1 8 MODULE 8 PRINCIPLES OF MANAGEMENT, SPRING 202

1
8
MODULE 8
PRINCIPLES OF MANAGEMENT, SPRING 2021
CHAPTER 10
WRITTEN ASSIGNMENT
After reading Chapter 10 of the text, and reviewing the
associated PowerPoint slides, please answer
the following questions, making sure to use college-level
writing and using responses that
demonstrate your understanding of the concepts.
INCLUDE THE ORIGINAL QUESTIONS in with your
submission.
Upload your answers in either Word or PDF format no later than
the due date.
1) Explain why understanding yourself is essential for being a
good manager, and describe two

methods for enhancing self-awareness.
2) Describe the perception process and explain internal and
external attributions.
3) Define major personality traits and describe how personality
can influence workplace
behaviors.
4) Identify positive and negative emotions and describe how
emotions affect behavior.
5) Define the four components of emotional intelligence and
explain why they are important for
today’s managers.
6) Explain the difference between challenge stress and threat
stress.
Assignments are due no later than 11:59 pm
on Sunday, May 2, 2021.
The Urban Reinventors Paper Series

© 2005-2009 The Urban Reinventors
www.urbanreinventors.net
Alessandro Busà, Editorial, The Right to the City
The Urban Reinventors Online Journal, Issue 3/09
The Right to the City: the Entitled and the Excluded
P a g e | 1
EDITORIAL
THE RIGHT TO THE CITY:
THE ENTITLED AND THE EXCLUDED
By Alessandro Busà
PHOTO COVER: Gated Community in Piano, Texas (Photo by
Dean Terry)
http://www.urbanreinventors.net/�

P a g e | 2
EDITORIAL
THE RIGHT TO THE CITY:
THE ENTITLED AND THE EXCLUDED
By Alessandro Busà*
Why an issue on “the right to the city”?
Over 40 years after Henry Lefebvre’s Le Droit à la Ville (“The
Right to the City”, 1968) was conceived,
the notion of a “renewed right to urban life”1, or in other words
“a right to an equitable usufruct of
cities within the principles of sustainability, democracy, equity,
and social justice”2
The ongoing unfolding of the global recession, whose
consequences have been devastating
particularly to disadvantaged communities worldwide, is once
again highlighting the underlying
contradictions and the sistemic dysfunctionality of dominant
models of profit-driven urbanization. In
the U.S., the recession has spurred a widening gap between rich
and poor
has hardly ever
seemed as out of reach as it does today.
3

____________________
, while a wave of
foreclosures has sent thousands of once-middle class households
in the streets, in homeless shelters,
or in “tent cities”, in the midst of an ocean of vacant properties
(see Kathy Sanborn, in this issue).
*Alessandro Busà is editor-in-chief of "The Urban Reinventors"
Online Urban Journal, a licensed architect and a Doctoral
Fellow at the Center for Metropolitan Studies in Berlin. Busà
has carried out research in New York City between 2006 and
2009 while on a visiting scholar appointment at the Graduate
School of Architecture Planning and Preservation of
Columbia University. His writing and research interests explore
neoliberal shifts in urban policies and strategies
of reinvention of the urban environment in advanced capitalist
cities, with a main focus on the latest redevelopment
projects in New York City under the Bloomberg Administration.
Busà has been awarded the Erwin Stephan Preis of the
Technische Universität Berlin in 2004, and has lectured in the
U.S., Canada, U.K., Germany, Italy, Turkey, and Poland. Busà
has heretofore published several articles and book chapters in
the U.S., the Netherlands, Germany and Italy, and
cooperated in research projects in several countries.
1 Lefebvre, Writings on Cities, 1996: 158. Blackwell, Malden,
MA
2 Excerpt from the “World Charter for The Right to the City”,
2004-2005 (see pdf for free download in this issue)
3 U.S. Census Bureau, October 1st 2009

