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Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election

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The next presidential election in Ukraine is scheduled for March 31st, 2019. The electoral campaign was launched on December 31st 2019, in accordance with the legislation.

On January 18th 2019 the “Uspishna Varta” human rights platform received permission from the CEC to have its official election observers. Observation is carried out through the work of more than 50 long-term and short-term observers in constituencies; interviews with representatives of candidate headquarters, election commissions, the media community, and the public sector; the collection of information from public sources of information.

This report was formed on the basis of observation during the period from December 31st 2018 to February 28th 2019 with the aim of informing the Ukrainian and international community about the electoral process in Ukraine and violations that may affect the free will of citizens and the results of elections.

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Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election

  1. 1. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 1
  2. 2. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 2 Table of contents SUMMARY..................................................................................................................................................................... 3 LEGISLATIVE FRAMEWORK OF ELECTIONS...................................................................................................... 5 MANAGEMENT OF THE ELECTORAL PROCESS............................................................................................... 7 CENTRAL ELECTION COMMISSION.......................................................................................................... 7 DISTRICT ELECTION COMMISSIONS........................................................................................................ 8 REGISTRATION OF VOTERS.................................................................................................................................... 8 REGISTRATION OF CANDIDATES......................................................................................................................... 9 CONDITIONS FOR THE IMPLEMENTATION OF PRE-ELECTION CAMPAIGNING.............................10 ENSURING SECURITY, LAW, AND ORDER DURING AN ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN............................12 ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN FINANCING................................................................................................................15 MASS MEDIA..............................................................................................................................................................15 NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL OBSERVERS...........................................................................................16 RECOMMENDATIONS............................................................................................................................................17 ABOUT THE “USPISHNA VARTA” HUMAN RIGHTS PLATFORM............................................................19
  3. 3. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 3 SUMMARY The next presidential election in Ukraine is scheduled for March 31st, 2019. The electoral campaign was launched on December 31st 2019, in accordance with the legislation. On January 18th 2019 the “Uspishna Varta” human rights platform received permission from the CEC to have its official election observers. Observation is carried out through the work of more than 50 long-term and short-term observers in constituencies; interviews with representatives of candidate headquarters, election commissions, the media community, and the public sector; the collection of information from public sources of information. This report was formed on the basis of observation during the period from December 31st 2018 to February 28th 2019 with the aim of informing the Ukrainian and international community about the electoral process in Ukraine and violations that may affect the free will of citizens and the results of elections. *** The legal framework as a whole is sufficient for holding democratic elections. At the same time, further efforts are needed to ensure the stability of the electoral legislation and its unification (adoption of the Electoral Code). After the start of the 2019 presidential campaign, draft laws affecting the course of elections were considered in parliament. Thus, on February 7th, along with slogans of anti-Russian rhetoric, a law was passed restricting the ability of international organizations to observe elections (banning citizens of the Russian Federation from being observers at elections in Ukraine). Also, during the campaign a draft law on toughening criminal liability for violations related to elections was included on the agenda of the parliament. As of February 28th the electoral process has been managed within the timeframe and scope of the powers stipulated by electoral legislation. By February 18th the Central Election Commission (CEC) formed 199 district election commissions (DECs). 44 candidates filed submissions to 7,355 DEC members. The specified amount is sufficient to form commissions without sending a request for the appointment of members to the CEC. According to Ukrainian journalists, DEC members from a number of candidates in the previous elections worked for other candidates. Experts admit that such “overflowing” is due to the fact that a number of candidates are technical. And the members of the DEC appointed by their submission will work in the interests of other candidates who are leaders of the race. Also, the first facts of pressure being put on the work of the DECs by right-wing organizations (DEC number 24 in the Dnepr) were recorded. Voter registration is passive, constantly functioning, and takes place on the basis of a centralized State Voter Register (SVR). The preliminary list of voters in the presidential election included 35,602,855 citizens (as of December 31st, 2018). A positive point is the fact that the CEC has simplified the procedure for the temporary change of voting places for internally displaced persons from the Donetsk and Lugansk regions. At the same time, almost 1 million citizens will be deprived of the right to vote in the presidential elections of 2019 due to the lack of a registered residence. The electoral rights of about 3 million Ukrainian citizens residing in the Russian Federation in connection with the CEC’s decision to close polling stations in this state are also limited. The candidate registration process was held in accordance with legal requirements. Within the statutory period, the commission received 89 applications for registration as a candidate for the presidency, and from this figure 44 candidates were registered. The CEC’s refusal to register the candidate from the Communist Party, Petro Simonenko, was challenged in a court of law. The court of first instance and the
  4. 4. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 4 Supreme Court dismissed the claims. Experts note that a number of registered candidates do not have an electoral support rating and are “technical” in nature for larger participants in the election race. In addition, a twin candidate was registered against one of the opposition leaders (a candidate with a similar last name and initials). During the first two months of the electoral campaign, violations carried out by candidates of the procedure for conducting electoral campaigning, such as disseminating campaign products without statutory basic data, hidden campaigning, and placing campaign products in government premises and communal institutions (mainly campaigning for the current President), were recorded. The frequent cases of campaign materials, billboards, and campaign tents being damaged (recorded in different regions and in relation to different candidates) act as obstacles impeding the campaigning of candidates. Also, attempts made by right-wing organizations to disrupt the activities of candidates (February 9th in Kiev during the rally of the candidate Yuliya Tymoshenko) were recorded. In the course of the campaign candidates also reported cases of physical violence against their HQs (A. Gritsenko, A. Vilkul, O. Bogomolets). The current President Petro Poroshenko's use of his official powers and administrative resources for his electoral campaign as a candidate for the presidency can significantly affect the results of the expression of will of citizens. After the start of the electoral campaign and before his official registration as a candidate, President Poroshenko made a number of trips to the regions of Ukraine for the presentation of the received Tomos of Autocephaly (the so-called Tomos-tour), which can be regarded as electoral trips for the purpose of election campaigning. The problem of bribing voters, including through legal payments of social assistance and the monetization of social benefits (subsidies), is also relevant within the framework of the current electoral campaign. Journalists published data about a multi-stage scheme for buying off voters through a so- called "grid" by the headquarters of the current president of Ukraine, Petro Poroshenko. People who have expressed support for the current president Poroshenko were further offered the opportunity to receive additional social benefits from the state. Participants in the electoral process also reported about being pressured and harassed by law enforcement bodies. Such cases were recorded in relation to candidates who have an opposition position vis-a-vis Petro Poroshenko (E. Murayev, Y. Tymoshenko). In general, as part of the electoral campaign, there is a trend where a part of law enforcement bodies (the Security Service of Ukraine and the Prosecutor-General's Office of Ukraine) carry out actions and make statements that are in the interests of the current president, Petro Poroshenko. At the same time, the Ministry of Internal Affairs takes positions that may indicate support for the interests of another race leader - the candidate Yuliya Tymoshenko. This trend was most clearly demonstrated on February 21st-22nd, during the mutual denunciation of the schemes using so-called “electoral pyramids” that are allegedly used by these candidates. In addition, the cases of social network users who allegedly wanted to influence the election process “on the instructions of Russia” being detained become more frequent in connection with the start of the electoral campaign in Ukraine. The activities of the media during the electoral campaign are governed by the Election Law, which stipulates that both public and private media outlets must provide balanced coverage of candidates. On the eve of the electoral campaign the state policy of Ukraine was aimed at creating additional restrictions for the work of independent media and journalists under the guise of combating separatism and the need to protect the information space from Russian aggression.
