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Journal of historical review

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Abstract
The study examines the promise of political independence and the pains of dashed hope in post-
colonial Africa with particular focus on the poor political leadership factor. For analytical
convenience, particular focus is on Nigeria, which provides a good framework for the promise of
independence and the pains of dashed hope in post-colonial Africa. The study acknowledges the
efforts put forward by African nationalist leaders in the struggle for the liquidation of colonialism
and national liberation but argues, however, that nearly sixty years after the majority of African
countries gained political independence, the promise of liberation from poverty, disease and
underdevelopment as well as the enthronement of enduring genuine democracy and good
governance, are far from being achieved. It argues further that Africa's hope of a better tomorrow at
independence faded away very quickly almost immediately after independence and became a
crumbling dream with pains, resulting in various crises, including devastating civil wars. It was
against this background that citizens without hope of better tomorrow were seen all over the
continent carrying faces of agony and pains, relishing in despair and frustration, and were poised to
destroy their various countries. Although several factors could be advanced to explain this situation,
this study focuses on the poor political leadership factor. The study essentially adopts a historical
approach and relies on literary sources for its analysis. It concludes by advocating a review of the
process of political leadership recruitment in the continent so that selfless, credible, visionary and
nationalistic leaders could emerge in the various countries. It also advocates the strengthening of
democratic and political institutions, which could operate and guide the conduct of politics.

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Journal of historical review

  1. 1. HISTORICAL REVIEW AJOURNALOFTHEDEPARTMENTOFHISTORYAND DIPLOMATICSTUDIES, TARABASTATEUNIVERSITY,JALINGO,NIGERIA. JALINGOHISTORICALREVIEWVol.6No1&2September,2020 2276-6804ISSN: HPL HAMEED PRESS LIMITED No. 49 Garu Street Sabonlayi, Jalingo, Taraba State- Nigeria TEL: 08036255661, 07035668900 JALINGO Volume 6 Number 1&2 SEPTEMBER, 2020 ISSN: 2276-6804 CONTENTS 1. Dashed Hopes With Particular Focus On The Poor Leadership Factor Prof. E. C. Emordi (Fellow, Wolfson College, Cambridge; Fellow, Historical Society of Nigeria) & Julius O. Unumen, PhD 2. The Geographical Features and the Socio-cultural Life Style of the Bandawa Up to 1900 Akombo I. Elijah, PhD, Haruna Hussaini Shumo & Chula Abdulaziz Bilyamin 3. Interrogating The Citizen Centeredness Of The Nigerian Foreign Policy Since 1960 Zhema, Shishi, PhD & Francis, John Tenong 4. Municipal Solid Waste Management In Jalingo Metropolis: An Assessment of people's Perception Mohammed Bakoji Yusuf, Umar Jauro Abba, Ayesukwe Rimamsikwe Ishaku & Yusuf Iraru 5. An Assessment Of The Conditions Of School Libraries In Seven Selected Public Primary Schools In Nsukka Local Government Area Of Enugu State Babarinde, Elizabeth Titilope, Ojobor, Rebecca Chidimma & Fagbemi Victoria Yemi. 6. A Reconsideration of the Role and Importance of Leisure and Entertainment in the Traditional Jukun Society Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD, Magaji Peninnah Joseph & Ruth Samuel Agbu 7. The Multifaceted Importance of Arabic Language in the Nigerian Society Busari, Kehinde Kamorudeen, PhD 8. The Kona and their Neighbours: A Historical Approach in Understanding Inter-group Relations, 1900 – 2000 Ad Abdulsalami Muyideen Deji, PhD & Edward Nokani 9. The Management Of Students' Crisis In Nigerian Universities During Military Rule, 1971-1999 Ajala, B. Luqman, Ph.D 10.Local Government Administration and Rural Development in Brass Local Government Area of Bayelsa State, 1999-2010 Larry, Steve Ibuomo, PhD 11.Kuteb Proverbs: An Aspect of Oral Literature Elisha Musa, Yahuza Usman Musa & Azinni Vakkai 12.The Impact of Majority and Minority Issues in the Politics of Development in African States since the 1960s: The Case of Nigeria Ayibatari, Yeriworikongha. Jonathan Dodiyovwi, & Oyovwi Osusu, PhD 13.The Politics of the 19th Century Jihad and the Establishment of Donga Chiefdom Iliya Ibrahim Gimba & Nwagu Evelyn Eziamaka 14.Panacea to the Plight of Widows in our Contemporary Society: A Multi- Dimensional Approach Ukoha Igwe Sunday, PhD & Uche Ufondu 15. The Impact of Coronavirus Pandemic on the Religious and Socio- Economic Activities In Nigeria Luther AnumTimin & Rimamsikwe Habila Kitause, PhD 16.An Assessment of Challenges of the Sudan United Mission (S.U.M.) Missionaries in Evangelizing among the Alago People: Lessons for today's Church Leaders Oyiwose, Ishaya Owusakyo 17.Understanding Biblical Archaeology in African Context Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD & Na'ankwat Y. Kwapnoe 18.The Challenges of the Local Government System in Nigeria Today: The need for Autonomy and Good Governance Saleh Omar, PhD 19.The Contribution of Kano to the Economic Development of Nguru During Colonial Period 1935-1960 Lawan Jafaru Tahir, PhD & Sheriff Garba, PhD 20.The Development of Social Networking Sites (SNSS) and its Implication on Students' Education In Federal College Of Education Zaria Attah Jonathan 21.Romance with Vampires in Festus Iyayi's Violence Rebecca Kenseh Daniel Irany, PhD & Wabuji Samuel Adda 22.Problem of Good Governance and Challenges of Service Delivery in Nigeria Usen.U. Akpan, PhD 23.The Role of Government in Curbing Community Spread of Covid-19 in Nigeria Julius Ngomba, Okonkwo, Ifeoma Mary-Marvella & Bodi, Fillah Simon Post-colonial Africa: The Promise Of Independence And The Pain Of 1-15 16-25 25-36 37-45 46-53 54-65 66-72 73-82 83-90 91-100 101-105 106-115 116-123 124-128 129-140 141-151 152-167 168-179 180-187 188-192 193-204 205-213 214-224
  2. 2. ISSN: 2276-6804 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW Volume 6, Number 1 & 2, September, 2020 A Journal of the Department of History & Diplomatic Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW i
  3. 3. c Department of History & Diplomatic Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo, 2020 Volume 6 Number1&2, September, 2020 ISSN: 2276-6804 Editor-in-Chief:Akombo I. Elijah,PhD EDITORIALBOARD HarunaMuhammadSuleiman,PhD (Secretary) AbdulsalamiM. Deji, PhD (Editor) AtandoDaudaAgbu, PhD (Editor) StephanyI.Akipu, PhD (Member) EDITORIALADVISORYBOARD Prof.TallaNgarkaS. fhsn,TarabaStateUniversity,Jalingo,Nigeria Prof. EnochOyedele,AhmaduBelloUniversity, Zaria,Nigeria Prof. MichaelNoku,TarabaStateUniversity, JalingoNigeria Prof.Y.AOchefu,HistoricalSocietyofNigeria,Ibadan,Nigeria Prof. SartiFwatshak, Universityof Jos, Nigeria Prof. MahmoudHamman,AhmaduBelloUniversity,Zaria,Nigeria Ass. Prof.AgbenYegaAdedzeIllinoisStateUniversity, Normal,III, USA Dr. EddieEragbeUniversityof Benin,Nigeria Dr. PongriJohnson,AdamawaStateUniversity,Mubi, Nigeria Dr.WinifredAkoda, Universityof Calabar, Nigeria Dr. EmordiE.C.,AmbroseAliUniversity, Ekpoma,Nigeria Dr. JikHenry,UniversityofBuea,Camerron Prof. FelixChami,Universityof Dar-es-Salaami,Tanzania SUBMISSION GUIDELINES *Papers should be accompanied by an abstract of not more than 250 words in length and should be typed1.5spaceandshould notexceed6,000 words inlength. *All charts/diagrams which must not exceed 3.5 inches by 5.0 inches should be scanned and fixed intoappropriatepositionswithinthetext. * The APA or MLA referencing Styles are accepted. Consistency is required. Using more than one referencingstyleinapaperwillnotbeaccepted. *Articlesshould besubmittedonlineto: TheEditor, Department of History & Diplomatic Studies, Taraba State University, PMB 1167, Jalingo, Taraba State,Nigeria Email: journalofmultidisciplinary18@gmail.com, dejfat2009@gmail.com, jalingohistory@gmail.com, JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW ii
  4. 4. The history ofAfrica is, indeed, a reflection of an undulating pendulum manifesting many successive disturbing phases stretching across the primitive to colonial and post-colonial periods. The first phase was characterized by primitive accumulation which was followed by the era of political or imperial revolution characterized by the rise and fall of empires, kingdoms, chiefdoms and state systems. This phase was characterized by mutual hostilities associated with wars of conquest for expansionist purposes, with attendant anarchyandsubjugationofsomegroups totributepayingstatus. The second phase was dominated by European exploratory activities on the shores of Africa and associated with unintelligible stories of discoveries of territories and phenomena that had existed inAfrica from time immemorial. One major feature of this era was the signing of treaties with African leaders for the benefit of European powers. The phenomenon was not free from hostilities between the European explorers (agents) and patriotic African leaders due to their strong suspicion about the hidden agenda for the treaties. It is not contestable that it was this exercise which paved smooth way for the next phase of African history, which was European mercantilism, imperialism and eventual colonialistactivitiesinAfrica. th The 19 century ushered in the third phase in African history which was dominated by European colonialist activities in Africa. The era was, no doubt, a violent phase during which African territories were forcefully and violently overpowered by the European colonial powers, prominent among which were Britain, France, Germany and Portugal. For more than a century, Africa became the source of raw materials and markets for the sustenance of industrial revolution in Europe. There is even no gain repeating the fact that thisphasewas equallycharacterizedbyverydisturbingvariables. th The wake of the 20 century ushered in the fourth phase in African history, which was the era of nationalism across Africa. Within this period, the echoes of violent and peaceful nationalist activities filled up the continent, and in the process, colonialism was overwhelmed. Very worrisomely, not long after the overthrow of colonialism that it became eminent that another disturbing phase was emerging in our continental history. The transfer of leadership baton from the colonialists to African leaders soon ushered in the fifth phase, which was interplay of misrule, lack of focus and anarchy. These unfortunate developments ushered in yet another disturbing phase, which was the era of militarycoups. The emergence of military rule in Africa enthroned dictatorial leadership with attendant gross abuse of fundamental human rights, anarchy and misrule across Africa. The collective cry and efforts by well-meaning Africans, and supported by international organizations like the United Nations Organisation (UNO) and powerful nations resulted in the proscription of military leadership. The strong campaign resulted in the vicious circleofthereturntodemocraticdispensation,whichusheredinthecurrentphase. Unfortunately, not soon after the institutionalization of the current vicious phase, an ill- wind blew in with its very disturbing variables. Under the watch of this current phase, nobody needs any mental energy to know that the phase is overwhelmed by unimaginably very shameless vices such as corruption and unprecedented electoral irregularities. It is no doubt that the two variables, put together, have produced all shades and colours of untold social vices such as terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, armed robbery, inter and intra ethnic/group hostilities, prostitution, among many. Consequently, today, many African nations have become theatres of very disturbing bloody crises. And Nigeria is, at present, JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW MISSION STATEMENT iii
  5. 5. worst caughtup atthiscrossroad. At this juncture, there is even no gain echoing the fact that all the aforementioned phases or variables in African history have factors claimed to have produced them. This has thrown theAfrican historian into the herculean task of intellectual excavation and analysis for the purpose of unearthing the clinching variables responsible for the unfortunate development orphases inour continentalhistory. It is for the purpose of giving intellectual analyses of the foregoing unfortunate developments in our continental history that the Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo, has floated this intellectual platform tagged: “Jalingo Historical Review”, to pull together intellectual resources from scholars. Our belief is that such intellectual materials will contribute enormously in the in-depth understanding of the variables accountable for the changing patterns in our continental th historyoverthecenturies,especiallyasfromthe19 century. Akombo I. Elijah,PhD JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW iv