P a g e | 3
Yet again, the most dramatic human costs of this crisis are to be
seen among the poor across the
developing world: the World Bank has estimated that up to 90
million extra people world-wide have
fallen into extreme poverty (less than US $1.25 per day) in 2009
as a result of the global economic
slowdown4
Within this discouraging framework, the massive bail-outs of
the financial sector, only partially offset
by often sporadic and meager government interventions for
those hardest hit by the crisis, have been
spreading a wave of outrage around the world - an indignation
shared by radical activists and
moderate commentators alike.
. This represents a reversal in the global extreme poverty
reduction trend since 2005, with
the global number of extreme poor rising to over 1.2 billion
people only this year.
The current crisis is not only a crisis of trust towards the

financial and political institutions, but also
towards the system on which they are grounded. The crisis
should call into question the ideological
assumptions which have underpinned global economic policies
over the last decades, such as
deregulation, profit-driven urbanization, an overall dominance
of market rules in all areas of life and
an overemphasis on unsustainable forms of growth. And yet, as
Brenner, Marcuse and Mayer (2009)
maintain: “Paradoxically, the conflicts, failures, instabilities
and crisis tendencies associated with
capitalist urbanization have led not to its dissolution or
transcendence, but to its continual
reinvention through a dynamic process of 'implosion-explosion'
(Lefebvre, 2003) and 'creative
destruction' (Harvey, 1989). Consequently, despite its
destructive, destabilizing social and
environmental consequences, capital's relentless drive to
enhance profitability has long played, and
continues to play, a powerful role in producing and
transforming urban socio-spatial configurations.”
CITIES AND THE CRISIS
It was the very process of capitalist urbanization, assisted in its
constant search for markets by a
profusion of all sorts of complex, risky financial instruments,
that has been mainly responsible for the
current crisis, as many commentators have been contending (see
David Harvey5 and Neil Smith6
According to Neil Smith
in
this issue).

7
“The whole experience coming out of the Keynesian post second
world war, the whole
neoliberal moment that supplanted Keynesianism has been one
in which city building has been
one of the most central means of capital accumulation. Real
estate is about the construction of
:
4 World Bank, Global Monitoring Report 2009: A Development
Emergency
5 “The Urban Roots of the Fiscal Crisis”, lecture by David
Harvey at Harvard University Graduate School of Design, April
16th, 2009.
6 “The present Crisis is a Crisis of City Building, keynote
lecture by Neil Smith at the “The Neoliberal Frontline”
Conference, Community
Center Mosor, Zagreb, December 4th, 2008.
7 Ibidem

P a g e | 4
surplus value in the landscape […] It is possible to see the
present crisis as an urban-centered
crisis of city building, a crisis of the very urbanism that
Lefebvre thought, was taking over from
industrialization [as a means of capital accumulation].”
According to David Harvey8
“It’s important to remember that we’ve had many financial
crises over these last thirty years,
and many of those crises have been related to urbanization, and
have been about property.
We had the Savings and Loans crisis in 1987-89, when
somewhere around 600 or 800 banks or
financial institutions were declared bankrupt, and this was a
crisis tied very much to
commercial property. In 1992 the Swedish banking system went
bankrupt over excessive
property development. In 1989 the Japanese economy crashed
around land market prices.”
, the current crisis is the latest in a long list of crises whose
epicenter has
been the property market:
In the “Urban Revolution” (1970), Lefebvre suggested that the
phenomenon of urbanization has taken
over from industrialization as a means of capital accumulation:
rather than urbanization being a
physical incarnation of capitalism, the process of urbanization
creates in itself the conditions for the
circulation of capital.

Advanced capitalist cities play a pivotal role as the stages of
production, circulation and consumption
of commodities, and their evolving patterns of socio-spatial
organization are continually reorganized
to create new outlets for capital (Harvey, 1989, 2008). To
ensure this ability, specific interest groups
strive to reach a position of overpowering influence in the
“production of space” (Lefebvre, 1974). In
the context of capitalist urbanization, the social production of
space has therefore a tendency to be
commanded by hegemonic groups as a tool to an unfettered
production of new outlets for capital
accumulation.
“City producers”9
8 David Harvey’s remarks at the opening plenary of ”The City
from Below Conference”. Baltimore, April 18, 2009.
globally, from New York to Mumbai, from Johannesburg to Sao
Paulo, are investing
in the production of space and services targeted to an
international, volatile, affluent urban class,
while cutting public investments on infrastructures and social
provisions. Advanced capitalist cities
engage in bidding wars with each other in a struggle to attract
corporate capital, leveraging tax
incentives and other public subsidies as weapons and
enticements. David Harvey (2008) also shows
how private spaces of consumption and the reduction of citizens
to consumers are central to
capitalist urbanization, in that they facilitate the absorption of
surplus value - he calls this
phenomenon “surplus capital absorption” through city

planning. It is an end-game scenario in which
cities and neighborhoods in effect cannibalistically consume
themselves in bidding wars to satisfy an
often ungrateful corporate interest, attracting more and more of
the same, while the poorest and
9 "City Producers, City Consumers and the Representation of
the City in Bloomberg's New York", lecture by Alessandro Busà
at the
Annual Meeting of the Association of American Geographers
(AAG). Las Vegas (Nevada), March 22 th -27th, 2009.
P a g e | 5
undesirables are pushed further out. For Brenner, Marcuse and
Mayer (2009) “Contemporary urban
transformations textured by global capitalism are leading to the
uneven production of space,
unsustainable urbanization, inequalities of city-building and
dwelling, and the differential rights to the
city”.