  5. 5. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 5 During the 2019 electoral campaign the National Council for Television and Radio Broadcasting has retained its practice of appointing inspections of opposition television channels (“Nash”, 112 Ukraine). In addition, a number of candidates reported the presence of their names in “black lists” of people who are not invited to certain TV channels and are not published in the media. The campaign is also characterized by the broadcasting of defamatory information (“black PR”) against opponents on TV channels owned by candidates or persons close to them (for example, the “Zashkvareni” cartoon series on “Pryamoy” TV channel close to President Poroshenko). A special feature of the 2019 campaign is the active use of advertising on the social networks YouTube and Facebook by candidates. It will be possible to check whether or not this is paid from their election funds after the publication of financial reports on the use by candidates of election funds. They must be submitted to the CEC and the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption and then published no later than 5 days before the voting day (March 25th). According to experts, there is a common practice where candidates pay for a number of activities outside the framework of their electoral fund. We are talking about paying for the work of agitators, the so-called "jeansa" programs on television and radio, "black PR" technologies against competitors, etc. As of February 22nd the CEC also accredited 36 observers from foreign countries and 312 observers from international organizations. At the legislative level, the parliament has prohibited citizens of the Russian Federation and persons proposed by the Russian side from being an election observer (the law was adopted on February 7th). In addition, 139 Ukrainian public organizations received the right to observe the electoral process. Human rights activists are concerned about the provision of observer status to right-wing paramilitarist groups (“National Druzhina”, “State Initiative of Yarosh”). The participation of these groups, which have previously repeatedly participated in acts of aggression against dissidents in Ukraine, can lead to the intimidation of candidates and voters, as well as to forced behaviour at polling stations on election day. LEGISLATIVE FRAMEWORK OF ELECTIONS The President of Ukraine is elected by popular vote for a term of 5 years. If none of the candidates receive more than 50% of the votes in the first round, then three weeks after the voting day a second round of elections is held in which two candidates who received the most votes in the first round participate. The main normative-legal framework for the Ukrainian presidential election consists of the Constitution of Ukraine, the Law of Ukraine "On the Ukrainian presidential election"1 (hereinafter - the "Law on Elections"), the Law of Ukraine "On the Central Election Commission"2 , and the Law of Ukraine "On the state register of voters"3 . The basic legislation is supplemented by some provisions of the Code of Administrative Procedure, the Code of Administrative Offences, and the Criminal Code, as well as regulations adopted by the Central Election Commission. Comprehensive electoral reform, which would unify the electoral legislation for all types of elections, has not been implemented as of February 2019. The regulatory framework for holding elections in Ukraine after 2014 remains fragmented, and also contains gaps and inaccuracies. It lacks legal certainty regarding the registration of candidates, the rules for campaigning and campaign financing, the resolution of electoral disputes, and the regulation of media activities. 1 https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/474-14 2 https://zakon2.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/1932-15/print1443087113377542 3 https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/698-16
  6. 6. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 6 On November 7th 2017 people's deputies voted at the first reading for the draft Election Code4 , which united 5 electoral laws: on the election of the President, on the election of people's deputies, on local elections, on the Central Election Commission, and on the State Voter Register. As of December 2018 the Election Code5 was still pending in the Parliamentary Committee on Legal Policy and Justice. Since the presidential election in 2014 the government has taken initiatives to tighten criminal liability for violations of electoral legislation. On October 14th 2014 (before the parliamentary elections) amendments to the Criminal Code were adopted that increased responsibility for election-related violations6 . On April 13th 2018 a governmental draft law was introduced in parliament to strengthen responsibility for violations of electoral legislation7 . The draft law was included in the parliament’s agenda for February 26, but was never put to the vote. On the whole, welcoming the intention to increase the transparency of the electoral process, “Uspishna Varta” is forced to state that there is a risk of a number of norms of the draft law being used as a tool against the political opposition in the upcoming 2019 parliamentary election8 . After the start of the 2019 presidential campaign, along with slogans of anti-Russian rhetoric, a number of decisions were taken that restrict the right to vote for Ukrainian citizens and the ability of international organizations to observe the elections. Thus, by resolution No. 274, the CEC of Ukraine decided to transfer polling stations from the Russian Federation to the embassies of Ukraine in Georgia, Kazakhstan, and Finland. By this decision, the commission effectively removed 3 million Ukrainians from the 2019 electoral process who (according to the official statements of representatives of the Ukrainian government) are in the Russian Federation. On February 7th the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, by 232 votes, voted for draft law No. 9524, which prohibited citizens of the Russian Federation and persons proposed by the Russian side to be an observer at the presidential, parliamentary, and local elections in Ukraine. The explanatory note to the law states that it was developed “with the aim of minimizing the risks and threats of interference of the Russian Federation in the holding of elections in Ukraine”9 . On the eve of the adoption of this law (February 4th), the President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko said that he would give an order to the State Border Service of Ukraine to not allow observers from the Russian Federation to be involved in the 2019 presidential election. The law was signed by the president on February 26th. 4 Initially, two drafts of the Electoral Code were submitted to the Verkhovna Rada for consideration. Draft law No. 3112 was registered by the deputy Valery Pisarenko in September 2015 and draft law No. 3112-1, submitted by a group of deputies - in particular, Aleksandr Chernenko and Leonid Emets. Each draft proposed three options for electoral systems: a proportional system, a system of a single intransitive vote during district council elections, and a majority electoral system. In this case, the first draft does not stipulate open lists. Alternative draft No. 3112-1 of the Electoral Code at the end of the vote scored the most votes. 5 The Election Code received a record number of amendments - 4200. 6 According to the amendments, for depriving citizens of the right to participate in voting or hindering the work of election commissions, criminal liability is stipulated up to imprisonment for a term of 3 years. For fraud with the State Register of Voters - a prison term of 2 to 4 years; for the production, use, and even storage of fake ballots - from 3 to 7 years. 7 Draft law No. 8270 “On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts Regarding Strengthening Responsibility for Violating Electoral Laws”, subject of legislative initiative - Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine http://w1.c1.rada.gov.ua/pls/zweb2/webproc4_1?pf3511=63864 8 https://uspishna-varta.com/ru/novyny/sazhat-za-grechku-chto-dumayut-yuristy-ob-uzhestochenii-otvetstvennosti-za-narushenie- izbiratelnogo-prava 9 https://uspishna-varta.com/ru/novyny/verkhovnaya-rada-zapretila-rossiyskikh-nablyudateley-na-vyborakh-prezidenta