  6. 6. CONTENTS 1. Dashed Hopes With Particular Focus On The Poor Leadership Factor Prof. E. C. Emordi (Fellow, Wolfson College, Cambridge; Fellow, Historical Society of Nigeria) & Julius O. Unumen, PhD 2. The Geographical Features and the Socio-cultural Life Style of the Bandawa Up to 1900 Akombo I. Elijah, PhD, Haruna Hussaini Shumo & Chula Abdulaziz Bilyamin 3. Interrogating The Citizen Centeredness Of The Nigerian Foreign Policy Since 1960 Zhema, Shishi, PhD & Francis, John Tenong 4. Municipal Solid Waste Management In Jalingo Metropolis: An Assessment of people's Perception Mohammed Bakoji Yusuf, Umar Jauro Abba, Ayesukwe Rimamsikwe Ishaku & Yusuf Iraru 5. An Assessment Of The Conditions Of School Libraries In Seven Selected Public Primary Schools In Nsukka Local Government Area Of Enugu State Babarinde, Elizabeth Titilope, Ojobor, Rebecca Chidimma & Fagbemi Victoria Yemi. 6. A Reconsideration of the Role and Importance of Leisure and Entertainment in the Traditional Jukun Society Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD, Magaji Peninnah Joseph & Ruth Samuel Agbu 7. The Multifaceted Importance of Arabic Language in the Nigerian Society Busari, Kehinde Kamorudeen, PhD 8. The Kona and their Neighbours: A Historical Approach in Understanding Inter-group Relations, 1900 – 2000 Ad Abdulsalami Muyideen Deji, PhD & Edward Nokani 9. The Management Of Students' Crisis In Nigerian Universities During Military Rule, 1971-1999 Ajala, B. Luqman, Ph.D 10.Local Government Administration and Rural Development in Brass Local Government Area of Bayelsa State, 1999-2010 Larry, Steve Ibuomo, PhD 11.Kuteb Proverbs: An Aspect of Oral Literature Elisha Musa, Yahuza Usman Musa & Azinni Vakkai 12.The Impact of Majority and Minority Issues in the Politics of Development in African States since the 1960s: The Case of Nigeria Ayibatari, Yeriworikongha. Jonathan Dodiyovwi, & Oyovwi Osusu, PhD 13.The Politics of the 19th Century Jihad and the Establishment of Donga Chiefdom Iliya Ibrahim Gimba & Nwagu Evelyn Eziamaka Post-colonial Africa: The Promise Of Independence And The Pain Of 1-15 16-25 26-36 37-45 46-53 54-65 66-72 73-82 83-90 91-100 101-105 106-115 116-123 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW v
  7. 7. 14. Dimensional Approach Ukoha Igwe Sunday, PhD & Uche Ufondu 15. The Impact of Coronavirus Pandemic on the Religious and Socio- Economic Activities In Nigeria Luther AnumTimin & Rimamsikwe Habila Kitause, PhD 16.An Assessment of Challenges of the Sudan United Mission (S.U.M.) Missionaries in Evangelizing among the Alago People: Lessons for today's Church Leaders Oyiwose, Ishaya Owusakyo 17.Understanding Biblical Archaeology in African Context Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD & Na'ankwat Y. Kwapnoe 18.The Challenges of the Local Government System in Nigeria Today: The need for Autonomy and Good Governance Saleh Omar, PhD 19.The Contribution of Kano to the Economic Development of Nguru During Colonial Period 1935-1960 Lawan Jafaru Tahir, PhD & Sheriff Garba, PhD 20.The Development of Social Networking Sites (SNSS) and its Implication on Students' Education In Federal College Of Education Zaria Attah Jonathan 21.Romance with Vampires in Festus Iyayi's Violence Rebecca Kenseh Daniel Irany, PhD & Wabuji Samuel Adda 22.Problem of Good Governance and Challenges of Service Delivery in Nigeria Usen.U. Akpan, PhD 23.The Role of Government in Curbing Community Spread of Covid-19 in Nigeria Julius Ngomba, Okonkwo, Ifeoma Mary-Marvella & Bodi, Fillah Simon Panacea to the Plight of Widows in our Contemporary Society: A Multi- 124-128 129-140 141-151 152-167 168-179 180-187 188-192 193-204 205-213 214-224 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW vi
  8. 8. POST-COLONIALAFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR Prof. E. C. Emordi Society of Nigeria) & Julius O. Unumen, PhD Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Arts, Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Edo State. Phone: 08183941032 E-Mail: pastorunumen@yahoo.com Abstract The study examines the promise of political independence and the pains of dashed hope in post- colonial Africa with particular focus on the poor political leadership factor. For analytical convenience, particular focus is on Nigeria, which provides a good framework for the promise of independence and the pains of dashed hope in post-colonial Africa. The study acknowledges the efforts put forward by African nationalist leaders in the struggle for the liquidation of colonialism and national liberation but argues, however, that nearly sixty years after the majority of African countries gained political independence, the promise of liberation from poverty, disease and underdevelopment as well as the enthronement of enduring genuine democracy and good governance, are far from being achieved. It argues further thatAfrica's hope of a better tomorrow at independence faded away very quickly almost immediately after independence and became a crumbling dream with pains, resulting in various crises, including devastating civil wars. It was against this background that citizens without hope of better tomorrow were seen all over the continent carrying faces of agony and pains, relishing in despair and frustration, and were poised to destroy their various countries.Although several factors could be advanced to explain this situation, this study focuses on the poor political leadership factor. The study essentially adopts a historical approach and relies on literary sources for its analysis. It concludes by advocating a review of the process of political leadership recruitment in the continent so that selfless, credible, visionary and nationalistic leaders could emerge in the various countries. It also advocates the strengthening of democraticandpoliticalinstitutions,whichcouldoperateandguidetheconductofpolitics. Keywords: Politicalleadership,post-colonial,Africa,Promise,Dashed Hopes. Introduction ManyAfrican countries became politically independent more than fifty years ago. Yet, there is no visible and justifiable transformation in their socio-political and economic sectors as their levels of development remain abysmally frustrating. Their democratic and political institutions have remained extremely weak, thereby making them vulnerable for easy manipulation for selfish reasons. The results have been crises and conflicts in all spheres of life of the various countries, giving rise to stunted growth and development. Pretentious leadership is largely to blame for this development in the continent. It was obvious disillusionment and disappointment with the situation in Africa, with particular reference to Nigeria, that Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, Nigerian former military ruler, observed and remarked that, “drawing from the vision of our founding fathers, the labour of our heroes past and the present travails of our compatriots”, all he could see from the (Fellow, Wolfson College, Cambridge; Fellow, Historical 1
  9. 9. political horizon were “pains of dashed hopes, the agony of thwarted dreams and the regrets of expectations not met” (Yakoob, 2006:19). It is from this observation and remark thatthechoiceofpartofthetitleofthisstudyis derived. By October, 2018, many sub-Saharan African countries such as Nigeria, Cameroon, Congo DR, Somalia, Madagascar, Chad and Gabon, marked their 58 years of political independence. A lot of money may have been spent celebrating the occasions, which seem to signify nothing but waste in view of the fact that, although Africans are liberated from the shackles of colonialism, they remain enslaved by the leaders who have imposed their misrule on the citizenry. Could the Africa's experience be interpreted to suggest that the leaders did not realise the import of political independence? Could it also mean that they did not realise that independence was not just a celebration of freedom and an occasion for merriment to mark an end to alien rule, but occasions to reflect on the developments of the yester-years and what the future holds? Or, was it that they failed to know that independence was an opportunity for newly independent nations to carryout nation-building and state-building projects, or what Osaghae noted, as quoted by Nzongola-Ntalaja (2006:8), as institutional processes, which aim at state-building and enduring democratic systems? It is unfortunate thatAfrican leaders did not make good use of the available opportunities and resources, including colonial legacies, nor develop such programmes, which would help in actualising greater nations.The result was that the hope andexpectationsofgreaterAfricaandlifemoreabundantcrumbledwithevidentpains. Generally, the record of post-colonial Africa has been that of failure compared with other developing regions of the world. The continent has done worse than Asian countries that achieved political independence at around the same time, such as India, Indonesia and Malaysia (Baldauf, Crilly and Mc Connell, 2007:1). By 2007,Africa had 34 of the 48 poorest countries in the world, 24 of the 32 least developed countries in the world, the largest recipient of donor aid, notwithstanding that it is home to some of the richest untapped oil resources and other natural resources in the world (Baldauf, Crilly and Mc Connell, 2007:1). Post-colonial African remains economically stagnant and politically unstable.AccordingtoBlakdok(2011:17): From North to South, East to West, except for a few countries and leaders, the story of Africa is the same. Economic woes, insecurity, civil wars, internal strives and conflicts, ethnic and religion cleansing, looting of public wealth, capital flight, lack of infrastructure and capacity development have become the hallmarkofAfrica's underdevelopment. There is no gainsaying that these conditions of the continent as portrayed in 2011 is still the same, if not worse, in 2020. Almost six decades after the majority of African countries gain political independence, the continent is still beset with social, economic and political crises. It is against this background that, according to Augustine (2018:1), the African region has been relegated to an appendage in the international area “only remembered for poverty, refugees, flood, wars, IDPs, human trafficking, and in recent times,anewwaveofinternationalterrorism”. It is against this backdrop that crises and conflicts have been sweeping through Africa since the 1950s. These developments have become very abysmally frustrating and embarrassing to, not only Africans but, the international community. Several factors, including historical, economic, institutional and political variables, could be advanced to explain why post-colonialAfrica's performance has been generally poor in absolute terms, and inferior to those of other regions of the world. However, this study focuses on the poor JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 2
  10. 10. political leadership factor. Political leadership is critical to all ramification of development because it “shepherds' citizens' socio-economic interests through governmental structures andnuancedsocio-economicpolicies”(Gumede,2015:97). While several scholars have written on the abysmal failure of post-colonial African leaders in terms of transforming the continent to an enviable social, political and economic pedestal, the question of why African political leaders failed to actualise the promises of independence is still a subject often glossed over. Using Nigeria as the main focus, this study argues that instead of adopting the big picture perspective by building a strong, united and virile nations, post-colonial African political leaderships were blinded by selfish, clannish, narrow, ethnic, sectional, regional, and parochial interests. It was in his regardthatnationaltransformationbecameanunrealiseddream. Discourseon theConcept ofPoliticalLeadership Leadership is a concept that has no generally acceptable definition. According to Dion (1968:2), it is an “omnibus term”. Leadership, according to Webster's Universal Dictionary and Thesaurus, is the 'act of leading, the ability to be a leader, the leaders of an organisation or movement collectively”. Leadership could be applied to varied roles, including, playground leaders, committee chairmen, club presidents, business executives and politicians. Political leadership represents one of the varied categories of leadership and has been defined as the behaviour of persons in positions of political authority, their competitors, and “these both in interaction with other members of society as manifested in thepast,presentandprobablefuturethroughouttheworld”(Paige,1977:1). Political leadership encompasses the behaviour of persons in positions of highest authority, but also those of intermediate and lower levels. It includes monarchs, presidents and premiers, but also governors, provincial chairmen, mayors, village chiefs, headmen and leaders of party cells (Paige: 1977:1). Paige also argues that political leadership is not restricted to single personalities but also the “collective leadership” of congregate bodies, and those both in isolation but in interaction “with followers”. Political leadership is not also restricted to one type of institution such as the legislator, party or bureaucracy or process, such aspolicydecision,electionorrevolution,butacrossthemall.Moreover; It means not only men but women; not only incumbents but competitors and revolutionaries; not only those who rule by moral suasion and reasoned agreement but those who gain compliance by fear and force; not only the admirable but the despicable;notonlythe“successful”butthosewho “fail”. Thus,politicalleadershipisall-encompassing. Political leadership is critical in nations and societies because it is critical to the development of the different ramifications of a nation's economy and society. It also drives the social, economic and political systems of nations. Leadership is an essential factor in development (Agwuele, 2012:20). Adefuye (2015:viii) also argues that “political leadership is core to the development of any nation.Acountry that enjoys strong leadership andgood governanceisbound tohavepoliticalstabilityandeconomicprosperity”. Political leadership is a major factor in the difference between the developed countries of Europe and the United States ofAmerica, on the one hand, and the developing countries in Africa, on the other. Whereas the political leaders in the developed countries are committed to develop a system that could drive the transformation of their polity, economies and peoples,African post-colonial political leaders, in their narrow perspective and consumed by greed, including warped value systems, are under developing their 3 POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR
  11. 11. countries beyond what colonialism bequeathed to the continent (Wardok, 2011:17). It is in this regard that rather than taking fundamental decisions that could alter the balance of power in favour of the peoples of the continent, post-colonial African leaders, with very fewexceptions,betrayedthehopesandaspirationsoftheirpeoples(Gumede,2015:97). African Nationalist leaders and the Promise of Independence Following the end of World War II,Africans began to realise the need for political independence without further delay. The educated elite and the masses formed alliances against colonialism as a system of economic exploitation, political repression and cultural oppression. The result of the alliances was the inauguration of independence movements in the continent. With this development, the nationalist leaders came up with energy and enthusiasm and campaigned with determination to end colonialism. They raised great hopes and expectations of citizens of their countries of what post-colonialAfrica would be when independence was achieved and promised to tackle the tasks of development and nation-building. In the process, and to enlist the support of the masses, not just in the desire to achievepoliticalindependenceand pursue the task of stateand nation-building,but in their quest for power and influence, they blamed all the evils, such as economic exploitation, political repression and oppression that the people suffered on colonialism and racism. The roles played by theAfricans in terms of being collaborators were suppressed (Emordi, 1993: 163-169). Then, theybegan to paint beautiful pictures of post-colonial Africa, showing how it would be a place where there would be no political oppression nor repression, and economic exploitation, as prevalent in the preceding era; where the human dignity and rights of people would be elevated and respected; and where basic freedom and full enjoyment of life would be guaranteed. They, therefore, pledged to provide education, healthcare delivery system, employment, modern social amenities comparable to those enjoyed by the exiting Europeans, among other promises (Meredith, 2005: 141). They also promised the people democracy and peace in which they would have major roles to play as citizens in building a robust civil society as a check against the excesses of the newstate(Williams,2008:8-9). In spite of the above promises, Nzongola-Ntalaja (2000:8) noted that the rural people had their own specific expectations. They expected to get those intangible things that could promote sustainable development at the local level. Such things included putting an end to arbitrary and oppressive regulations, land recovery, particularly in areas where it was alienated by the colonialists, reducing tax burden and other state demands on the populace, and increasing access to economic and social services such as agricultural extensionandcredit,infrastructuredevelopment,healthandeducation. The slogan then was, “seek ye first the political kingdom and everything else shall be added unto you” (Otite, 1987:21). The idea in this slogan was that independence would be an opportunity to intervene in the economic development of African countries. In the same vein, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, one of Nigeria's nationalist leaders, promised freedomforalland“lifemoreabundant”(Kirk– Greene,1976:23).Headdedthat: For a subject people political freedom is not the end of the journey or struggle; it is nothing more than a most patent means to the acquisition and consolidation of the economic and other facets of the country's freedom (and this) political freedom is meaningless unless it goes hand in hand with economic freedom (Kirk-Greene, 1976:23). JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 4
  12. 12. Marks (2011:10putitmoresuccinctlywhen hewrotethat: At the down of independence in these countries, the thrill of autonomous nationhood was matched by the anticipation of material elevation. There was understandable expectation that political freedom would translate into economic dividends'.The giddiness of those day was most famously rendered in the soaring rhetoric of Ghana's first president, Kwame Nkrumah, who boldly proclaimed that onceAfrican countries realised “the political kingdom”, for which they had so valiantly struggled, it was onlyamatterof timebefore“allthingsshallbeadded”. However, in the course of their campaigns and producing their post-colonial blue- prints, they unwittingly de-emphasised the duties and obligations of the citizens to the state. It was unfortunate (and still unfortunate as would be seen presently) that the majority of theAfrican people to whom such promises were made were not educated and were poor. So, the nationalists exploited their ignorance and promised what they knew they could not provide, thereby, according to Magnus Williams, as quoted by Dudley (1973:3-36), deceiving them to lead them with their presumption that the bulk of the African people were not in position to distinguish between truth and falsehood. The people, including the intellectuals, students, cultural associations and demobilised soldiers, who had been inspired into action by democratic ideals (Bluwey, 1992: 39) and with certain grievances in their minds, believed and trusted that the leaders would fulfil their promises. Thus, the people's expectations of a bright future where there would be an expanded space of fundamental rights and liberties long violated by the colonialists on one hand, and social programmes in terms of a real improvement in standards of living, on the other hand (Nzongola-Ntalaja, 2006:4), played a tremendous role in ensuring the sustainability of their loyalty and patriotism throughout the period. Unfortunately, the people's hopes were soon to be dashed by the leaders and rulers who began to indulge in gross human rights abuses (GanaandEgwu,2003:xvi)withevidentpainson thepeople. It is important to note that the promises of the African nationalists notwithstanding, the departing colonialists were not convinced about the ability ofAfrican nationalists to translate their promises to reality as articulated by a racist teacher at Igbobi College, Lagos. The teacher was quoted to have told the student who wrote on a blackboard: “Africa forAfricans”, few days before independence that “you can have your country you'll see what mess you'll make of it” (Fatuse, 2000:43). In addition, commenting and justifying the refusal by the Apartheid regime to relinquish power to the Blacks in SouthAfrica by 1985, and having seen the performances ofAfrican leaders since independence, Pik Botha noted that Africans “can't rule themselves. Give them guns and they will kill each other. They are good in nothing but making noise (and lack) foresight. TheaverageBlackmandoesnotplanhislifebeyondayear….”(Lawrence,2014:53) Post-ColonialAfricaand Painsof Dashed Hopes:ThePoliticalLeadershipFactor As independence came, with leaders sitting down on a number of blue-prints for the future (Azikiwe, 1974: 21), it was expected that the era of development and progress would follow in view of the available human and material resources. The leaders were, therefore, under the obligation to fulfil the promises, which they had made to their people and to do sowith some degree of urgency. This urgency was imperative as the opposition groups, which had been in existence ever before independence, continued to flourish. This development was evident in Nigeria's First Republic where there were the Action Group 5 POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR
  13. 13. (AG) political party led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU), led by MalamAminu Kano, and the National Council of Nigeria Citizens (NCNC) led by NnamdiAzikiwe, which although were active and responsible opposition groups with some dose of tolerance but ideologically inspired, were against the ruling Northern People's Congress (NPC) (Adeosun, 2004: 23). Such opposition groups laid in wait to exploit any acts of omission or commission, which would discredit the ruling partiestoenablethemtakeovertheleadershiporjustifytheiroppositionstance. However, in most cases, shortly after independence, the nationalist leaders' drive, having successfully exploited a variety of grievances among the urban and rural populations to galvanise support to their cause, and having achieved their aim of being in positions of leadership,did nothing praise worthy to ensure for their people a betterlife and those of their children yet unborn. Other loyalties and ambitions also came thrusting to the fore because of certain factors (Nzongola – Ntalaja, 2006: 4-5), such as ethnicity and primitiveaccumulationofwealth(Aiyede,2011:86). It was on the basis of the above development that Nzongola-Ntalaja (2006:9) remarked that, although the nationalist leaders had expressed a commitment to democracy, economicdevelopmentandPan-Africansolidarity: When they began with the practical realities of governance, they became more interested in advancing their own narrow class interests, whose realisation required a recourse to authoritarian methods of rule, corruption and enrichment on a large scale as well as the promotion of territorial nationalism instead of national unity. Consequently, the liberal democratic regimes established at independence were for the most part abandoned in favor(sic)of one-partyor militarydictatorship. In similar vein, Ndiovu-Gatsheni and Mhalanga (2013:300) argued that no sooner was political independence won in mostAfrican countries than it became obvious that the new inheritors of power had no intention of fulfilling the 'promises of the nationalist struggle'andtheexpectationsofcitizens.Itwas inthisregardthatthe: …hope and optimism of independence fadedslowly and inexorably in the hands of the new political elite and was finally eclipsed by the dark shadows of corruption, lawlessness, ingratitude, distortion and repression. Many people came to see independence as a sort of 'punishment', which brought nothing but misery, pain, dashed hopes, terror, exploitation, marginalisation and frustration. Conditions of living deteriorated and many began to look at the colonial era with nostalgia(Ndiovu-GatsheniandMhalanga,2013:300). This development could easily be blamed on the failure of post-colonial politicalleadership,inparticular,andtheeliteingeneral. Soon after coming to power, some African leaders imposed one–party system in their countries and the rule of men rather than the rule of law became the order of the day after independence. This system gave the leaders the ample opportunities and power to begin to tinker with the constitutions of their countries. Civil societies, which supposed to check the emergence of potential authoritarianism of the states declined in essence and influence. This situation developed because there was no avenue for self-expression of the labouring classes and intellectuals, and partly because the leaderships of the era had successfullyatrophiedthedevelopmentenergiesofthemasses(Williams,2008:16-17). JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 6