Evidences of such divisive processes of urban restructuring are
all around us, in the clearance of
slums in Mumbai to make room for new luxury housing (see
Matt Birkinshaw and Victoria Harris, in
this issue), as well as in the unequal response to disasters
granted to the residents of New York and
New Orleans (see Peter Marcuse, in this issue); in the
development of enclosed wealth enclaves (see
Peer Smets and Aliye Ahu Gülümser, Tüzin Baycan Levent, in
this issue), as much as in the production
of “environmentally sustainable” citadels at the cost of
evictions of thousands of peasants in China
(see Peter Sigrist, in this issue).
An over three-decades-long and still ongoing process of
economic restructuring inspired by the
ideology of an unrestrained market dominance on all aspect of
economic, social and cultural life, and
politically set forth through the tightening of welfare provisions
and the privileging of corporative
interest, is leading all too often to the marginalization,
exclusion, displacement, disempowerment or
in certain countries, the outright political oppression of specific
social strata at the benefit of others.
The promises of an increasingly generalized wealth through the
trickle-down effects of globalization
have shown their underlying contradictions, while in many
cases, the unaccountability of financial
institutions and corporations whose interests are deeply
embedded in local and state governments,
and the obedient passivity of the latter, seem to have mined any
real effectiveness of citizen action
and collective engagement in urban issues, let alone the belief
in a progressive and courageous
political turn.

The American election of Barack Obama has set an encouraging
example, showing that parliamentary-
democratic decisions still allow people to have a say in the
political agenda. However, it also seems to
be showing that consolidated power structures are seemingly
immune to change, and that the
dominance of corporate interests in the political agenda can be
challenged only up to a point. “When
the centers of economic power remain in the hands of
multinational corporations and unaccountable
financial institutions, elections may have only a limited impact
on the actual operations of global
capitalism” (Brenner, Marcuse, Mayer, 2009).
THE RIGHT TO THE CITY TODAY
Given this framework, a right to “equitable human settlements
[…] in which all people, without
discrimination of any kind as to race, color, sex, language,
religion, political or other opinion, national
or social origin, property, birth or social status, have equal
access to housing, infrastructure, health

P a g e | 6
services, adequate food and water, education and open
spaces”10
The writings of Lefebvre had gained momentum in France and
the world in relation to the social
movements of ’68. In western countries, the late Sixties were
“the golden age” of industrialization, an
era of collective social reproduction favored by the Keynesian
system of social provisions, but also a
time when civil rights movements worldwide vehemently
emerged to confront the contradictions of
the capitalist system.
, has hardly ever seemed as
unapproachable as it does today. This notwithstanding, in the
latest years a revival of interest in Henri
Lefebvre’s ideas on “the right to the city” has propagated
among scholars and activists alike, as a way
to counteract market-driven urbanism and commit to values of
human dignity and human rights for
all.
Lefebvre believed: "The right to the city cannot be conceived of
as a simple visiting right or as a return
to traditional cities. It can only be formulated as a transformed
and renewed right to urban life."
(1968). Decades later, David Harvey would enrich this vision by
claiming that the right to the city is
“not merely a right to access what already exists, but a right to
change it after our heart’s desire”:
If [Robert] Park is correct, that in making the city we are re-