  7. 7. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 7 MANAGEMENT OF THE ELECTORAL PROCESS The electoral process is managed at three levels, including the Central Election Commission (CEC), district election commissions (DECs), and precinct election commissions (PECs). Despite the fact that the territory of Ukraine is divided into 225 electoral districts, only 199 DECs were formed in connection with the 2019 presidential election in Ukraine. On February 12th the CEC approved the list of territorial electoral districts in which they will not hold presidential elections in Ukraine. This is the territory of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and 14 districts in the territory of Donetsk and Lugansk regions. The CEC noted that the relevant decision was made on the basis of a decree of President Poroshenko from February 7th 2019, by which he approved the boundaries and the list of districts, cities, towns, and villages, and parts of their territories in separate districts of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions. Precinct election commissions must be formed, according to the election schedule, no later than 18 days before voting day (before March 12th, inclusive). CENTRAL ELECTION COMMISSION The Central Election Commission (CEC) is a permanent body responsible for ensuring the implementation and protection of citizens' electoral rights, as well as the uniform application of the electoral law. The CEC regulates all technical aspects of the elections, determines single-mandate electoral districts, appoints district electoral commissions, controls the functioning of the State Voter Register, and allocates a budget for holding elections. In addition, the CEC’s tasks include registering authorised representatives of parties, candidates, and civil observer organizations; accrediting international observers; and controlling the financing of electoral campaigns. On March 23rd 2014, on the eve of the early presidential election, the CEC law was amended to allow members of the commission appointed on June 1st 2007 to continue to fulfil their functions after the expiration of their 7-year term of office. This was done in order to avoid a situation where the mandate of a CEC member would become invalid in the middle of the electoral process. After international organizations made numerous recommendations, in early February 2018, President Poroshenko submitted to the Verkhovna Rada a renewed submission on the appointment of CEC members. On September 20th 2018 the parliament voted for 14 new members of the CEC. Two members of the commission retained their positions until April 2021. One vacant seat remains on the quota of the "Opposition Bloc," which at the time of voting refused to submit its candidacy. According to experts, 9 out of the 16 appointed new members of the commission can be considered as being loyal to the administration of the current president Poroshenko. In September 2018 it was specifically for these appointments that the parliament decided to expand the membership of the CEC to 17 people. Also, the law changed the number of commission members to be considered a quorum (11 people)10 . On October 5th 2018 the new members of the CEC took an oath in parliament, and after this they held their first meeting, during which they elected the head of the commission, two deputies, and a secretary. The members of the Commission decided to hold the first meeting in a closed format and did not allow journalists to attend the meeting. According to the current legislation of Ukraine, the Commission’s 10 https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/2550-19#n2
  8. 8. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 8 activities are carried out openly and publicly, i.e., absolutely all CEC meetings should be open to the media and members of the public. As of February 22nd the CEC was governed by the electoral process within the time limits and in the scope of the powers stipulated by electoral legislation. DISTRICT ELECTION COMMISSIONS DECs and PECs are temporary bodies whose members are nominated. The CEC appoints the DEC, and the DEC appoints the PEC. The composition of the DEC should include at least 12 members. By February 18th - the deadline set by law - the CEC formed 199 DECs. 44 candidates filed submissions to 7355 DEC members11 . The specified amount is sufficient to form commissions without sending a request for the appointment of members to the CEC. The chairperson, vice-chairperson, and secretaries of the DEC (managers) were appointed in proportion to the number of candidates nominated using the formula defined by the CEC. This made it possible to ensure an even distribution of the mentioned posts among the candidates. According to data released by the CEC, about 65.7% of such nominated persons had previous experience in the election commission (in the previous presidential election it was 71%). According to Ukrainian journalists, DEC members from a number of candidates worked for other candidates in the previous elections. Thus, several members of the DEC who in 2014 worked for the candidate Yuliya Tymoshenko, in the elections of 2019 were submitted by the little-known candidates Nikolay Gaber and Andrey Novak - 7 and 5 people respectively. 4 out of 8 new members of the DEC from the candidate Roman Nasirov worked at the DEC as representatives of Petro Poroshenko in 2014. 8 members of the DEC from the “UDAR” party (the “Bloc of Petro Poroshenko” was created on its foundations in 2014) represent the interests of the candidate Yuliya Litvinenko in the 2019 elections. Experts admit that this “overflowing” of DEC members is due to the fact that a number of candidates are technical in nature. And the members of the DEC appointed by their submission will work in the interests of other candidates who are leaders of the electoral race. The first facts of pressure being put on the work of the DEC by right-wing organizations were recorded. Thus, on February 21st, in Dnepr, district election commission No. 24 was unable to start its work after being blocked by representatives of the “C14” group. A significant part of the DEC members refused to or simply did not attend the meeting. Representatives of “C14” did not allow the DEC Chairman to perform any actions with respect to the commission. “C14” reported that the pretensions against the head of the DEC were caused by his supposedly pro-Russian and “separatist” position12 . REGISTRATION OF VOTERS Voter registration is passive, constantly functions, and takes place on the basis of a centralized State Voter Register (SVR). The CEC monitors the SVR, which is updated monthly. Since 2013 voters can verify their personal data online, which increases transparency13 . The preliminary list of voters in the presidential elections included 35,602,855 citizens. This is the data of the State Voter Register from December 31st 201814 . 11 In the early presidential elections of 2014 the candidates submitted 4,164 candidates for the DEC 12 https://uspishna-varta.com/ru/novyny/aktivisty-s14-napali-na-predsedatelya-izbiratelnoy-komissii-i-sorvali-rabotu-oik 13 https://www.drv.gov.ua/ords/portal/!cm_core.cm_index?start 14 https://www.drv.gov.ua/ords/portal/!cm_core.cm_index?option=ext_num_voters&pdt=1