  14. 14. The bottom line of the above development was the lack of practical links between the leaderships and the masses at the decisive movement of the struggle with evident poor governance. There was, thus, a crack in the edifice of nation-building process. There also developed the phenomenon of tenure elongation, sit-tight culture, and making the office of the head of state hereditary, following their actions of tinkering with the constitutions and laws that would make them to realise their dreams of making the governance of their countries family affairs (Mordi, 2013: 48-50). In the process of all of these acts of self- delusion, their promised projects of nation and state-building were ignored. In the final analysis,people'senthusiasmtowardsbuildingagreaterAfricacrumbled. Thus, with one-party system in countries such as Tanzania, Kenya, Cameroon, Malawi and Zimbabwe, the leaders, beside tinkering with the constitutions of their countries and subverting the instruments of change, also began to stifle debate and prevent the development of true democracy and viable ways of looking at issues. They also began to disallow people from taking decisions on the basis of superior argument or intelligence, periodically abuse the ballot box, either through rigging of elections or by blocking the ways through which democratic change could take place, indulge in gross abuse of human rights and to trample on the people's will so as to remain in power in perpetuity. In no time, they began to be intolerant of the opposition to their policies and programmes and intolerant of dissent (Williams, 2009:527). Opposition to them was considered as “treason and criticism as sabotage” (Jinadu, 2011:27). They also began to target political opponents by arresting, torturing, jailing and, in some cases, killing them in regions where they were in control, as a way of excluding and depriving credible persons from participating in governance. In addition, courts of law were emasculated and the press censored(Enahoro,1970:30). It was unfortunate also that at this stage the African leaders did not realise that opposition is not about fighting for power, money and influence, but coming together in a constructive manner to provide checks and balances to governance (Valen, 2013:23). Things degenerated in some countries into a situation where there was a replacement of the multi-party structures used during the anti-colonial struggles with the consolidation of civilian autocracy. The new system, otherwise known as “no-party democracy”, “unfettered democracy” or “big men rule”, a kind of modern day version of the old monarchicalsystem,becameamajorfeatureofAfrica'spoliticalsystem. With this system of rulership in place, the leaders began to have false estimation of their superior personalities and appeared before their people as God-sent. They also began to take on the trappings of the colonialists for the people to revere them as fathers of the nations as they acquired a larger-than-life status. They developed into new oppressors of the common people riding roughshod on the rights and privileges of the people. The result of this development was the mismanagement of the freedom obtained from independence (Morton, 1988:30-31). Thus, the dreams and hopes of life more abundant and the promise of welfare after independence began to crumble as they were fulfilled in breach,leavingnothingbutpainsforthepeople. TheMilitaryEra The developmental crisis generated by civilian autocracy and mis-governance, among several other factors well-known, with which several theoretical constructs have been produced to explain them, compelled the military, without much understanding of the system, to intervene in politics in many African states (Jawowitz, 1964; Gutteridge, 7 POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR
  15. 15. 1969; Huntington 1968 and Odetola, 1982). Their interventions were such that between 1960 and 2001, Africa experienced over 80 military coups, which were successful. Their incursion into politics only signified “the arrival of new players and contestants in the already existing authoritarian structures within the authoritarian-democratic paradox of independence” (Akinyemi, 2011: 121).Using the January 15, 1966, coup in Nigeria as an illustration, their declared aim was “to establish a strong, united, and prosperous nation free from corruption and internal strife”, a nation where no one would be ashamed to say that he or she is a Nigerian (Kirk – Greene, 1976:125 – 126). Once the military came into politics, their first actions were the suspension of the constitutions of their countries and imposition of unitary governments, which by their nature were undemocratic and even worse than the one-party system, as the case may be. They ruled by whims and caprices onlyallowingcivilianparticipantsatfringelevels. It is important to recall that before the military came to power ethnic politics had predominatedAfrica's political scene as primary loyalty remained rooted in ethnic identity. This situation constituted a major problem to some large and pluralistic societies such as Nigeria. Hence, when the military took over the reins of government, their first policy thrust was evident in Lt. Col. Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu's broadcast when he remarked that it was the intention of the military government under General J.T.U. Aguiyi-Ironsi, to create, among other things: “the consciousness of national unity and to lead the citizens of Nigeria as one disciplined people in a purposeful march to maximum realisation of the country's potentials” (Kirk-Greene, 1976:146). Following these intentions, Ironsi also remarked that “tribal loyalties, which promote tribal consciousness and sectional interest must give way to the urgent task of national reconstruction. The federal military governmentwillpreserveNigeriaasastrong nation”(Kirk-Greene,1976:154). However, inno time,themilitarybegantoputself-interestsaheadof collectiveand national interest as they propagated ethnic politics and religious bigotry in an attempt to justify and attain power. In the process, they mismanaged the crisis generated by their actions and inactions with evident continuous crisis and conflicts, including civil wars. Such wars took place in Nigeria, Ethiopia under Haile Mariam Mengistu, Uganda and Sudan, resulting in unmitigated disasters, which plagued the countries in the form of bloodshed and ruin. In such wars, children were conscripted into the armies and sent to fight and die (Ibaba and Etekpe, 2009:186). Besides, military regimes witnessed more gross abuse of human rights as they “established military authoritarianism as the most enduring and most entrenched expression of authoritarianism in African politics and politicalsystem”(Akinwumi,2011:121). Military dictatorship together with one party system degenerated into rampaging tyranny.AsAiyette (2008:34) added, these systems with enormous economic and political power concentrated in the hands of a few ruling military officers, the state evolved into 'vampirestates'.HearguedfurtherthatGovernmentasaninstitution: … ceased to exist, hijacked instead by a phalanx of unrepentant bandits and thugs who used the state machinery to enrich themselves, their cronies and tribes. All others are excluded. The richest persons in Africa are heads of state and their ministers. Quite often, the chief bandit is the head of state himself. All others were excluded to enable them accommodate their selfish desires of elongating their tenures in office, as well as accommodating their friends and supporters within the constricted political space. This development was evident in Sudan and gives an JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 8
  16. 16. apparent reason for the civil war in that country, which lasted for many years until 2011. The struggle by the excluded southern segment of the country to participate in politics was a major factor. This struggle to overcome the dominance of the north in politics was not helped by the religious differences between the northern Muslims and the Southern Christians. These developments underlie the internecine civil wars that embroiled Sudan. The Military exploited the situation to perpetuate themselves in power (Williams, 2008: 284), yet without significantly changing the fortunes of the citizens in the socio-political and economic development of the country. Rather, like their civilian counterparts, they leftonlypainsofdashedhopes. Africafrom the1980s The 1980s was a period when largely uncritical and unrepentant dictators who pre-occupied themselves with hunting down oppositions to their mis-governance, were in power. Rather than addressing themselves to the continued plummeting of Africa into crisis of governance, and deeping economic crisis, characterised by: the fall of per capita income from 35% in some countries where people had already been living so close to the edge; the rise of debt burden from $170 billion to $1,200 billion; the loss of $19 billion much more than it received in aid-from the fall in price of its commodity exports; and the fall of development assistance from developed economies from an already below-target level of 0.37% of GNP in 1980 to 0.33% in 1989, with evident collapse of infrastructure along-side the value of local currencies and widespread pauperisation of the mass of the people, they were pre-occupied with consolidating and perpetuating themselves in power. This was the time when developed economies enjoyed the longest continuous period of sustained economic growth since 1945, while Asian countries industrialised at a pace never experienced before. It was because of these features that the period was classified as “Africa'slostdecade”(Seguigni,1990:2). During the period, African citizens were traumatised and humiliated as they experienced more gross abuse of human rights with massive upsurge of incidences of extra-judicial killings; deprivation of liberty and denial of free access to courts; restriction on freedom of movement, free press and freedom of association and assembly; and very importantly, due process as a result of the emasculation of the rule of law.Thus, the citizens were rendered irrelevant in the political process to the point of desolation and penury (William,2009:530-531). In the 1990s, military coups continued to take place in some countries such as Sierra Leone in 1991, Burundi in 1993, Nigeria in 1993, and Rwanda in 1994. Besides, further implosions organised by politically excluded groups, who rose in rebellion, took place in countries such as Somalia in 1993, Rwanda in 1994 and Sierra Leone in 1998.The ensueing carnage, instability and mayhem, which created an environment that became an intractable hindrance to good governance and sustainable development, may have been influenced by the increase in human thirst and quest for freedom that for long was suppressed in many countries. This renewed quest for freedom in Africa was also triggered by developments in other parts of the world such as the disintegration of the UnionofSovietsSocialistRepublic(USSR). The impact of the development of this period inAfrica was the liberalisation of the political space and the emergence of vibrant civil society organisations and critical and viable press, which began to challenge, furiously, political repression perpetrated by one- party and military dictatorships. Their challenge was evident in their campaign against the 9 POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR
  17. 17. criminal annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election in Nigeria, their demand for respect for human rights, rule of law and multi-party democracy. The development gave birth to theAfrica's “era of political renaissance”, or “second independence”, this time not from colonial masters but from incompetent, oppressive and exploitative indigenous rulers.The struggle this time was aimed at restoring democratic institutions and processes subverted by single-party and military rule since the mid-1960s, as well as to consolidate thenewdemocraticgainssincetheendof1980. Aiding the above developments were foreign donors who directed their resources to freedom fighters and civil society organisations as response to two major political developments: “the acceleration of global trend towards democracy in the 1980s and early 1990s, which pushed democracy to the top of international policy agenda and challenged democratic countries to respond,” and “the end of the cold war, which lowered barriers to international political cooperation” (Akinbola, 2009:8). What further helped in this direction were the genocide in Rwanda, large-scale massacre in Burundi, ethnic cleansing in Congo-Kinshasa, the civil wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia, among other inter- communal violence and conflicts tearing African continent apart. With these developments,African leaders were compelled to embark on democratisation programme as they opened democratic space and elections were conducted in several countries such as Zambia in 1991, Ethiopia in 1991, Republic of Benin in 1991, Burundi in 1993, South Africa in 1994 and Nigeria in 1999. In some of such countries, some ruling parties were replaced by opposition parties (Aiyede, 2011:91). However, even thoughAfrican leaders had refocused their attention to the question of security, stability and progress, many African countries had become included among the world's most dangerous places to visit andinvestin(Soyinka,2011:45). Nevertheless, the continent was still characterised by developmental crisis despite the political gains since 1990s because many of the leaders, according to Onyekpe (2011:44), continued to horrendously plunder their states; continued to bestially abuse fundamental human rights and basic freedom; and capriciously continue to commit so much atrocities leaving the citizens of their countries in pain. These atrocities were so hugethattheywouldnotescapejusticewhentheywouldbeoutofpower. According to Felter (2020:1), sub-Saharan Africa is home to many of the world's longest-ruling heads of state. By early 2019, three of African heads of state had been in power for more than three decades each. These were Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo in Equatorial Guinea, Paul Biya in Cameroon and Yoweri Museveni in Uganda. In addition, by 2019, more than a dozen other African heads of state had been in power for ten years. The table below shows sub-Saharan African's longest-serving leaders from 1960-2020 Sub-Saharan Africa's Longest-Serving leader, 1960-2020. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 10 S/No. Names Country Years in Office 1. Omar Bongo Gabon 41 years 2. Teodoro Obiang Nwema Nbasogo Equatorial Guinea 40 years 3. Jose Eduardo Dos Santo Angola 38 years 4. Guassingbe Eyadema Togo 37 years
  18. 18. Source: Felter, Claire. 2020. “Africa's leaders for life: Introduction”,Council for Foreign Relations,“htttps://www.cfr.org>background”accessedon 25/06/2020. The implications of this state of affairs are manifest on the continent. According to Felter (2020:1): Strong correlations exist between sub-Saharan Africa's entrenched leadership and its developmental and security challenges, including conflicts or instability stagnant or decliningeconomicsanddemocraticbacksliding. Felter, also quoting The Economist's “2019 Democracy Index”, asserts that by that year, more than twenty countries in the continent had what was considered as “authoritarian governments” (2020:1), where rights abuses, including “arbitrary arrests, and detentions, rightrestrictionsonfreedomofexpression,andpolicebrutality”,wereprevalent. To survive their atrocities when they leave office, some of them groomed their sons, who would occupy the office after their misrule. Such sons stayed in the wing waiting for the right time to ascend the “throne”. This situation was evident when Faure Eyadema succeeded his father, Gnassingbo Eyadema, as president of Togo. It also happened in Gabon when, after Omar Bongo's death, and after 42 years in power, his son, Alli, was elected president (Madunagu, 2009:59). Another aspect of this survival strategy was evident in Zimbabwe, which remained continuously plummeting from promise to destruction because of the activities of its life president, Robert Mugabe. Mugabe decided to continue to preside over the systematic liquidation of the country in spite of the evident hunger, poverty and epidemic that had consumed millions of children (Emordiand Unumen, 2011:158-171) – all in a quest to remain in office for life. One fact that is evident is thatAfricans cannot continue to blame the continent's backwardness, underdevelopment and conflicts,on only externalinfluencesbecause there are overwhelmingevidenceof how Africans caused the various developmental crisis and conflicts, which promoted civil wars in which children were enlisted as combatants with evident distortion and destruction (Igwe,2010). 11 5. Paul Diya Cameroon 37 years 6. Robert Mogabe Zimbabwe 37 years 7. Denis Sassou Nguesso Republic of Congo 36 years 8. Yoweri Museveni Uganda 34 years 9. Felix Houghouet-Boigmy Ivory Coast 33 years 10. Mobutu Sese Seko Democratic Republic of Congo 31 years 11. Omar al-Bashir Sudan 29 years 12. Idriss Deby Chad 29 years 13. Isaias Afweki Eritrea 29 years 14. Matthew Kerekou Benin 28 years POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR
  19. 19. Conclusion Notwithstanding inter-country differences, Africa's post-colonial economic, social and politicalperformances have been poor when judged against the aspirations of the people, the promises of independence and the achievements of other developing regions of the world. The study concedes that colonialism and post-colonial asymmetrical relationship between African countries and the developed western countries have contributed to bringing the African continent to its post-colonial state of lugubrious political, economic and social conditions. It is argued, however, thatAfrica's irresponsible and greedy political leadership evident in corruption, mis-management of state and public properties, autocratic ways of governing as if the state were their personal property, inability to rise above personal, parochial, ethnic, sectional and/or regional interests, to transform their countries to enviable heights, are also largely responsible for the continent's unenviablestateofaffairs. The development crisis, which created the gap between the legitimate expectations at independence and the dashed hopes, arose because soon after political independence,African rulers, whether civilian or military, began to trample under their feet and boots the principles of individual freedom and the rule of law. With this development, they began to perpetrate series of social, political and economic aberrations evident in the authoritarian exclusion of credible persons from participating in political processes and governance by suppressing democratic ideals and voices of dissent; advancing personal ambitions for naked power; and the desire for self-perpetuation in office with evident physical extermination of political opponents and perceived rivals. The results have been exploitation of ethnicity and religious sentiments for political mobilisation of people for naked power and dominance with evident crises and conflicts including civil wars, all of which have emasculated the ability of the African people to live productive lives (Abubakar,2014:16). It is also evident from the analysis in this study that for years after political independence, Africans were exposed to exploitation and oppression of their leaders, a situation in some cases worse than the conditions they were under colonialism. The result was that the promises they made to their people before and after independence were not fulfilled. They were rather fulfilled in breach with evident pains in the form of crises and civilwars, whichbecameafeatureofAfricangovernance. The question now is: what could be the way out of this Africa's social, economic and political development crises? It is recommended that Africans need to enthrone genuine democracy with built-in strong political and democratic institutions that would guide the conduct of politics to ensure political stability and sustained growth and development. If genuine democratic system is put in place, African countries would not continue to wallow in clueless democracy in which the people vote without choosing as a resultofelectoralmalpractices. The elimination of obnoxious culture of “do-or-die” as an African electoral principle is also advocated.The sit-tight leadership phenomenon in someAfrican countries also stands condemned. The enthronement of pretentious leaders should be discouraged. These African political cultures and malaise have remained intractable hindrances to the emergence of genuine democratic culture and good governance, which would make Africanstatestocontinuetomarchontheroadtoprogress, developmentandgreatness. African states need people-oriented constitutions produced and ratified by the people after national debates on the documents to ensure their integrity.With such a process JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 12
  20. 20. in place, the leaders that would come, thereafter, would be such that would have legitimate authorities guided by the rule of law. They would not be such that would have lied, as happened before and after independence, to lead their people. It is recommended that African masses cultivate the culture of standing up against irresponsible leaderships that continuetoperpetuatesocio-economicandpoliticalillsratherthandestroytheircountries. References Abubakar, Ibrahim Waziri, (2014). “A perspective on the Development Strategies for Peace and Security in Africa”, in Nwankwo, Uche M.;Anaere, Charles I;Ayuba, Jonathan M;Akinwumi,Olayemi and Olurode, Lai, Towards Peace, Security and Sustainable Development in Africa, Berlin-Germany: Mediateam IT Education Centre. Adeyemu, Sam (2017). “Africa Doesn't Need Charity, It Needs Good Leadership”, World Economicforum, May4. Agwuele, Anthony O. (2012), “A Commentary on Overcoming Africa's Leadership Challenge and the Problem of Underdevelopment” in Bokelmann, W., Akinwumi, o., Nwankwo, U.M., and Agwuele, A.O. (eds.), African leadership Challengesand otherIssues,Berlin:MediateamITEducationalCentre,16-27. Aiyede, Remi. “The nature ofAfrica's political system”, inAkinboye (ed.), Perspectives on Africa'sCrises: theChallengesofSocio-politicaland EconomicTransformation. Asongazoh, Joy (2010). “Post-Colonial colonialism: An Analysis of International factors and Actors Marring Africans Socio-Economic and Political Development, The JournalofPan-AfricanStudies,3(10)September,62-64. Augustine, A.O. (2018). “The Crises of Underdevelopment in Sub-Sahara Afrca: Multi- DimensionalPerspectives”,JournalofPoliticalScienceandPublicAffairs,6(4). Azikiwe, Nnamdi (2007). “Political Blueprint of Nigeria (1947)”, in Motiso, M and Rohio, S.W.(eds),ReadingsinAfricanPoliticalThought, London, Heinemann,2007. Baldouf, Scott. (2007). “For Post-Colonial Africa, Hopes Deferred”, Christian Science Monitor,March6. Bluwey,GilberKeit(1992).“DemocracyatBay:theFrustrationsofAfricanLiberals”,in Caron, B Gboyega, A and Osaghae, E. (eds.), Democratic Transition in Africa, Proceeding of Symposium on Democratic Transition in Africa, IBADAU CREDU:DocumentsinSocialSciencesandHumanities,SeriesNo. 1. Budasingwa,Theogere(2014).“Africa'sbetrayalbyitsLeaders',theGuardian,June 22. Dion, Leon (1968). “The Concept of Political leadership:AnAnalysis” Canedian Journal ofPoliticalScience,1(1),March,2-17. Document12, “AwaywiththeOldGuard-FirstSpeechby Lt.Col.Ojukwu, Military Governor of the East, 25 January 1966”, in Kirk-Greene, Crisi and Conflict in Nigeria,146. Dudley,B.J. (1973).Instabilityand PoliticalOrder:Politicsand Crisis inNigeriaIbadan: IbadanUniversityPress. Enahoro,Peter(1970).“OppositioninOne-partySystem,”AfricaJuly. Emordi, E. C. (1993). “The West African Military During the Consquest” Nwauwu, Apollos 13 POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR
  21. 21. andWebster, Bertin (eds.) Fundamentals ofAfrican History, Dalhouseie, Canada: DepartmentofHistoryPublication,1993,163-169 Emordi,E.CandAudu, M. S (2006).“TenureElongationinNigeria'sPoliticalHistory, 1966-2006”inTheConstitution,Vol.6 No. 3 September. Felter, Claire (2020). “Africa's Leaders for life, Introduction” Council on Foreign Affairs, https://www.cfr.org>background. Gumede, Vusi (2015). Exploring Thought leadership, Thought Liberation and Critical Consciousness foAfrica'sDevelopment”,AfricanDevelopment,XL(4),91-111. Huntington,SamuelP(1968).PoliticalOrder inChangingSocieties,New Haven,York UniversityPress. Ibaba,SamuelandEtekpe,Ambily(2009). “ResourceCurseandConflictinAfrica: Interrogating the Role of the State”, Journal of Intra-African Studies, No. 2 August. IgweStanleyC.(2010).HowAfricanUnderdevelopedAfricaPortHarcourt:Professional Printers&Publishers. Jawowitz, Morris (1964). The Military in the Development of New Nations: A Comparative AnalysisChicago:ChicagoUniversityPress. Jinadu, I. S. (2011). “The Challenges of Nation Building and the Experience of Post- Colonial Governance in Nigeria” Barkindo, Fawuro M, Ifemose, Folasade and Akpen, Philip (eds) Nigeria at Fifty: Issues and Challenges in Governance, 1960-2010, Makurdi;Aboki Publisher. Kellick, Tony (1992). “ExplainingAfrica's post-Independence Development Experience”, WorkingPaperto,Overseas DevelopmentInstitute,January. Kirk-Greene, A.H.M. (1976). Crisis and Conflict in Nigeria: A Documentary Sourcebook, 1966-1967,Vol.1,London:Oxford UniversityPress. Kukah,MatthewHassan (2004).“TheMinorityquestion:SomeThoughtsonIdentity, Justice, Politics of Incorporation in Nigeria”, The Guardian, Friday August 1, 2004. Lawrence,Ben(2014).“TheBleckmanisunserious”,Tell,August 4,2014,53. Madunagu,Edwin(2009).“DebatingObama'sAccraLecture”,TheGuardian,Thursday, August. Marks, Shula E. (2010). “Freedom from Empire:AnAssessment of Post-ColonialAfrica”, BritanicaBookoftheYear(Eventsof2010). Meredith, Martin (2005).The Fate of Africa: A History of Fifty Years of Independence, New York:PublicAffairs. Momoh,AhmaduAbu (2016).“AHistoryofEthno-ReligiousConflictsinKadunaState, 1987-2010”,M.A. DissertationAnyigba,KogiStateUniversity,2016. Mordi,Raymond(2013).“AContinentofEmperors,”TellJuly 22, 48-50;. Ndiovu-Gatsheni, Mhalanga, Brilliant (2013). Bridge of Boundaries and Identity politics in postcolonialAfrica. Nsongola-Ntalaja, Georges (2006).“Democratic Transitions in Africa”, The Constitution, A JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 14