making ourselves, in making the
city we are re-making ourselves, then the question of the right
to the city cannot be divorced
from the question of what kind of people we want to be, what
kinds of social relations we seek,
what relations to nature we cherish, what style of life we desire,
what aesthetic values we hold.
The right to the city is, therefore, far more than a right of
individual access to the resources
that the city embodies: it is a right to change the city more after
our heart’s desire. It is,
moreover, a collective rather than an individual right since
changing the city inevitably depends
upon the exercise of a collective power over the processes of
urbanization. The freedom to
make and remake ourselves and our cities is, I want to argue,
one of the most precious yet
most neglected of our human rights.” (David Harvey, 2008)
That is, a right not only to inhabit urban spaces, but also to
participate in a city as an ongoing work of
creation, production, and negotiation. The right to the city
therefore should start with the reclaiming
of spaces of active citizenship, of political participation and of
public discussion (see Lois Ascher, in
this Issue) at the local level.
In the political practice, the “Right to the City” seeks to
promote equal access to the potential benefits
of the city for all urban dwellers, and to encourage the
democratic participation of all urban dwellers
in decision-making processes, notably on the municipal level,
so that urban inhabitants may fully
realize their fundamental rights and liberties. The right to the
city thus fundamentally challenges

10 Excerpts of “The Habitat Agenda Goals and Principles,
Commitments and the Global Plan of Action”, 2003
P a g e | 7
existing power relations and the production of urban space
under the framework of capital-driven
urbanization.
Yet, if we look around us, this is a time when the absolute
majority of urban dwellers worldwide is
deeply disenfranchised of any right whatsoever to influence
public decisions through democratic and
proactive participation. Indeed, of the most disturbing problems
according to Lefebvre (1970) is the
“extraordinary passivity of the people most directly involved”
in the urban question - the users of
urban space. For David Harvey (2008), the dramatic reality of
the urban condition is that “a selected
few do the imagining and designing”.

“One critical project is to develop new notions of citizenship
that extend the limits of politics and
expand the decision-making control of citizens” (Mark Purcell,
2003). In other words, the solution lays
in radically challenging the current framework to allow for an
active citizenry through democratic
participation in public decisions.
THE RIGHT TO THE CITY IN PRACTICE
The notion of "the right to the city" has become an universal
keyword which links the most diverse
social movements and connects their struggles for access to
space and decisional power in cities and
towns worldwide. Some of these movements are based on
specific identities (such as ethnicity, class,
sexuality, gender, age, disability, homelessness, among other),
others on specific themes of action
(such as affordable housing, public space, access to natural
resources, services and infrastructures,
preservation, urban citizenship, globalization, urban
enfranchisement, social and environmental
justice.
The “right to the city” has been codified in general programs,
and at times implemented in specific
urban policies at the local scale, resulting in world charters,
global coalitions of cities and municipal
statutes, as well as in the development of numerous projects,
manifestos, conferences and seminars.
Parallels can be drawn between the City Statute of Brazil, the
“right to housing” pioneered by the
Habitat International Coalition, and the World Charter on the
Right to the City, elaborated at the

Social Forum of the Americas (Quito, Ecuador – July 2004) and
the World Urban Forum (Barcelona,
Spain – September 2004). Their aim is to advance the
implementation of the “Right to the City” ideals
into specific urban policies.
The following is a partial catalog of programs and institutions
which reflect, either explicitly or
implicitly, the paradigms of the “Right to the City”. Porto
Alegre has been the forerunner of a
“participatory municipal budget program” initiated in the 1980s,
and now implemented in over 70
cities in Brazil. The Right To The City Alliance, in the U.S., is
an advocacy group representing a
widespread network of local community organizations, which
emerged in 2007 as a call to halt the
http://www.righttothecity.org/�
P a g e | 8
displacement of low-income people in districts undergoing
gentrification and development pressure,

and includes now over forty member organizations and resource
allies in seven states and more than
a dozen local jurisdictions. Among its actions are the NOLA, a
program of peer support and technical
assistance to New Orleans housing organizations, and programs
aimed at developing a national
agenda for public and subsidized housing in the United States.
UN-HABITAT’s Global Campaign on
Urban Governance offers a conceptual framework of principles
of participatory urban governance and
is advancing a set of policy measures focusing on issues such as
civic participation in decision-making,
transparency in local governance, and participatory budgeting.
It organizes the bi-annual World Urban
Forum, and a range of programs and initiatives on urban
poverty, environmental and social
sustainability, gender policy, housing policy, housing rights.
UN-HABITAT and UNESCO work closely in
promoting the holistic notion of the “Right to the City” at the
international level, and in supporting
inclusive forms of urban governance. UNESCO is advancing an
international network of social and
nongovernmental organizations, academic and professional
groups to promote policies in support of
the “Right to the City” and its adoption as a new collective
human right.
As grassroots, bottom-up claims are being explored at an
institutional level, notions of active
citizenship and community participation are gaining momentum,
visibility and strength. However,
whether the institutionalization of these claims may fall short
on explicitly addressing the structural
change implicit in the concept – the claim to challenge existing
power relations under the framework
of capital-driven urbanization - is subject of debate.