  9. 9. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 9 According to the SVR's data, almost 1 million citizens will not be able to vote in the elections due to the lack of a registered place of residence. In 2003, Parliament passed a law that effectively canceled registration. But in fact, they simply started to call it "registration of the place of residence." According to the Office of Administrative Reform Services, 2 million people use the service of registration and re- registration of a place of residence every year. At the same time, at least 30% of citizens cannot register at their place of residence due to various reasons. To ensure the constitutional right of citizens to elect and be elected, legislative mechanisms must be provided so that citizens who do not have official registration of their place of residence have the possibility to vote. Citizens' electoral rights were also limited by the decision of the CEC to transfer 5 electoral precincts from the territory of the Russian Federation to the embassies of Ukraine in Georgia, Kazakhstan, and Finland15 . As the Foreign Minister Pavel Klimkin stated in April 2018, there are about 3 million Ukrainians living in Russia. Accordingly, the electoral rights of these citizens will be significantly limited during the 2019 presidential campaign16 . To ensure the voting rights of Ukrainian citizens in the Russian Federation, polling stations should be open on the territory of this country. A positive point is the fact that the CEC has simplified the procedure for temporarily changing voting places for internally displaced persons from the Donetsk and Lugansk regions. According to the CEC resolution, citizens whose electoral address is located on the temporarily occupied territories of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions don't have to attach documents confirming the need for a temporary change in the place of their voting to their application. The implemented procedure can be used only for the period of the presidential elections in Ukraine, parliamentary elections in Ukraine, and the All- Ukrainian referendum17 . REGISTRATION OF CANDIDATES A citizen of Ukraine who has reached the age of 35 by election day, has the right to vote, has lived in Ukraine for the last 10 years before the election day, and speaks the state language can be elected as the President of Ukraine. Candidates may be nominated by political parties or run for self-nomination. To register, each candidate must submit an exhaustive list of documents, together with a document confirming the payment of a cash deposit in the amount of 2.5 million hryvnia to the special CEC bank account. The deposit will be refunded only to those candidates who were denied registration, as well as to the two candidates who progressed to the second round. On February 8th the CEC completed the registration of candidates for the presidency of Ukraine. The CEC's process of registering candidates was in accordance with legal requirements. Within the statutory period, the commission received 89 applications for registration as a candidate for the presidency, and from them 44 candidates were registered. Candidates who were denied registration made significant mistakes in their submitted documents or did not deposit money. The CEC’s refusal to register the candidate from the Communist Party Petro Simonenko was challenged in a court of law. On February 2nd the CEC refused to register him as a candidate for the presidency due to 15 CEC Resolution No. 274 from December 31, 2018 http://www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/acts/ShowCard?id=44232&what=0 16 https://uspishna-varta.com/ru/novyny/3-milliona-ukraintsev-v-rossii-ne-smogut-prinyat-uchastiya-v-vyborakh 17http://mtot.gov.ua/tsvk-sproshheno-protseduru-zminy-mistsya-golosuvannya-dlya-vpo-donetskoyi-ta-luganskoyi-oblastej/
  10. 10. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 10 the fact that he was nominated by a party whose charter, name, and symbols do not meet the requirements of the law "On the condemnation of the communist and national socialist (Nazi) totalitarian regimes in Ukraine and the prohibition of the promotion of their symbols". The Supreme Court decided to agree with the decision of the court of first instance, which refused to satisfy the claims of the Communist Party of Ukraine leader. In the current election a record number of candidates for the presidency of Ukraine were registered (44)18 . Thus, this election is the most competitive one in the entire history of independent Ukraine. At the same time, a number of candidates who are little-known nationwide and have no electoral rating or party structure were registered as candidates for participation in the election. Such candidates, as a rule, perform the role of "technical" candidates for the larger leaders of the presidential race. The number of representatives in district and precinct election commissions is distributed proportionally among all candidates (including senior positions). Presumably representatives from a number of candidates in the commissions will work in the interests of other candidates. Thus, according to experts, the current president Petro Poroshenko and the leader of the “Batkivshchyna” party, Yuliya Tymoshenko, registered their technical candidates. Also the CEC registered a so-called "duplicate candidate" - a deputy from the "People's Front" party Yury Tymoshenko. The initials of Yury Vladimirovich Tymoshenko (Tymoshenko Y.V.) in a shortened form completely coincide with the initials of the “Batkivshchyna” party leader Yuliya Tymoshenko, which leads in sociological polls. Thus, two names of Tymoshenko will be located next to each other on the ballot, which can mislead voters. The technical candidate and duplicate candidate technologies have been used in Ukrainian electoral campaigns for a long time. In order to solve this problem at the legislative level it is necessary to provide for a certain qualification, excluding such unfair competition of candidates in the future. As such a qualification, for example, a requirement may be introduced regarding whether a candidate has a minimum threshold for electoral support at the time of the announcement of elections, or the provision of a certain number of signatures from citizens in support of a candidate. CONDITIONS FOR THE IMPLEMENTATION OF PRE-ELECTION CAMPAIGNING According to electoral law, a candidate can start an electoral campaign the day after their registration. The electoral campaign ends at 00:00 on the last Friday before the voting day (in the case of this election - March 29th). In January, during the process of registering candidates, numerous instances of campaign products of already registered presidential candidates being distributed without statutory background data (circulation, client, and organization that carried out printing) were recorded. The distribution of such products (billboards, flyers) was recorded by the following candidates: A. Sadovoy, A. Shevchenko, Yu. Boyko, S. Kaplin, E. Murayev, Yu. Tymoshenko, A. Gritsenko, V. Skotsik, O. Bogomolets, and so on. There were also recorded cases of hidden campaigning (meetings of deputies from parties whose candidates are running, with employees of public institutions, holding charity events, etc.). There have been cases of campaign products being placed in the premises of government and municipal institutions (Vinnytsia, Rovno, Zaporozhye, etc.). According to the law on the presidential election, it is prohibited to use the premises of state and local government bodies for electoral campaigning (part 20 of 18 In the presidential election of 1999 - 13 candidates, in the presidential election of 2004 - 24 candidates, in the election of 2014 - 21