  22. 22. JournalofConstitutionalDevelopment,Lagos6(1)March. Nwauwa, Apollos O., and Adekunle Julius O (2015). “Introduction: Crises in Political Leadership” in NwauwaApollos O., and Adekunle Julius O (eds), Nigerian Political Leaders, Visions, Actions and legacies, New Jeresey: Goldline and jacobsPublishing. Odetola,T.O. (1982).MilitaryRegimesand Development:AComparativeAnalysisin AfricanSocieties,London:GeorgeAllenandUnwin. Odion-Akhaine.“ALeapintotheDark”,26-27. Oguejiofor,Felix(2008).TheGuardian,Saturday,October11,2008,11. Onyekpe,Nkem(2011).“TheHistoricalunderpinningsofAfrica'sPoliticalcrises”,in Akinboye (ed.). Perspectives on Africa's Crises: The Challenges of Social- political and Economic Transformation in the 21s Century Abuja: Spectrum Books. Osaghae,EghosaE(2013).“ManagingEthnicConflictunderDecomcraticTransitionin Africa: The Promise, The Failure”, in Caron, Gboyega and Osaghae (eds.), DemocraticTransitioninAfrica. Otite,Onigu(1978).“Introduction:Thestudy ofsocialthoughtinAfrica”inOtite,Onigu (ed.), Themes inAfrican Social and Political Thoughts, Ibadan: Fourth Dimension Publishers. Pange, gleen D. (1977). “The Scientific Study of Political leadership” NewYork: The Free Press. Seuigni,TheresaP.(1990).“From Crisis toConsensus;TheUnitednationsandthe Challenge of Development,” a keynote speech delivered at 1990-91 inaugural conference of the University of Ottawa's Institute for International Development andCo-operationon 14November. Wakdok,Stephen(2011).“HowAfricansUnderdevelopedAfrica”,TheGuardian,Sunday, October2. Williams,Zack(2008).“AfricanLeadership,NationStateandtheWeberianProject.”The Constitution,March8-9. Williams,Zark(2008).FederalismandWomen QuestioninNigeria:From Submission to Diversion”.Gana and Egwu (eds.) Federalism in Africa: The Imperative of DemocraticDevelopment,Vol.2. Yakoob,Habib(2006).“WhyI'mcommittedtorebuildingNigeriaby Babangida,” Vanguard, Lagos, Friday, August 18. 15 POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR
  23. 23. THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL LIFE STYLE OF THE BANDAWA UP TO 1900 Akombo I. Elijah, PhD, Haruna Hussaini Shumo & Chula Abdulaziz Bilyamin Department of History & Diplomatic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Taraba State, Nigeria Abstract Bandawa is a community in the former Muri Division of Taraba State, which is understudied. Like other Nigerian ethnic groups who have traditions of origin outside their present geographical environment, they also claim origin from outside their present geographical environment. This study is an attempt to examine the traditions of origin of the Bandawa, their socio-cultural organization, political organization and economic activities up to 1900. The research methodology adopted involved the use of primary, secondary, and archival sources.Amultidisciplinary approach was adopted in data analysis. The study concludes by bringing to limelight those factors that make theBandawawhattheyare. Introduction The Nigerian society is heterogeneous in nature with much diversity and complexity. It is made up of distinct societies and peoples of diverse cultures and history. In the pre-colonial times, most of these societies were non-literate societies whose histories and cultures were preserved orally. A study of this nature is initiated out of the desire to begin to document the historical details of small Nigeria ethnic groups for future. This is imperative because, large Kingdoms and Chiefdoms that had risen and fallen within the Nigerian area had their achievements and shortcomings recorded. However, other groups, especially those that fall within the 'small ethnic groups' escaped attention because it was assumed they had nothing historic to offer. Their history did not appeal very much to historiographersofthepast. But now, careful observation and research have revealed that in the small Nigerian ethnic groups, they in fact had institutions of government which were very similar to those of the large kingdoms and chiefdoms. Even though, the institutions of government of the small Nigerian ethnic groups was not elaborate, but they had the advantage of stability and sustenanceofpeaceandorderwhichhadsurvivedup torecenttimes. This study is concerned with the Bandawa, one of such small Nigerian ethnic groups.Tittled, 'The Geographical Features and the Socio-Economic and Political Life- Style of the Bandawa up to 1900, the study gives the general public knowledge about the pastlife-styleoftheBandawapeopleasderivedfromdiversesources. 16
  24. 24. GeographicalLocationand FeaturesofBandawa Location Bandawa town lies at the north bank of the river Benue opposite the present-day 0 ' Lau. The town is situated on the geographical coordinates of Latitude 9 16 0” North, and 0 1 Longitude 11 17' 0” East. While the eastern part of the town is bordered by Jen, the western part is by Gidan-Usmanu (a part of Karim Lamido village Area but lies 9 miles 2 away). Similarly, the northern part is hemmed by Munga and the southern part is shielded 3 by theRiverBenuewhichflows inaneast-westdirection. The word Bandawa refers to both a settlement and an ethnic group. The Bandawa as a group call themselves Sho. The name Bandawa was ascribed to them by the Fulani in Muri Emirate, and derived from the Fulani word “Banduwam,” meaning our relation. The Bandawa tradition of origin links them to the Jukun. They were among the early 4 communities that came in contact with the Fulani Jihadists in 1812. They speak a language similar to that of Lau on the south bank of the Benue, a language closely related to that 5 spoken atKunini,MindaandJessi. th At evolution in the late 17 century, the Bandawa homeland began with three villages namely Libban, Ngwavin, and Nashin. However, by 1900, it extended to nine village areas with emergence of the following villages namely Lasuwe (Kwatan-Langa), 6 Dang-shang, Lagwashin, Gwenzu, Sobalingu (Kwatan-Bandawa), and Nyampi. These were evidently not the only settlements of the Bandawa people. They had other villages of related ancestry and culture such as, Jillahi, Garin-Sarki, Bandawa-Kuka, Bandawa- Vinnan in Lau Local Government Area and the village of Nabari in Ardo-Kola Local Government Area in Taraba State. In addition, there are the villages of Kwahuba, Dandu, Bulukun in Numan Local GovernmentArea, as well as the villages of Matifu and Luggere 7 inLamurdeLocalGovernmentAreaofAdamawaState. GeographicalFeatures Bandawa lies in the Middle Benue flood plain. Among the geographical features 8 of Bandawa is the river Benue which flows from the North-east to the South-west. The 2 2 Benue occupies an area of 1,489 km (575 mi ) and descends from an altitude of 170m (550 9 ft) at the confluence with Tiel to 90m (300 ft) at the confluence with the Donga. It flows throughout the year with considerable seasonal variation in discharge. The discharge is 3 3 less than 1,420m /sec (50,000 ft /sec) for the period November-July and rises to over 3 3 10 8,500m /sec (300,000 ft /sec) at the maximum in October. Bandawa area is often flooded seasonally and that provides large natural reservoirs in ponds and lakes for fishing and dry season farming. Even though, flood is considered as a natural disaster to the agricultural communities, the fishing communities celebrate it, because of the boost it brings to their occupation by discharging water and fishes into all available water channels such as ponds, lakes,streamsamongothers. Bandawa has a sub-Sudan type of climate with Monthly Average Rainfall of 750 11 to 1000 mm (30-40 in); approximately 160 days of rainy season. The area is covered by dense undergrowth of thick forest with tall trees such as Silk cotton tree (Shi-Gwong), Baobab tree (Shi-Yinzi), Deleb palm (Shi-Kwonje), Locust bean tree (Shi-Luwe), Fig tree (Shi-Nzu), Tamarind tree (Shi-Jang), African Ebony (Shi-Ye), Vitex Cienkoski (Shi-Vi), 12 Soap berry tree (Shi-Kummu), Madrid tree (Shi-Pyo), among others. The land is still covered by large Deleb Palm forest spanning several hectres to the north east border towardsJen. 17JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW
  25. 25. FIG.1:MapofNigeriaShowing Bandawa Source;GIS laboratory,departmentofgeography,universityofMaiduguri,Borno State OriginoftheBandawa The traditions of origin of the Bandawa people states that, the ancestral home of th the Bandawa people up to late 17 century was Kwararafa Kingdom, where they lived with the Jukun. Kwararafa Kingdom, lies on high open land between the present towns of 13 Wurio and Bantaji near or on the watershed of the Taraba and Suntai rivers . The capital city of Kwararafa was Beipi or Apa, which is situated south of the Benue, about 15 miles 14 (24km)northeastofBantaji. The tradition further affirms that, power struggle and mysterious death from an unknown infection rendered the environment insecure for habitation. The Bandawa people were led by their leader called “Sho” out of Kwararafa Kingdom. The group trekked from Kwararafa to the confluence where river Taraba joins river Benue opposite the present Jibu area, and boarded separate canoes for cult officials, men, and women- children. In that order, they travelled on water eastwards. In the course of the voyage, they engaged in fishing and hunting animals for their sustenance, until they came to a location near a large baobab tree and made a camp close to the south bank of the river Benue, a place formerly called Nwulavi, now known widely as Bandawa-Kuka, west of present-day Lau 15 District. At Nwulavi, the group dispersed due to inherent need to get hold of more space and economic resources.The first group crossed the river Benue and settled at the north bank in a place called Vinnan. The settlement was named after Nan one of the cult officials who died after they had crossed over to the north bank. He was buried there and they called the 16 place Vinnan, which means the “grave of Nan” in the native language. The second group moved further eastward from Nwulavi, to a location at the south bank of the river Benue they referred to as Shito. This settlement was named “Shito” after “vitellaria paradoxa” 17 commonly known as Shea tree. Atree of the Sapotaceae family and the only specie in the 18THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL LIFE STYLE OF THE BANDAWA UP TO 1900
  26. 26. genus vitellaria which is called shito in the native language in the area. Through several fishing and hunting expeditions, the Bandawa groups became attracted to the northern Benue flood plain as the dense forest in the past had varieties of wild plants, which grew in 18 colonies, abundant wild animals, lakes, ponds, streams with different species of fish. This discoverynecessitatedthesettlementinthepresentdayBandawa. Socio-CulturalOrganizationofBandawa (a) SettlementPattern The Bandawa had a highly developed social organization based on family relationship. The family relationship began with the male ancestor and his descendants, to the clans then to the ethnic group. The Bandawa consisted of the following clans namely, Nungwe, Ngutai, Ngwakai, Shinchwe, Ngwavin, Ngwabu, Ndubu, Kwankwai, Ngwazan, 19 Ngwabei, Ngwasiva and Ngwanton. The twelve clans lived in three villages area namely Libban, Ngwavin, and Nashin. Each village area was made up of four clans as follows; Libban village area made of the clans of Nungwe, Ngwakai, Ngutai, Shinchwe; Ngwavin village area was and is still, made up of Ngwavin, Ngwabu, Ndubu and kwankwe clans, and 20 Ngwazan,Ngwabei,NgwasivaandNgwantonclansmadeup theNashinvillagearea. (b) Marriage In almost every society, marriage is the institutionalized means by which new families are created or existing families are expanded. Marriage forms a basis for most domestic groups. When a man or woman marries, he or she acquires not only a spouse but 21 also a new set of parents, brothers and sisters' in-Law and other affinal relatives. The Bandawa constitute an exogamous society, which marriage within one's own descent group was strictly prohibited. For instance, members of the same descent group composed of males and females who traced their genealogies through specified links to a common ancestor were prohibited to marry each other. Marriage was contracted outside a person's clan and polygamy was practiced, that is the marriage between one man and two or more 22 women. However, divorce was prohibited among the Bandawa, but, were it occurs the woman marries outside the Bandawa ethnic group. In addition, marriage was classified intothree,namely,marriagethroughexchange,inheritanceandpaymentofdowry. (c)Religion According to C. K. Meek, he states that, like the Jukun, the Bandawa had two principal deities, one (Lu Lakwa) a sky deity identified mainly with the sun, and the other, Nyimwa or Nyimo, the earth-deity and creator of man and all living things. Nyimwa, it has 23 been said, corresponded functionally with Jukun Ma (or Ama). Although, the Bandawa cosmology upheld Nyimo as the Supreme Being, whose abode was believed to be in the sky (lakwa) along with the sun (lu), moon (tse), and and star (bin). Nyimo was believed to be the creatorofmanandalllivingthings. (d) Initiation Initiation ceremonies were practiced among the following tribes; Bolleri, Jenjo, 24 Munga, Bandawa, and Karim. The Bandawa practiced initiation into age groups. To qualify for initiation, the youths must hail from Bandawa or recognize neighbouring groups like Kunini, Lau, Minda, Jen, Jukun-Kona, among others. At approximately seven 25 years intervals, a new group of youths (aged 18-20) were called for initiation. The initiated youths were kept in confinement for months and subjected to training on history, customary laws, wood carving, mat weaving, hair plaiting, dreams interpretation, songs JALINGO HISTORICALREVIEW 19