THE CITY AS AN OEUVRE AND THE POSSIBLE CITY
The first paragraph of the “World Charter for the right to the
city” reads:
“Cities are potentially territories with plenty of economical,
environmental, political, and
cultural diversity and wealth. Cities are far from offering equal
conditions and opportunities to
its inhabitants. The majority of the urban population is
prevented from or limited to fulfilling
their elementary needs because of their economic, social,
cultural, ethnic, gender, and age. This
situation leads us to the challenge of building a sustainable
model of society and urban life,
which would be based on the principles of solidarity, freedom,
equity, dignity and social
justice.“ 11
Lefebvre (1996) also defined the city as: "an oeuvre, closer to a
work of art than to a simple material
product. If there is production of the city, and social relations in
the city, it is a production and
reproduction of human beings by human beings, rather than a
production of objects. The city has a
11 Excerpt from the “World Charter for The Right to the City”,
2004-2005 (see pdf for free download in this issue)

P a g e | 9
history; it is the work of a history, that is, of clearly defined
people and groups who establish this
oeuvre, in historical conditions."
Max Weber12
And yet, trough history these very cities have been the physical
contexts in which radical changes
have been envisioned and forwarded: “Capitalist cities are not
only sites for strategies of capital
accumulation; they are also arenas in which the conflicts and
contradictions associated with
historically and geographically specific accumulation strategies
are expressed and fought out. As such,
capitalist cities have long served as spaces for envisioning, and
indeed mobilizing towards,
alternatives to capitalism itself, its associated process of profit-
driven urbanization and its relentless
commodification and re-commodification of urban spaces.”
(Brenner, Marcuse, Mayer, 2009).
wrote "City air makes one free". In reality, cities have never
been places of harmony

and freedom for all. Struggles over the relations of power are
what cities have been about since the
beginning of history. And today, the very cities we call
advanced, those that are supposed to embody
the progress of human civilization, are the theatres of profound
inequalities and divisions - the
glittering stages of consumption and commodification on the
foreground of the darkest corners of
disempowerment and despair.
And we need to believe in a change. “The city to which the
“right to the city” slogan refers is clearly
not the present city; it is the desired city, the better society, the
alternative to the present that the
slogan “Another World is Possible” refers to. If the city is the
expression of class relationships, as
Manuel Castells has appropriately said, then the right that is in
question is the right to change existing
class relationships, the right to a city of equality, of justice, or
multi-dimensional humanity, David
Harvey’s “city of heart’s desire” (Peter Marcuse13
In this “desired city”, space should be produced and re-
produced through an active participation
rather than passively experienced or consumed. The process of
city growth should be re-defined as a
process of negotiation, confrontation and interaction between a
wealth of different actors who have
an equal say.
).
David Harvey once asked: “Can we build an urban utopia?” He
offered to reverse the juridical
construction of individual rights to private property, to
individual profit, equality of opportunity in the

market and freedom of consumption choice, in favor of a
different array of rights, those of human
dignity and social equality. He concluded: “We cannot do
without utopian plans and ideals of justice.
They are indispensable for motivation and for action.
Alternative ideas coupled with outrage at
injustice have long animated the quest for social change [...] If
our urban world has been imagined
12 "Die Stadtluft macht frei" in Max Weber,”The City” (New
York: Free Press, 1956)
13 Peter Marcuse, “What Right to What City?”, working paper,
2008
P a g e | 10
and made, then it can be reimagined and remade. The
inalienable right to the city is worth fighting
for.”14

IN THIS ISSUE
This special issue of “The Urban Reinventors” has been
elaborated in a long time lapse, with the help
and the original contributions of a wealth of excellent scholars
and social activists, professional
journalists and amateur writers, established artists and homeless
poets, in a sort of collective writing
experiment. Once again, we aim to keep the urban debate alive
through a cross-sectional dialogue
involving policy makers, the academia, activists and social
movements. We have tried our best to
make this issue as enjoyable, inspiring and understandable to
the widest audience possible as we
could.
Several papers in this issue engage with the divisions and
inequalities propelled by processes of
neoliberal socio-spatial restructuring at the global scale. These
span from critical commentaries on
the link between social justice and divisions of class (Peter
Marcuse), to accounts on the global scale
of revanchism and on the urban roots of the global financial
crisis (Neil Smith). Other papers explore
the challenges associated with Lefebvre's concept of the “right
to the city” and its practical
implementation. These range from theoretical reflections on the
challenges to overcome the divisive
imperatives of capitalist urbanization (Tom Angotti), through
reflections on the meaning of public
citizenship (Anna Plyushteva), to accounts on the potential of
public space as a theater for civic
engagement (Lois Ascher).
In addition, this issue hopes to give a partial answer to the title