  11. 11. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 11 article 64) and the placement of campaign materials and political advertising inside of them (part 21 of article 64). During the entire campaign cases of damage being caused to the campaign materials , billboards, and campaign tents of presidential candidates are being recorded19 . In a number of regions representatives of the right-wing radical groups “C14” and “National Corpus” reported through their public pages about causing damage to the billboards of opposition candidates (A. Vilkul, E. Murayev). There were also reported cases of an attack on the campaign tents of the candidates Anatoly Gritsenko (Nikolaev, February 8th), Yuliya Tymoshenko (Lugansk region, February 16th), and the “People's Front” party (Kiev, January 23th). On February 22nd in Vinnytsia unknown persons smashed the windows of the front door of a public reception party of the “Bloc of Petro Poroshenko”20 . Candidates are generally free to meet with voters in various regions. At the same time, attempts to disrupt the activities of candidates by right-wing organizations have been recorded. Thus, on February 9th in Kiev law enforcement officers detained “C14” members during a rally of the candidate Yuliya Tymoshenko. They seized gas cartridges, knives, and posters. A “support group” from the other “C14” members that arrived at the scene attacked the Podolsky district police department. As a result of the conflict, three policemen were injured. All detained “C14” representatives were later released. During the electoral campaign a number of significant violations of the order and conditions of campaigning were recorded, which could significantly affect the results of citizens' will. One of them is the current president Petro Poroshenko's use of his official powers and administrative resources to carry out an electoral campaign as a candidate for the presidency. After the start of the election campaign and before the official registration as a candidate, President Poroshenko made a number of trips to the regions of Ukraine for the presentation of Tomos about obtaining autocephaly (the so-called Tomos-tour), which can be regarded as electoral trips for the purpose of election campaigning. With such trips, starting from January 10th, Poroshenko visited the Rovno21 , Vinnytsia22 , Lutsk23 , Zhytomyr24 , Cherkassy25 , and Kiev26 regions. During these visits the president took part in the presentation of Tomos with the hierarchs of the newly-established church and held meetings with voters with the participation of representatives of local authorities and officials. Independent observers recorded signs of the centralized transportation of people to the meeting with the president. In addition, after the start of the electoral campaign, President Poroshenko made a working trip to the Odessa region, where he took part in the opening of a new road27 . 19 https://uspishna-varta.com/ru/novyny/v-ukraine-okhotyatsya-za-reklamoy-oppozitsionnykh-politsil 20 https://uspishna-varta.com/ru/novyny/v-ukraine-uchastilis-sluchai-povrezhdeniya-predvybornoy-agitatsii 21 https://www.president.gov.ua/ru/news/bez-nezalezhnoyi-cerkvi-nemozhliva-nezalezhna-derzhava-prezi-52426 22 https://www.president.gov.ua/ru/news/prezident-na-podyachnomu-molebni-za-otrimannya-tomosu-pro-av-52458 23 https://www.president.gov.ua/ru/news/htos-shukaye-v-tomosi-vidsutnist-avtokefaliyi-i-te-sho-mitro-52474 24 https://www.president.gov.ua/ru/news/uhvalennya-zakonu-pro-vporyadkuvannya-mehanizmu-perehodu-par-52558 25 https://www.president.gov.ua/ru/news/prezident-na-podyachnomu-molebni-na-cherkashini-yednist-cerk-52594 26 https://www.president.gov.ua/ru/news/tomos-ta-yedina-cerkva-ye-duhovnim-fundamentom-derzhavotvore-52514 27 https://www.president.gov.ua/ru/news/nasha-doroga-ye-simvolom-nashih-zmin-prezident-vzyav-uchast-53058
  12. 12. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 12 In February, as a registered candidate, President Poroshenko made working trips to Kharkov28 , Ivano- Frankovsk29 , and Lvov30 , where he also presented Tomos. One of the candidates (Yuliya Tymoshenko) in court demanded to declare as illegal the actions of the candidate for the post of President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko aimed at carrying out electoral campaigning and using other means besides the resources of his election fund to finance his electoral campaigning. On February 20th the panel of judges of the Sixth Appeal Administrative Court rejected the lawsuit. The problem of bribing voters, including through legal payments of social assistance and the monetization of social benefits (subsidies), is also relevant within the framework of the current electoral campaign. Journalists published information about a multi-stage scheme for buying off voters through a so- called "grid" by the headquarters of the current president of Ukraine, Petro Poroshenko. Thus, in a number of regions of Ukraine (Kiev, Odessa, Chernigov, Khmelnitsky, Sumy, Odessa, Lugansk, etc.) the holding of a so-called "Sociological survey" regarding people's willingness to vote for the current president Poroshenko was recorded in January. Formally, it was conducted not by the headquarters of the candidate or his party, but by the public organization “Institute for the Development and Promotion of Democracy” (established in December 2018). As journalists found out, employees of budgetary institutions were actively involved in the carrying out of such a survey on a paid basis. According to electoral law (part 6, article 64), the conclusion of paid contracts for electoral campaigning with voters at the expense of the election fund is prohibited. In this case, under the guise of sociological research, hidden campaign activities are actually carried out outside the framework of the expenses of the electoral fund. People who have expressed support for the current president Poroshenko were further offered the opportunity to receive additional social benefits from the state. The money for social assistance programs, which are approved by local and regional councils, is given to those who are on the white list of potential Poroshenko supporters. In the Nikolaev region 70 million hryvnia was allocated from the local budget for these programs, 90 million hryvnia in the Odessa region, and 140 million hryvnia in the Dnepropetrovsk region. The