govemment spending and Nicaragua to promotion of trade liberalisation, while Uruguay reached a trade agreement with the US. and fostered the protection of foreign investment. In the third chapter, the author explains the logic behind party system institutionalisation as a determinant of economic reform. He states that certain features of a party system (e. g., continuity of the parties across time, intemal procedures, strong roots in society) are more likely to bring about gradual, and not drastic change. On the other hand, there are also differences within the lefi. While the ideological factor in leftist parties within an institutionalised party system is prone to either preserve pro-market policies (as in Chile and Uruguay) or moderate them (as in Brazil and Nicaragua), the tendencies for parties in disarray is often the contrary. This is because the anti-system candidates commonly pursue the highest statist participation available due to the fact that the political parties are no longer able to shape the economic measures. Moreover, centrifugal incentives for parties in disarray makes it more likely for them to give power to candidates such as Chavez, Morales or Correa, whose political organisations were created around their persona even before running for office. Their lack of a stake in the system and the civilian conception of them as “celebrities” encourages these leaders to address political struggles as unpredictable outcomes thanks to the discouragement of cooperation between political forces. They use the resulting chaos to circumvent the opposition and govem by decree. The next three chapters present case studies of Venezuela, Brazil and Chile, which certainly constitute this books’ valuable contribution to the theme. The author states that Venezuela (the least-institutionalised party system of the three) implemented the most drastic changes and was the catalyst for a “Bolivarian revolution” or “2l“ Century Socialism” in the region. Additionally, he suggests that although factors such as natural resources and the prevailing economic conditions can have an impact on the economic reforms undertaken by a leftist govemment they do not play a primary role. He points out that for Venezuela, the socialist revolution was not due to the windfalls of oil prices in the late 1990s (although it helped enlarge its scope) but happened because of Hugo Chavez's ideology and the precarious state of the party system. As opposed to Venezuela, the Brazilian govemment was more moderate in terms of economic reforms because of the institutionalisation of a fragmented party system had taken place. l30 The Polish Quarterly of Intemational Affairs, 2013, no. 2 l Uninterrupted 4 the main parti Social Democn Party (PT)—he case study is I systems), whicl policies. The at for consensus-l different forces routine nature 01 history and par a dictatorship). amount of I'6S( concludes the l: the lefi’s econor Flores-Maci secondary sour legislators, part central findings was not a unif govemments wl factor in the g transformation v institutionalised intervention in t Despite an i the book does l conclusions and argumentation tl First of all i length why the I span the variablw system institutio: and Argentina v finding that the economic policy system are not C( The Polish Quarterly of In
  5. 5. Reviews I Notes Uninterrupted democracy since 1985, economic stability and the leadership of the main parties—particularly Femando Henrique Cardoso of the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) and Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva of the Worker’s Party (PT)—helped the party system become more institutionalised. The last case study is Chile (which had the highest institutionalisation of the party systems), which is regarded as the most moderate model in terms of economic policies. The author states that these policies resulted from both the willingness for consensus-building amongst Chile’s political leaders and the ability of the different forces represented in Congress to shape moderate economic policy. The routine nature of negotiations among parties was possible due to its long democratic history and party electoral and procedural rules (paradoxically inherited from a dictatorship). Contrary to Venezuela, Chile, which also has a relatively high amount of resource dependency, conducted pro-market policies. The author concludes the book by presenting the implications for the theory and assesses the left’s economic performance in Latin America. Flores-Macias, who backed his research with a number of primary and secondary sources, including more than 50 interviews with joumalists, legislators, party leaders, and government officials from the region, gives two central findings of his research. First, the rise of the left to power in the region was not a unified movement but rather a succession of victories for leftist governments whose main currency was economic pluralism. Second, the key factor in the govemments’ ability to undertake a drastic economic policy transformation was the degree of institutionalisation of the party system (the less institutionalised the party system, the higher the level of govemment intervention in the economy). Despite an innovative approach to an analysis of the left in Latin America, the book does have some faults, albeit relatively minor. It is not the author’s conclusions and opinions that raise controversy, but, if anything, a manner of argumentation that is not always persuasive. First of all is his selection of case studies. The author does not explain at length why the three countries were selected. He states it is because they fully span the variables of interest—1eftist govemment economic policies and party system institutionalisation. But it is not clear why other countries such as Bolivia and Argentina would not fit into this scheme. Second, the arguments for his finding that the key factor in the govemments’ ability to undertake drastic economic policy transformation is the degree of institutionalisation of the party system are not convincing enough. There is no doubt that the institutionalisation The Polish Quarterly of lntemational Affairs, 2013. no.24 131
  6. 6. Reviews 0 Notes of a party system can have an impact on the shape of economic policies, but it is rather a combination of extemal (e. g., the global economic situation and fluctuation in commodity prices) and intemal factors (e. g., the country’s economic performance, capacity and know-how of its political leaders, and its previous economic model) that decide the govemment’s ability to undertake an economic policy transformation. As an example, even though the author suggested that Chévez’s statist policies did not correspond directly to fluctuations in the price of oil between 2003-2008, he admitted that oil was important for Chavez’s economic transformations. Oil revenue gave the president significant room to manoeuvre in order to overcome some of the constraints that the globalised financial system imposed on govemments seeking to depart from economic orthodoxy. He also wamed that Chile’s success in implementing pro-market reforms and achieving such things as party discipline do not mean that a deterioration of economic conditions would not in the future halt the institutionalisation of the party system. Despite those faults, the value of the book is certainly high for someone who wants to become acquainted with the history and structure of the party systems and economic reforms in Chile, Brazil and Venezuela. Alejandra A'lvarez Ruiz, Kinga Brudziriska I32 The Polish Quarterly of Intemational Affairs, 2013, no. 2 Director of PIE your time here U. S. Ambas student. It is one thing I your biggest su I have been Poland’s history cities. Poland’s 16 voivodships too, is the qual building and sus back with us to I What surprise: politics, or the 1 I was surpi landscape and A “red” and “blue according to get economic differe What was the g: I was confrrr replace the origir NATO-wide sys defence. So, righ‘ policy challenge, reached a better agreement to put military presence achievement, and The Polish Quarterly of InI