question (In what way does capitalist
urbanization grant differential rights to the city? Who is
entitled, and who is excluded from such
right?) with investigative contributions focusing on the divisive
tendency of dominant models of
capitalist urbanization on the local scale: from critical accounts
of “urban sustainability” models of
development in China at the cost of mass-displacement of
peasant villages (Peter Sigrist), through
reflections on the socio-cultural impacts of the production of
wealth enclaves and gated citadels on
urban governance (Peer Smets), to detailed analysis of the
ongoing development of vertical gated
communities in Turkey (Aliye Ahu Gülümser, Tüzin Baycan
Levent).
Other authors engage with issues of dispossession,
marginalization or exclusion, with investigations
on patterns of urban restructuring in the global South - from the
slums of Mumbai (Matt Birkinshaw
and Victoria Harris) to the favelas of Belo Horizonte (Gustavo
Rivera) - and in the North, with a
reportage from Californian “tent cities” (Kathy Sanborn) and a
paper on the struggles of German
14 David Harvey, “Can we build an Urban Utopia?”, online
onTimes Higher Education, 14 February 2003
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P a g e | 11
trailer parks inhabitants (Manuel Lutz, forthcoming in this
issue). Margit Mayer engages with the
reorientation of welfare policies targeting social exclusion in
Germany, while Kate Shaw reports on
successful examples of (midly) sustainable gentrification in
Australia.

MORE, IN THIS ISSUE
The Urban Stories section introduces three underground
novelists and their stories of marginalization
and dispossession. In “Tales of a Little Ghetto Girl”, Kathy
Henry, a single mother of three children,
writes about her experiences of being black, female and poor in
the ghettos of Chicago. In “Homeless
for the Holidays”, a bizarre Edgar Swamp tells us the story of a
Christmas of his own choice as a
homeless, while in “The Green Fields of America”, D.L. Lewis
writes about “the depths of human
dignity when confronted with life's random inequities”. Finally,
in the short poem “126th Street and
me”, Rafaela Santos describes her love for Harlem, the place
she calls home, and the fears associated
with its sweeping gentrification.
The Gallery section explores different facets of the
contemporary urban condition – portraying,
through visual fragments, broader issues of great relevance in
urban research, such as the increasing
social polarization and spatial segregation within cities and
regions, the rise of enclaves for the
wealthy and ghettos for the poor, the gentrification and the
upgrading of formerly low-income areas
in booming downtowns, the increasing disenfranchisement of
the poor and the marginal in global
cities.
“The Right to The City: The Entitled and the Excluded” is the
first experiment of collective gallery on
“The Urban Reinventors”. It features works of professional and
amateur photographers, artists and
reporters from different backgrounds and walks of life, all of
whom have used photography as a

medium to portray through images - in different ways and
through different standpoints - the
conditions of contemporary urban living. From the European
downtowns to the South American
slums, from the gated communities in Florida to the squatters
settlements in Berlin, the group has
collected a high-quality selection of images describing the
places of entitlement and exclusion, and
the people who have benefited, and those who have been
excluded, from the "Right To The City".
The “Prestes Maia Reportage: A Diary of exclusion” collects
fragments of a visual diary that Brazilian
photographer Tatiana Cardeal has been keeping during the
Prestes Maia occupation in the heart of
São Paulo, between 2005 and 2007. The Prestes Maia, a former
textile factory, has been home to
around 2,000 people and has been considered the largest
occupation ever occurred in Latin America.
His experiences as a Vietnam veteran and homeless man has
given Leroy Skalstad a unique insight
into the lives of the subjects he photographs. In the gallery "The
Homeless Photographer", Skalstad
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P a g e | 12
portrays the stories of dispossession and marginalization of the
homeless men and women he
regularly meets as a regular volunteer at the homeless shelters
of Milwaukee.
The hilarious graphic works featured in the gallery “The Duality
of Darius Twin” leave the viewer with
not only an assault on the senses but a question of what may
become of our streets if our wildest
imaginations took over. Darius Twin turns the urban landscapes
into a playground for the imagination:
in his world, giant creatures break into skyscrapers and
dinosaurs wander undisturbed in the streets,
while an industrial site turns into an open aerial battle ground
of seagulls knife-fighting for territory.
“La Banlieu à pied” is a collection of images from the Banlieues