Kharkov regional program initially allocated 18 million for 2019, then by the decision of the session of the regional council (December 6th 2018) the amount was increased to 50 million. In addition, in the Odessa region, the activity of the “Mobile Polyclinic”, which provides free medical examinations and consultations to patients under the auspices of President Poroshenko, was documented. In the villages of the Lvov region residents were invited to discuss the development plan for villages at the initiative of the President. Such activities bear signs of indirect campaigning for Petro Poroshenko as a potential presidential candidate. ENSURING SECURITY, LAW, AND ORDER DURING AN ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN According to the Ministry of the Interior, since the beginning of the electoral process and as of February 22nd, 1,741 allegations and reports of violations related to the electoral process were registered. For the most part, these facts were related to illegal campaigning (1102), the buying-off of voters (130), damage to property (130), and hooliganism (27). The police initiated 77 criminal proceedings, 39 of which relate to 28 https://www.president.gov.ua/ru/news/na-sogodnishnij-den-dlya-nas-nemaye-nichogo-vazhlivishogo-ni-53106 29 https://www.president.gov.ua/ru/news/nasha-cerkva-jde-z-viroyu-i-lyubovyu-prezident-pid-chas-pody-53190 30 https://www.president.gov.ua/ru/news/ya-dyakuyu-za-nashu-yednist-prezident-na-lvivshini-zavitav-d-53398
  13. 13. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 13 violations of electoral legislation, and 38 - to facts related to the electoral campaign. In addition, law enforcement officers made 401 administrative protocols on violations in the electoral sphere31 . During the campaign instances of physical violence against HQs and representatives of candidates was reported.  On January 14th unidentified persons opened fire at a car of the HQ of the candidate Anatoly Gritsenko in Kiev. The police launched criminal proceedings on the fact of hooliganism with the use of weapons.  On February 1st in Berdyansk (Zaporozhye region) local “activists” from the right-wing “National Corpus” group disrupted the candidate Aleksandr Vilkul’s speech by dousing him with zelenka and not giving him the chance to speak at the local cultural center. The attacker was detained but later released by the court under a personal obligation. The candidate also reported about a similar attack on him in the city of Mangush (Donetsk region). Vilkul said that the attacks on him were organized by the Security Service of Ukraine32 .  On February 11th the candidate Olga Bogomolets said that unknown persons attacked the apartment of the head of her election headquarters in Odessa. Participants in the electoral process also reported that they were being pressured and harassed by law enforcement bodies. Such cases were recorded against candidates holding an opposition position in relation to Petro Poroshenko.  On January 15th the deputy Nadezhda Savchenko, who had previously been arrested on suspicion of treason, said that the SBU was preventing her from registering as a presidential candidate in Ukraine. She noted that law enforcement officers do not allow her to be a notary in the pre-trial detention center, which makes it impossible for her to draw up documents for registration.  On February 13th one of the candidates (Evgeny Murayev) was summoned for questioning by the Prosecutor General's Office in a case of tax evasion under Part 3 of Article 212 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. The lawyers of the candidate claim that the case bears signs of political persecution.  On February 15th the Prosecutor General of Ukraine Yury Lutsenko stated that he sent a statement to the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office about a possible crime committed by the candidate Yuliya Tymoshenko (illegal enrichment and declaration of inaccurate information by a candidate)33 . As a part of the electoral campaign, there is a trend where a part of the law enforcement bodies (the Security Service of Ukraine and the Prosecutor-General's Office of Ukraine) carry out actions and make statements in the interests of the current president, Petro Poroshenko. At the same time, the Ministry of Internal Affairs (police) takes positions that may indicate its support for the interests of another leader in the race - the candidate Yuliya Tymoshenko. This trend was most clearly manifested on February 21st-22nd, during the mutual denunciation of the schemes using so-called “election pyramids” that are allegedly used by these candidates. Thus, on 31http://mvs.gov.ua/ua/news/18532_Popri_ataki_i_diskreditaciyu_policiya_bude_prodovzhuvati_borotisya_z_porushennyam_peredvib orchogo_zakonodavstva___Arsen_Avakov.htm 32 https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=605941319876515 33 https://www.gp.gov.ua/ua/news.html?_m=publications&_c=view&_t=rec&id=245618
  14. 14. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 14 February 21st the Security Service of Ukraine carried out more than 50 searches in various regions in connection with the creation of so-called “election pyramids”, stating that the persons were suspected of being a member of the party of Yuliya Tymoshenko “Batkivshchyna”. Also, the SBU stressed that some of the organizers of this “pyramid” are deeply integrated in Russian politics and have been organizing electoral campaigns in the Russian Federation for a long time. It is important to emphasize that on the eve of these searches several journalistic investigations were simultaneously launched concerning the President Petro Poroshenko's plans to bribe voters and influence the work of district election commissions. On February 22nd representatives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (police) detained several representatives of the so-called "grid" of the current president Poroshenko in the Sumy region. In response, the prosecutor's office of the Sumy region reported suspicion to the police chief of the Sumy region, accusing him of knowingly illegal behaviour. On the same day, the candidate Yuliya Tymoshenko at a press briefing highly appreciated the work of the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in ensuring law and order during elections. The Interior Minister Arsen Avakov, in an interview with one of the Ukrainian publications, reported about the involvement of the deputy head of the “Bloc of Petro Poroshenko” faction in parliament, Sergey Berezenko, in violations of electoral legislation. Thus, the leadership of the law enforcement and security bodies of Ukraine was involved in the electoral process on the side of various presidential candidates. In addition, cases of social network users who allegedly wanted to influence the electoral process being searched and detained have become more frequent in connection with the start of the electoral campaign in Ukraine. In most cases, the Security Service of Ukraine does not disclose the identities of the detainees. Thus, on January 22nd the SBU declared that the identity of a Russian journalist in Sumy who allegedly administered and posted content on anti-Ukrainian online communities “at the order of the special services of the Russian Federation” had been established34 . On January 24th the SBU announced the detention of a resident of Kiev with similar wording. The operatives claim that the man by his actions helped the Russian special services to interfere in the electoral processes in Ukraine through social networks. On February 15th the SBU said they had blocked an attempt by the Russian Federation to interfere in the electoral process in Ukraine. Supposedly, curators from the Russian Federation attracted residents of the Dnepropetrovsk region for the distribution on social networks of provocative materials that affect the electoral mood of the population35 . On February 25th the SBU announced the detention of another resident of Dneper, who, according to the SBU, “conducted electronic correspondence with a resident of Russia who was trying to obtain information about the communications network ensuring the holding of presidential elections in Ukraine”36 . 34 https://uspishna-varta.com/ru/novyny/sbu-soobshchila-o-razoblachenii-ocherednogo-administratora-sotssetey 35 https://www.facebook.com/UspishnaVarta/photos/a.293109324488562/571394733326685/?type=3&theater 36 https://ssu.gov.ua/ua/news/1/category/21/view/5775#.6DxSOp4v.dpbs