  27. 27. and dances among others.This event marked the beginning of peer group formation which 26 was most prominent among the Bandawa, as it is even the practice among them today. Initiation instilled knowledge, discipline, endurance, secrecy, resistance, and exposed the youthstohiddenedpotencyoftheBandawaheritage. ThePoliticalStructureand OfficialsoftheBandawa before1817 (a) RoyalOfficialsand functions The Bandawa practiced a theocratic political system before the emergence of Muri Emirate in 1817. The Nechwe was the head of the political system. He was encircled by a body of officials discharging distinct functions akin to executive, judiciary and 27 legislative. The executive consisted of the Nechwe (Chief Priest), the Abang (the village minister), the Fong (Head Treasury), the Nechwe-Ngwavin (Ward-Head Ngwavin village), and Nechwe-Nashin (Ward-Head Nashin village). The judicial officials were the Ku-veh (Priest of clan shrine). Other important officials that manned the legislative aspects in Bandawa were the Nyiningwi (elders) and Shayi (Head of household) from various clans in 28 Bandawa. TheyrepresentedthevariousfamiliesattheNechwe's court(Latah). However, with the emergence of the Muri Emirate in 1817 the power of the Nechwe political system on traditional, religious and political matters of the Bandawa community experienced relegation. The relegation of the Nechwe political system was not in the form of complete usurpation of its power par se, but the elaborate role of the political system was reduced to manned only traditional religious matters, whereas the political matters of the Bandawa community was taken care of by the political system introduced by 29 theMuriEmirate. The new political structure emerged with the Ku-Sho (Village Head of Bandawa) at the apex of the political structure and was assisted by the following officials, namely; Galadima (heir apparent to Ku-Sho stool), Tafida (Titled official of the Ngutai clan in the village council), Ajiya (Titled official of the Nungwe clan in village council), Majidadi (Title official of the Shinchwe clan in the village council), Kaigama (act in the absence of Ku-Sho and Titled official of the Ndubu clan), Turaki (Titled official of the Ngwabu clan in the village council), Sarkin-Dogarai (Chief security to the Kuh Sho and Titled official of the Kwankwe clan in the village council), Wakili (Emissary of the Ku- Sho) and Galdima (Titled official of the Ngwaton clan in the village council) among 30 others. The functions of these titled officials of the Kuh Sho varied from one title to another. By the new system, the appointment of Ku-Sho (Village Head of Bandawa) was done by the Emir of Muri. The administrative procedure of filling the vacant throne was either by election or selection depending on the situation. In either situation of selection or election,theEmirofMurigivesthefinalapproval. 20 THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL LIFE STYLE OF THE BANDAWA UP TO 1900
  28. 28. Fig. 3. Bandawa Political Structure before 1817 Source: A. B. Chulla, “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984” B. A. History Project, Department of History and Archaeology, Taraba State University, 2016 Fig.4:Bandawa PoliticalStructureafter1817 JALINGO HISTORICALREVIEW 21 Nechwe (Chief Priest of Bandawa) Abang (Village Minister) Fong (Treasurer) Nechwe-Nashin (Ward-Head Nashin Village) Nechwe-Ngwavin (Ward-Head Ngwavin Village) Ku-ve (Priest of Clan shrine) Nyiningwi/Shayi (Elders/Head of Household) General Public Emir of Muri Ku-Sho (Village Heads of Bandawa) Ajiya Tafida Majidadi Sarkin-Dogari Kaigama Turaki Wakili Galadima Galdima General public Source: Sketch designed by A. B. Chulla
  29. 29. EconomicActivitiesoftheBandawa According to James Stuart Olson in his book, The Peoples of Africa: An Ethnohistorical Dictionary, the Bandawa are an ethnic group living today in Nigeria, primarily in the former Wurkum and Lau Districts of the former Muri Division of former Adamawa Province. They make their livings raising livestock and managing subsistence 31 farms. However, the major economic activities undertaken by the Bandawa were fishing, hunting, farming, livestock husbandry, deleb palm workwork (azara), calabash carving, wood carving, leather work, blacksmithing, spinning and yarning thread, mat weaving, domestic commerce and external trade. The details of their economic activities are discussedunderthefollowingsub-topics. Farming Farming as a subsistence occupation by the Bandawa was practiced on a small scale for local consumption. It was an economic activity carried out both in the rainy and dry season. Major crops grown by the Bandawa were guinea corn, rice, maize, beans, cotton, potatoes, tobacco, pumpkin, guna, gourd, hibiscus, jute, pepper, among others. Cereals were the first to be sown at the beginning of the rainy season. The Bandawa used the practice of bush fallowing, which allowed the soil to rest for as long as five or more 32 years to enable it regain its fertility. The farm products were used as staple food and for tradeandexchange,festivityfeast,income,amongothers. Animalhusbandry The Bandawa kept a wide variety of livestock. These were cattle, goats, sheep, pigs, dogs, including domestic birds like ducks, chickens, and guinea-fowls. These were important sources of meat and for sacrifice and rituals as in the case of chickens. Dogs were kept by the Bandawa not only as pet and for security, but were very important companions in hunting expeditions. Though both sheep and goats were kept, the number 33 of the latter were said to be more numerous than the former. This was largely because of the high productivity rate of goats, and which were comparatively easier to maintain than sheep. Moreover, they were extensively used as sacrificial animals in funerals and other religiousceremonies. Fishing The existence of river Benue and numerous lakes encouraged the development of fishing as an important occupation among the Bandawa. Though it was widely practiced, the major fish markets were at Kunini, Lau and Karim. Fishing was practiced on the River Benue by the use of cast nets (birgi).The Bandawa practiced communal fishing which was done at the following lakes and ponds namely, La-Pai, La-Chong, La-Ve, La-Gangwa, La- 34 Ka,La-Diba,La-Bobwai,La-Diche,La-Vuveh,La-Jichan,amongothers. The fishing activities were organized by the clans who were custodians of individual lakes. Certain rituals were considered necessary before any fishing was allowed in the lakes. There were various fishing gears used to catch large quantity of fish. These included fish traps, cast nets (birgi), hooks and line (ngalu), bag nets (akauji), seine nets (ntaru), and sill net (raga), among others. The fish caught were preserved by smoking, 35 salting, and drying, among others. Fish provided source of livelihood and income for number of Bandawa people who engaged in fishing activities both full time and part time. Itwas alsoused asstaplefood. Hunting Hunting was one of the earliest occupations of the Bandawa. It was carried out either on individually or communal levels. At the communal level, it involved all the 22THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL LIFE STYLE OF THE BANDAWA UP TO 1900
  30. 30. villages of Nashin, Ngwavin and Libban among others. Oral account states that communal hunting was usually a great event among the Bandawa. It was mostly organized under a leader who was responsible for the hunting expedition. At the assembly of the community, libation of locally brewed beer was offered by the leader, 36 wishing every hunter luck and safety. Games killed were eaten at the clan shrine (gweve), while the hind legs of the animal killed was handed to a female sibling of the huntingherowho, inreturn,preparedguineacornporridgetothehunter. In the past, wild games were hunted and killed during hunting expeditions. Prominent among the wild games killed were Buffalo (ja), Tiger (vo), Antelope (Nang- 37 fe), Warthog (Ngaraushin), Hippopotamus (jing), among others. The heads of the larger animals killed were deposited in the shrine. The animals meats were used for food, the surplus were smoked or dried and preserved for upcoming festival feast in small barn (bang-jyi)insidethehut. Craftand industry The Bandawa were creative people who had different hand craft skills such as carving,weaving,andwood-work, amongothers. (a) Carving The existence of different species of soft and hard wood encouraged the practice of wood carving. A wide range of goods such as canoes (gwa), pestles (sivi), mortars (njuwe), stool (shi-adidi), canoe paddler (jangwa), Wooden bowls (nkang), small drum frame (shi-ching), big drum frame (shi-biyung) and different kinds of handles for spears, hoes, sickles, knives, axes, among others, were carved. Canoes were carved from the 38 Khaya senegalensis (shi-ye). These crafts provided them with domestic utensils, furniture,shelter,religiousparaphernalia,andincomeamongothers. (b) Matweaving Mat weaving was another important craft among the Bandawa. This was practiced mainly in the dry season by the males. A variety of raw materials such as palm fronds of Deleb palm tree (shi-kwonje) and gamba grass which abound in the Benue flood plain were used. Mat was a traditional sleeping material in Bandawa. Also, mats were 39 used to cover the shrines and compounds among others. Weaving was done manually into mat of different sizes and patterns. The Bandawa people weaved mat as part time vocation to supplement family income during the dry season. Mats were traded in marketsofneighbouringvillagessuch asLau,Kunini,andKarim. Leatherwork Another important craft among the Bandawa was leather work. The leather workers in Bandawa usually got their raw materials from the hides or skin of the following animals: goats, cows, snakes, buffaloes, and iguana, among others. Leather was used in making sheaths, sandals, musical instruments such as big or small drums, 40 dancingkits,amongothers. Blacksmithing th The blacksmiths used the iron bar which was used as currency in the 19 century, known as taji among the Mumuye or 'che' in Bandawa to produce various agricultural implements and hunting weapons such as hoe, sickle, machetes, axes, swords, spears, 41 knives and hooks. The Bandawa used these products made locally and the products had tremendous economic benefits to the Bandawa in the areas of farming, fishing, hunting, JALINGO HISTORICALREVIEW 23