of Paris by French photographer
Ludovic Maillard, while in “Night and Decay”, Australian
photographer Lynn Smith shows his night
images of urban decay, inspired by the works of Rut Blees
Luxemburg and William Eggleston.
The video galleries feature trailers from recently released or
upcoming documentary films such as
“American Casino” on the causes an outcomes of the financial
crisis, two short films about the Prestes
Maia occupation, full short documentaries about the
gentrification of New York, with accounts from
Harlem, the Lower East Side, Brooklyn and Coney Island, and
updates on the demolitions of public
housing in New Orleans. This section also includes filmed
conference talks by David Harvey, Neil Smith
and Peter Marcuse on the “right to the city”, and much more.
Finally, before the release of this issue we have collected a
wealth of documents on the “right to the
city” for free download (pdf). These include: “The World
Charter for the Right to the City” and several
reports by the Right to the City Alliance, TIDES Foundation,
UN Habitat and UNESCO. Also for free
download are the agenda “Supporting Urban Prosperity” by
Barack Obama and Joe Biden, and
important studies on the effectiveness of mandatory
inclusionary zoning experiments from the
Furman Center for Real Estate and Housing Policy, PolicyLink,
Pratt Institute and the American
Planning Association. Also included are a “Charter for
Oppositional Architecture” funded by the
German group Anarchitektur, and informative pamphlets from
the “Save Coney Island” coalition, of
which the Urban Reinventors are proud supporters.

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P a g e | 13
LITERATURE
• 10. Harvey, D. (1989) The Urban Experience Johns Hopkins
University Press , Baltimore
• 11. Harvey, D. (2008) The right to the city. New Left Review
53 , pp. 23-40.
• Lefebvre, H. Lefebvre, H. (ed) (1996 [1968]) The right to the
city. Writings on Cities pp. 63-184. Blackwell , Cambridge, MA
—

Trans. E. Kofman and E. Lebas
• 16. Lefebvre, H. Bononno, R. (ed) (2003 [1970]) The Urban
Revolution University of Minnesota Press , Minneapolis
• Citizenship and the Right to the Global City: Reimagining the
Capitalist World Order International Journal of Urban and
Regional Research Volume 27.3 September 2003 564-90 Purcell
Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2003. Published by
Blackwell Publishing
• Lefebvre, H. (1991[1974]), The Production of Space. Oxford:
Blackwell Publishing, London - Trans. Nicholson-Smith
• Neil Brenner, Peter Marcuse and Margit Mayer, Cities for
people, not for profit, CITY Volume 13, June – September
2009,
issues 2 and 3, pages 176 – 184
GM's Hamtramck plant closing reopens old controversy in
Detroit
John Gallagher, Detroit Free PressPublished 2:40 p.m. ET Nov.
26, 2018 | Updated 8:39 a.m. ET Dec. 30, 2018
Dnitra Landon, a GM Detroit-Hamtramck Assembly worker,
talks before the start of her shift about her feeling on the
closing of this plant. Eric Seals/Detroit Free Press
(Photo: David C. Turnley, Detroit Free Press)

CONNECTTWEETLINKEDINCOMMENTEMAILMORE
Maybe the naysayers were right all along.
General Motors' decision to close its Hamtramck assembly plant
recalls one of the most bitter development controversies in
Michigan's history. Closing the plant will no doubt open old
wounds — and raise anew questions of who benefits from such
massive urban revitalization projects like the Hamtramck plant.
First, some history. By the early 1980s, then-Mayor Coleman
Young was seeking to create jobs for economically
distressed Detroit. He agreed to support General Motors’ plan to
build its new assembly plant on the border of Detroit and
Hamtramck.
But the more than 300-acre site was home to a Polish
neighborhood known as Poletown. It featured about 4,000
residents, more than 1,000 houses, several Catholic
churches and more than 100 businesses.
57 Photos
Poletown, the Detroit neighborhood demolished for GM plant
Eminent domain cleared way
That neighborhood stood in the way of GM's plant. In a bold
and hotly contested move, officials used government's eminent
domain powers to seize and raze those properties on GM’s
behalf.
It made national news, got people like consumer advocate Ralph
Nader involved, and the many protests included a nearly
monthlong sit-in at the neighborhood's Immaculate Conception
Church that police eventually broke up with arrests.
The opponents took their case to the Michigan Supreme Court,
which, in 1981, decided to back the GM project. The court said
that taking property from one private owner to give to another
private owner in the name of economic development was an
acceptable use of eminent domain.
That ruling stood for nearly a quarter century. Then, in 2004, in
the Hathcock case involving Wayne County's plans to build an
industrial park south of Metro Airport, a more conservative