  15. 15. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 15 ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN FINANCING According to the law, an electoral campaign can be financed from the candidate’s private funds, from donations from individuals, as well as from the funds of the party that nominated the candidate. There are no restrictions on the amount of funds that a party can spend on financing a candidate’s campaign. Individuals can donate up to 400 minimum wages (approximately 490,000 hryvnia). Donations from foreigners, legal entities, and from anonymous sources are prohibited. The electoral law requires the presidential candidate to open two special bank accounts for cash inflows and expenses. There are no restrictions on campaign costs. The electoral law contains the requirement that all expenses must be made exclusively by bank transfer from an account for expenses. According to the legislation, interim financial reports on the use of candidates' electoral funds must be filed with the CEC and the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption and published no later than 5 days before voting day (March 25th). The final total reports of candidates must be published no later than the 30th day after the election (April 30th). According to experts, there is a common practice where candidates pay for a number of activities outside the framework of their electoral fund. We are talking about paying for the work of agitators, the so-called "jeansa" programs on television and radio, "black PR" technologies against competitors, etc. MASS MEDIA The Constitution guarantees freedom of speech and prohibits censorship, while the regulatory framework for the media provides for general media freedom. On the eve of the election campaign the state policy of Ukraine was aimed at a significant restriction of freedom of speech and opinion37 . Publicly declaring adherence to the norms of international law and European standards, the state policy of Ukraine in 2018 de facto aimed to create additional restrictions for the work of independent media and journalists under the guise of fighting separatism and the need to protect the information space from Russian aggression. In parliament, deputies from the government coalition submitted for consideration a number of draft laws that aim to provide the possibility of extrajudicially blocking online resources and creating additional reasons for fines and denying licenses to television channels. The parliament’s vote in favour of imposing targeted sanctions against two TV channels that broadcast alternative government opinions and positions was unprecedented. The National Council for Television and Radio Broadcasting, at the expense of its functions of licensing and imposing fines, remained a tool for putting pressure on independent media in order to gain loyal editorial policies towards President Poroshenko. In addition, Ukrainian and international human rights defenders recorded numerous instances of security agencies interfering in the work of journalists and the activities of public organizations in order to censor materials and voiced opinions. Since 2014 representatives of the SBU have been overly broadly interpreting the provisions of the Criminal Code relating to terrorism, as well as the provisions on treason and encroachment on the territorial integrity of the state in cases against Ukrainian media workers, 37 For more details, see “Political and civil rights in Ukraine. Monitoring compliance in 2018” https://uspishna- varta.com/ru/monitoring/politicheskiye-i-grazhdanskiye-prava-v-ukraine-monitoring-soblyudeniya-2018
  16. 16. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 16 journalists, bloggers, and ordinary users of social networks. In 2018 law enforcement bodies initiated new prosecutions against journalists (the arrest of Kirill Vyshinsky, the editor-in-chief of RIA “Novosti Ukraine”). An equally significant problem in the observance of the right to freedom of speech and opinion in Ukraine is violence against journalists and media editorial boards. According to statistics, 96% of crimes against journalists in Ukraine go unpunished. The activities of the media during the electoral campaign are governed by the Election Law, which stipulates that both public and private media must provide balanced coverage of candidates. In addition, the law stipulates that state-owned media should provide free airtime and print space for all participants in the pre-election race. On February 21st the CEC, according to the law, approved the results of the draw regarding the order in which candidates for the presidency of Ukraine were given airtime on Public Television. Paid pre-election campaigns are allowed in state and private media without restrictions, however, news agencies must provide the participants of the pre-election race with equal conditions and publish their quotations. During the 2019 electoral campaign the following trends were recorded: - the appointment by the National Council for Television and Radio Broadcasting of inspections of the opposition TV channel “Nash” (owned by the presidential candidate Evgeny Murayev) and the TV channel “112 Ukraine”; - the existence of “black lists” of candidates and experts who are not invited to certain TV channels and are not published in the media; - broadcasting defamatory information (“black PR”) against opponents on TV channels owned by candidates or persons close to them (for example, the “Zashkvareni” cartoon series on the “Pryamoy” TV channel close to President Poroshenko); - distribution of candidate-discrediting messages through custom-ordered publications in regional print media. For example, during February an article was posted in a number of printed regional publications against the candidate Vladimir Zelensky38 . - the active use of texts, videos, and images that discredit presidential candidates on the social networks YouTube and Facebook. - propaganda YouTube videos in support of candidates, the advertising for which is paid outside the candidates' official election fund. In addition, as of February 26th, the parliament has not adopted a decree on a moratorium on media audits during elections by supervising bodies. NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL OBSERVERS The Election Law provides for the observation of the electoral process by international and national observers, including local public organizations. The law establishes that in order to obtain the right to observe elections, the charters of local public organizations should define election observation as one of the activities of such an organization, thus restricting the possibility of observation. As of February 22nd the CEC also accredited 36 observers from foreign countries and 312 observers from international organizations. 38 https://uspishna-varta.com/ru/election/nablyudateli-fiksiruyut-ispolzovaniye-tekhnologiy-chernogo-piara-na-vyborakh-2019