  31. 31. amongothers. (a) Tradeand Exchange The Bandawa produced different agricultural products and artisan goods. The agricultural products used for trade are guinea corn, rice, maize, beans, cotton, cassava, sweet potatoes, tobacco, pumpkin, guna, calabash, among others. The artisans' goods included pestles (sivi), mortars (njuwe), stool (shi-adidi), canoe (gwa), canoe paddler 42 (jangwa), Wooden bowls (nkang), machetes, spears, hoes, sickles, knives, axes. In addition,fishconstitutesmajoritemoftradeandexchangeinBandawa. Although, no one person had everything he or she needed, the inevitable outcome of this situation led to exchange.As time went on, the person-to-person exchange of goods widened in scope within the Bandawa villages and extended to the neighbouring villages, most especially Lau, Munga, Jen, and Karim. The medium of exchange was barter which 43 was followedbyironbars(che),cowries(yibu),Britishpound andShillings. Conclusion In conclusion, the study on the geographical features and the socio-economic and political life-style of the Bandawa up to 1900 highlights the pattern and nature of the pre- colonial Bandawa society. The study has attempted to discuss the geographical environment, origin, socio-political organization of the Bandawa. Additionally, the study shows the existence of a centralized political system among the Bandawa, which was founded on trado-religious laws derived from the ancestors of the community. The traditional laws were entrenched in the memory of the people and passed on from generation to generation. The study also shed light on the nature of the Bandawa economy highlighting its different components such as farming, fishing, hunting and animal husbandry, artisan work such as blacksmithing, carving, weaving, among others.Also, the study unveiled that, the emergence of the Muri Emirate undermined the political structure and traditional religious belief of the Bandawa people who are today politically organized undertheemiratesystem. References 1.http://www.maplandia.com/nigeria/karimla/bandawa/bandawagoogleearth.html/map/d ownloaded/30/1/2016 2.NAK NO. 2610/32T.G. Brierly,Reporton theWurkumDistrict.MuriDivision.p.4 3. A. B. Chulla. “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984.” B. A. History Project,TSU, 2016. p.16 4. M. Hamman. The Middle Benue and the Sokoto Jihad: The Impact of the Establishment ofthe EmirateofMuri1812-1869.Kaduna:ArewaHouse, 2007. p.106 5.NAK/SNP17/1934/C.K. Meek,EthnographicalNotesonTribesoftheWurkun District 6.A. B.Chulla.“TheNatirbeSystemofAdministrationinBandawa1954-1984.”…p.16 7.A. B.Chulla.“TheNatirbeSystemofAdministrationinBandawa1954-1984.”…p.16 8. M. G. Bawden et al. Land Resources of North East Nigeria, Vol. 3. Surrey-England, Land ResourcesDivision,1972. p.111 9.M. G. Bawdenetal….p.111 10.M. G. Bawdenetal….p.111 11.M. G. Bawdenetal….p.111 12.A. B.Chulla.“TheNatirbeSystemofAdministrationinBandawa1954-1984.”…p.17 13. NAK/SNP 10-686P/1913, Captain Churcher A. E. Assessment Report on the Wukari THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL LIFE STYLE OF THE BANDAWA UP TO 1900 24
  32. 32. District.p.3 14. J. M. Fremantle. Gazetteer of the Northern Provinces of Nigeria: The Eastern Kingdom VolumeII.London:FrankCass andCompanyLimited,1972.p.35 15. Group Interview/Ayuba Kaigama, 68/ and others NuhuAjeh, 73/ Husseini Namdi, 70/ th Magaji Nwijo, 68/Augustine Njala 65,/ Kaigama of Bandawa House/ 27 April 2015 16. Joseph Tukwe “Nungwe brief History,” paper presented at the Nungwe Clan th Reconciliation Get-together,' 5 March2011 17. National Research Council. “Shea” Lost crops of Africa” volume 2: In National Academia Press th 18. Interview/Joseph Tukur,70/ Retired Catholic Catechist/ Karim Lamido/ 26 April, 2015/ th 19.Interview/JoachimFashi,70/RetiredPublicServant/Bandawa/20 February,2016/ th 20.Interview/Cletus.Y.Cygaba,62/RetiredDirector/Jalingo/27 March2017/ 21. Plog, F. and Bates, D. G. Cultural Anthropology. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1980. p.214 22. Group Interview/Ayuba Kaigama, 68/ and others NuhuAjeh, 73/ Husseini Namdi, 70/ th Magaji Nwijo, 68/Augustine Njala 65,/ Kaigama of Bandawa House/ 27 April 2015 23. NAK SNP 17. Meek C.K. Ethnographical notes on Wurkum District, Adamawa Province, 14/3/1934. 24.NAK NO. 2610/32T.G. Brierly 25.NAK NO. 2610/32T.G. Brierly th 26.Interview/D. E.Bokki,50/CivilServant/Jalingo/27 February,2016/ 27. Chulla, A. B. 'The Social, Political and Economic Organization of Bandawa, Middle th Benue Region1800-1900'.Seminar,12 February,2018. p.8 th 28.Group Interview/JosephTukur,81/BoboWuyanko,70/Jalingo/6 July,2018/ 29.A. B.Chulla.“TheNatirbeSystemofAdministrationinBandawa1954-1984.”…p.22 30.A. B.Chulla.“TheNatirbeSystemofAdministrationinBandawa1954-1984.”…p.22 31. S.O. James. The Peoples of Africa: An Ethnohistorical Dictionary. London: Greenwood PublishingGroup, 1973.pp.66-7 32.A. B.Chulla.“TheNatirbeSystemofAdministrationinBandawa1954-1984.”…p.25 33.A. B.Chulla.“TheNatirbeSystemofAdministrationinBandawa1954-1984.”…p.25 34.A. B.Chulla.“TheNatirbeSystemofAdministrationinBandawa1954-1984.”…p.26 35.A. B.Chulla.“TheNatirbeSystemofAdministrationinBandawa1954-1984.”…p.26 36.A. B. Chulla. “The Natirbe System ofAdministration in Bandawa 1954-1984.”…p.26- 7 37.A. B.Chulla.“TheNatirbeSystemofAdministrationinBandawa1954-1984.”…p.27 38. A. B. Chulla 'The Social, Political and Economic Organization of Bandawa, Middle Benue Region1800-1900'…p.16 39.NAK/SNP4377/1912/T.H. Haughtan,Assessment ReportofWurkun PaganDistrict. 40.NAK/SNP4377/1912/T.H. Haughtan 41.NAK/SNP4377/1912/T.H. Haughtan 42. A. B. Chulla 'The Social, Political and Economic Organization of Bandawa, Middle Benue Region1800-1900'…p.17 43. A. B. Chulla 'The Social, Political and Economic Organization of Bandawa, Middle Benue Region1800-1900'…p.17 25JALINGO HISTORICALREVIEW
  33. 33. INTERROGATING THE CITIZEN CENTEREDNESS OF THE NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY SINCE 1960 Zhema, Shishi, PhD & Francis, John Tenong Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Federal University Wukari P.M.B 1020 Wukari, Taraba State-Nigeria Phone: +234-8032257518, 08136333818 E-mail: szhema@yahoo.com, francisjohntonong@gmail.com Abstract It is national interest that sovereign states seek to pursue/achieve in the international system, through their foreign policy framework. In this regard, foreign policy should be an embodiment of a state national interest which should, in the final analysis, promote the well-being of its citizenry. Nigeria became an independent country in 1960, and in 1963, she took on a status of a republic with full power to chart an independent foreign policy. In recognition of this status, successive administrations, both in principles and in practice, contemplated varieties of foreign policy options for Nigeria with different degrees of consequences.To what extent have these foreign policy options by the various regimes taken into cognizance the issue of Nigerian citizenry? It is in the light of the above question that this paper attempts to examine the nature and character of the foreign policy options taken by the various regimes, since 1960. The paper adopts a multidisciplinary research method and the use of system theory in its analysis. It became obvious that the Nigerian foreign policy is more externally propelled and motivated than internally.As such, due regards has not been giventotheNigeriancitizensintermsofforeignpolicyouting. KeyWords: NationalInterest,ForeignPolicy, Citizen. Introduction Since independence in 1960, Nigeria's external relations has been characterized by a focus on Africa as a regional power and by the attachment to several fundamental principles:African unity and independence; capability to exercise hegemonic influence in the region: peaceful settlement of disputes; non alignment and non- intentional interference in the internal affairs of other nations; and regional economic co-operation and development. Thus, generally, Nigeria's foreign policy trends (the development and formulation) since 1960, has consistently been guided by the same principles and objectives.Although while the main thrust of the country's foreign policy, the promotion of her national interest and the policy of afro-centricity, remained permanent, the strategy and emphasis for such protection by successive regimes varied from one to another. What is even more is that the international environments have been the major determinants in Nigeria's foreign policy trends over the years (Akinyemi, B A 13). The focus of this paper therefore, is to interrogate the bearing of the Nigerian Foreign Policy on its citizenry. Basic concepts like foreign policy, national interest, and the Nigerian Foreign policy framework/objectivesshallbeconsidered. 26
  34. 34. Concept ofForeignPolicy In international relations or international system, the focus of any state is to engage other actors to attain a relatively favorable position (Shafaru, Shamsideen Toyin 1). The sovereign state which stands as the main player articulates and advances its main objectives/goals to the international environment. These objectives/goals constitute the national interest. In order to pursue its national interest; a state articulates a foreign policy. The foreign policy of a state often determines, to a great extent, its identity in the international system (Bluwey, Gilbert K.23). Foreign policy consists of two elements: national objectives/interest to be achieved and the means for achieving them (Pham, Peter J). Therefore, Foreign policy is the relations between and amongst states, which embodies the totality of the acts, strategies and manipulations by a given state in the process of launching her domestic objectives/interests in the international system (Nwanolue, BOG eta'l 1-3). It is the mechanism which sovereign states use to influence the international system to achieve their national interest. Thus, the foreign policy of any given country is the external projection of the internal or domestic environment of such a country (Mathew, Chime Jide 277). Therefore, foreign policy is concerned with the pursuitofnationalinterestsby states(Morgenthau,H.J.). It is generally the practice all over the world that nation-states design and implement foreign policies so as to guide their external relations and as well protect, promote and defend their national interests. These interests could be defense of territorial integrity, economic interest, military, strategic and diplomatic interests etc. Hence, national interest constitutes a set of high prized national objectives which a country aggregates, nurtures, protects, projects and seeks to achieve as it interacts with other nation states in the international political environment (Chime276). What should then be of interest to Nigerian foreign policy framework is its core values as a nation. Do various Nigerian leaders consider the country's national interest at all, in the pursuit of foreign policythrusts?Thatwould bepartoftheconsiderationhere. Nigerian'sforeignpolicyframework/objectivesand principles. Nigeria's foreign policy framework/objectives as identified by Gamawa, Yusuf Ibrahiminclude; i. TheprotectionoftheterritorialintegrityoftheNigerianstate; ii. Thepromotionofeconomicandsocialwell-beingofNigerians; iii. TheenhancementofNigeria'simageandstatusintheworldatlarge; iv. The promotion of unity as well as the total political, economic, social and cultural liberationofNigeriaandAfrica; v. The promotion of the rights of the black people and others under colonial domination; vi. The promotion of international cooperation, conducive to the consolidation of worldpeaceandsecurity; vii. Mutual respect and friendship among all peoples among states; Redressing the imbalance in the international power structures that have tended to frustrate the legitimateaspirationsofdevelopingcountries; viii.The promotion of world peace based on the principles of freedom, mutual respect andequalityofallpersons oftheworld(72) Since that was established at independence by the government of Balewa, it was never revised until the regime of Murtala/Obasanjo who set up a committee known as JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 27

Abstract The study examines the promise of political independence and the pains of dashed hope in post- colonial Africa with particular focus on the poor political leadership factor. For analytical convenience, particular focus is on Nigeria, which provides a good framework for the promise of independence and the pains of dashed hope in post-colonial Africa. The study acknowledges the efforts put forward by African nationalist leaders in the struggle for the liquidation of colonialism and national liberation but argues, however, that nearly sixty years after the majority of African countries gained political independence, the promise of liberation from poverty, disease and underdevelopment as well as the enthronement of enduring genuine democracy and good governance, are far from being achieved. It argues further that Africa's hope of a better tomorrow at independence faded away very quickly almost immediately after independence and became a crumbling dream with pains, resulting in various crises, including devastating civil wars. It was against this background that citizens without hope of better tomorrow were seen all over the continent carrying faces of agony and pains, relishing in despair and frustration, and were poised to destroy their various countries. Although several factors could be advanced to explain this situation, this study focuses on the poor political leadership factor. The study essentially adopts a historical approach and relies on literary sources for its analysis. It concludes by advocating a review of the process of political leadership recruitment in the continent so that selfless, credible, visionary and nationalistic leaders could emerge in the various countries. It also advocates the strengthening of democratic and political institutions, which could operate and guide the conduct of politics.

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