state Supreme Court overturned the Poletown precedent. No
longer would the government be allowed to use eminent domain
to take land from one private owner and give it to another in the
name of creating jobs and tax base.
It's fair to say that Poletown-type seizures had already lost in
the court of public opinion. Critics had long claimed that GM's
Hamtramck plant never delivered the jobs and economic spin-
offs that justified the razing of the Poletown neighborhood.
Such complaints were one factor in voters' approval of even
tighter restrictions on eminent domain in a 2006 ballot
referendum called Proposal 4.
Now, even critics will admit that the Hamtramck plant did
deliver many benefits over its nearly 40-year life. Beginning
with the Cadillac Eldorado and including models such as the
Buick LaCrosse, Chevrolet Malibu and Chevrolet Volt, the plant
produced many different products and provided a good living
for its UAW-represented workforce, which today numbers about
1,500.
Have we learned anything?
But with the plant now slated for closing by the end of 2019,
it's also fair to ask whether it was worth it all. And it's also fair
to ask if we've learned anything from the Poletown saga. For
even if eminent domain powers have been curtailed and a
project like the Hamtramck plant would not be possible today,
cities, counties and the state still swing at every pitch that
promises a bonanza of jobs and tax base.
There was the Foxconn project that went to Wisconsin. There
was the national feeding frenzy over Amazon's second
headquarters. And there were the lucrative tax incentives
given for projects like the District Detroit that surrounds Little
Caesars Arena.
Even without Poletown-type seizures, officials still court these
huge economic deals even though they threaten to elbow out
existing urban uses.
Isn't it just a little schizophrenic that, at the same time, urban
planners like Detroit planning director Maurice Cox are doing

all they can to create new walkable urban neighborhoods? They
hope to create districts where residents can live, work, shop,
and find recreation opportunities all within a 20-minute walk —
districts, in other words, like the Poletown neighborhood
wiped out by the GM project.
I suppose a great city can support projects like Foxconn and
Amazon and at the same time work to enhance lively walkable
districts in its neighborhoods.But when push comes to shove,
officials still more often will choose the big-bang projects, with
their glittering promises of jobs and tax base, over the quieter
neighborhood revitalization work.
It's a conundrum.
As William Faulkner once said, the past isn't dead, it isn't even
past. So now, nearly 40 years after Detroit agreed to wipe out a
neighborhood to create an auto plant, don't be surprised if the
wounds still bleed, the memories remain strong and the
questions do not go away.
https://www.freep.com/story/money/business/john-
gallagher/2018/11/26/gm-detroit-hamtramck-plant-
closing/2114067002/
1. Discussion 10 : On your own complete the questions in the
Utts Chapter 8 Questions.
NOTE: chapter 8 and the questions are attached in different
files. Also, attached ch7 which
you will need to answer some Questions.
2. Read the article in the link bellow: (attached in pdf)
Practical Applications of the Bell Curve (Links to an external

site.)Links to an external site.
Then, discuss the following question in half a page : Do you
think grading on the
curve is beneficial or detrimental to student learning?
3. Connecting Sources to Utts Reading ch8: select a reliable
article that is relevant to one of
the topics discussed in Utts’ chapter 8.
In one page:
• Describe in your own words how the piece relates to one of
the chapter 8 topics.
• Critique the piece using what you have learned in this Utts
chapter; address what it
did well and what it did not do well.
• Post a PDF of the article you used, with the assignment.
DUE IN 12 HOURS.
https://www.sophia.org/tutorials/practical-applications-of-the-
bell-shaped-curve

1 8 MODULE 8 PRINCIPLES OF MANAGEMENT, SPRING 202

1 8 MODULE 8 PRINCIPLES OF MANAGEMENT, SPRING 202

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