  17. 17. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 17 On February 7th the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine voted in favour of draft law No. 9524, which prohibited citizens of the Russian Federation and persons proposed by the Russian side to be an observer at the presidential, parliamentary and local elections in Ukraine. The explanatory note to the law states that it was developed “with the aim of minimizing the risks and threats of interference of the Russian Federation in the holding of elections in Ukraine”39 . 139 Ukrainian public organizations registered for accreditation as observers40 . Human rights activists are concerned about granting observer status to right-wing radical paramilitarist groups (“National Druzhina”, “State Initiative of Yarosh”). The participation of these groups, which had previously repeatedly participated in acts of aggression against dissidents in Ukraine, can lead to the intimidation of candidates and voters, as well as to forced behaviour at polling stations on election day. Representatives of right-wing radical groups have already stated that they intend to "strictly pursue those who organize massive buying of votes". RECOMMENDATIONS The following recommendations are proposed for consideration by the authorities, candidates for the position of President of Ukraine, and the civil society of Ukraine in order to increase the transparency of the electoral process and create conditions for holding fair and democratic elections. 1. The Parliament of Ukraine must refuse to amend electoral legislation and other laws regulating the conduct of elections after an electoral campaign has started. 2. The methodology for appointing DEC members should be carefully reviewed in order to ensure a higher level of professionalism and stability concerning the work of these commissions. The practice where members of DECs informally represent the interests of other candidates (not those from who they were submitted) is unacceptable. 3. To ensure the constitutional right of citizens to elect and be elected, legislative mechanisms must be provided in order to give citizens who do not have official registration of their place of residence the chance to vote. 4. To ensure the right to vote of Ukrainian citizens in the Russian Federation, polling stations should be open on the territory of this country. 5. In order to eliminate the “technical candidate” and “duplicate candidate” technology at the legislative level, it is necessary to provide a certain qualification that excludes such unfair competition of candidates in the future. As such a qualification, for example, a requirement may be introduced regarding whether a candidate has a minimum threshold for electoral support at the time of the announcement of elections, or the provision of a certain number of signatures from citizens in support of a candidate. 6. At the level of the CEC, give an assessment of, and make an appropriate decision regarding, the use by the current President of Poroshenko of his official powers and administrative resources to conduct an electoral campaign as a candidate for the presidency. 7. Candidates for the Presidency of Ukraine should be guided by the principles of fair competition and abandon the practice of bribing voters and building so-called "electoral pyramids". 39 https://uspishna-varta.com/ru/novyny/verkhovnaya-rada-zapretila-rossiyskikh-nablyudateley-na-vyborakh-prezidenta 40 http://www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vp2019/WP001
  18. 18. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 18 8. Prohibit the security authorities from interfering in any way in the electoral process for the purpose of supporting or discrediting certain candidates. Security and law enforcement bodies must remain politically unbiased and objectively carry out their policing and security functions within the framework of the electoral process, as is provided for in the current legislation. 9. The unlawful interference of right-wing paramilitary groups in the work of district commissions and the electoral campaign of candidates should be immediately stopped by law enforcement bodies and qualified in accordance with criminal and administrative law. 10. Ensure objectivity in decisions made by the National Council for Television and Radio Broadcasting regarding inspections and fines for broadcasters; maintain a balance and hold violators accountable, including the media outlets close to President Poroshenko and the current government.
  19. 19. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 19 ABOUT THE “USPISHNA VARTA” HUMAN RIGHTS PLATFORM The All-Ukrainian Association “Uspishna Varta” is a human rights platform that unites lawyers, public figures, and volunteers to protect the political and civil rights and freedoms of citizens of Ukraine, as well as to provide support for people and organizations who are persecuted for their political beliefs. Our main function is to monitor violations of the rights and freedoms of citizens in Ukraine and to make them public for a prompt response and the protection of affected people and organizations. We collect evidence of violations for the further transfer of these facts to the responsible authorities of Ukraine, and if a reaction does not follow, then to the world community and international organizations. In its activities, the “Uspishna Varta” human rights platform is guided solely by the principles of non- violence and respect for the law and international standards in the field of human rights. Law, people's lives, and peace in the state are fundamental to us. We urge all those who are not indifferent to join our Platform for the joint realization of our mission: to change the public climate of Ukraine, demonstrating and supporting the existence of an alternative view on the order of things and affirming the value of human life and respect for civil and political rights in the state. The “Uspishna Varta” human rights platform was created at the initiative and with the support of the Ukrainian public figure and philanthropist Aleksandr Klimenko. On January 18th the All-Ukrainian Public Association “Uspishna Varta” received permission from the CEC to have its official election observers. The number of long-term and short-term observers from “Uspishna Varta” during the campaign is more than 50 people. More information about our initiative can be found on our website. https://uspishna-varta.com/ e-mail: uspishnavarta@gmail.com Telephone: 0 800 20 40 04
  20. 20. Intermediate Report on Monitoring Ukraine's 2019 Presidential Election The "Uspishna Varta" human rights platform, February 2019 20 © 2019 Public organization “All-Ukrainian Association 'Uspishna Varta'” All rights reserved. 1a Sportivna Square, Gulliver Business Center, Office 2A, 31st floor Kiev, Ukraine, 01023 0 800 20 40 04, uspishna-varta.com

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