Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe: A case study of Epworth's Domboramwari and Chiremba wards

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This is a Masters thesis I submitted in partial fulfilment of a Master of Science in International Relations with Bindura University in Zimbabwe

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Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe: A case study of Epworth's Domboramwari and Chiremba wards

  1. 1. BINDURA UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE EDUCATION Name: Doreen Kamwendo Registration Number: B1027905 Programme: Master of Science in International Relations (MIR) Year: 2012 Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe: A case study of Epworth District. 1
  2. 2. RESEARCH PROPOSAL 1.1 Background of the Study The face of the African continent has been characterised by numerous social, economic and political challenges which have put it on the spotlight for humanitarian intervention from the international community. Whiteside (2002) postulates that humanitarian assistance has come in the continent as a panacea so that the standards of living for the ordinary African improve. Below is a description of the social, economic and political realities in Africa that have necessitated the need for humanitarian intervention: 1.1.1 Social Realities Whiteside (2002) points out that HIV and AIDS is the major threat to development, economic growth and poverty alleviation in Sub Saharan Africa. In addition to the HIV and AIDS pandemic, the scourge of disease has also ravaged the continent with three million people reported to have died in 2001 making it the world’s 4th biggest cause of death after heart disease, stroke and acute lower respiratory infection. Over 70% of the world’s forty million people living with HIV/ AIDS are in Africa. Economic theorists predict that HIV/ AIDS reduce labour supplies and productivity, reduces exports and increases imports. In light of this, the pandemic has already reduced average national economic growth rates by 2 – 4% a year across Africa which increases poverty in the continent that is already impoverished (Dixon 2002). According to SAfAIDS (2012), in 2011, indications were that 34% of all people living with HIV in the world lived in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. While HIV prevalence has either stabilised or began to decrease in all 15 SADC countries in recent years, the reality is that the region is still home to the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world. Furthermore, another epidemic that has made Africa a cause of concern for humanitarian assistance is malaria. This is because the vast majority of malaria deaths occur in Africa, south of the Sahara where it presents major obstacles to social and economic development. According to the WHO Factsheet (2010), Malaria has been estimated to cost Africa more than USD12 Billion every year in lost Gross Domestic Product (G.D.P). There are at least three hundred million acute cases of malaria each year globally resulting in more than a million deaths. Around 90% of these deaths occur in Africa mostly in young children. 2
  3. 3. Malaria is Africa’s leading cause of under-five mortality 20% and constitutes 10% of the continent overall disease burden. It also accounts for 40% of public health expenditure, 30 – 50% of inpatient admissions and up to 50% of outpatient visits in areas with high malaria transmissions. Malaria has a direct impact on Africa’s human resources not only in loss of life but also in lost productivity due to illness and premature death. It also hampers children’s schooling and social development through both absenteeism and permanent neurological and other damage associated with severe episodes of the disease. (WHO Factsheet 2010). Furthermore, the continent is also plagued with natural disasters such as droughts. Stromberg (2007) notes that between 1980 and 2004, two million people were said to have been killed and five billion people cumulatively affected by around 7 000 natural disasters. Natural disasters such as droughts in the African continent lead to starvation taking into consideration that most of the countries in this region rely on agriculture. For instance, in a country such as Zimbabwe that is heavily dependent on rain fed crops, the 1982, 1992, 2002 and 2012 droughts brought a lot of hunger and starvation that called for the international community to give humanitarian aid so as to ensure that lives were not lost. In light of this social context for Zimbabwe and Africa at large, it is evident that at every given point in time, there has been a need for humanitarian intervention. 1.1.2 Economic Realities African countries’ economies have performed badly over the years mainly steaming from a colonial legacy where natural resources were syphoned so as to enrich countries in the developed world. Economic growth has been slow or even none existent and poverty remains widespread. As a reflection and consequence of Africa’s poor economic performance; exports have stagnated, savings and investment have declined and labour productivity growth have made it to remain behind other developing regions. Below is a summary of the annual growth rates of real per capita from the World Bank (1995): 1972 -1978 1978 - 1985 1986 - 1989 1990 - 1992 Sub Saharan Africa 2.67% 0.65% 0.79% 0.62% South Asia 1.88% 2.38% 3.09% 2.26% East Asia and Pacific 4.41% 2.05% 5.70% 4.75% 3
  4. 4. Latin America and Caribbean 2.33% -1.09% 0.54% 0.87% Middle East and North Africa 2.40% -0.85% -1.80% 2.24% In light of these findings, Africa’s prospects for economic growth and development still remain poor. Kritzinger et al (1992) argue that the fragmentation of African economies is the reason behind the slow economic growth. They argue that for instance in sub Saharan Africa, there are forty – seven small countries with an average GDP of USD4 Billion and a combined GDP equal to that of Belgium or 50% of the GDP of Spain. In addition to this, Africa attracts less than 2% of the global Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). An example is that in 2003, 16 countries achieved an average economic growth rate of 3% and 18 countries more than 5%. This therefore means that with the per capita growth rate being between 0 – 2 % per annum, there is limited progress in poverty eradication and achievement of many of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) seems to be elusive. Mbaku (2007) points out that, Africa is the poorest region of the world and the only one with very poor prospects for the future. One of the most important contributors to this state of affairs in Africa is corruption. (Mbaku 2007). African countries cannot bear the costs of corruption which impedes development and minimises the ability of governments to reduce poverty. Corruption hinders political and economic development in Africa with reported cases of aid related corruption which include: Mobutu’s Zaire, Chiluba’s Zambia, Muluzi’s Malawi, Equatorial Guinea, South Africa and Kenya among other African countries. (Wafawarova 2013). If African societies do not find ways to deal with it effectively the continent will continue to suffer from high rates of poverty and deprivation. In addition, another economic reality for the continent is that of the backlash of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). These economic reforms which were introduced by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) led to the inflation of poverty, decreased the countries capability to develop strong diversified economies, increased exploitation of workers through deregulation accompanied by environmental degradation. ((Kawewe et al 2000). Countries such as Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe among others 4
  5. 5. due to SAPs devalued the currency, cut government social service delivery and prices increased. This led to the deterioration of social services such as health and education. In addition to this, SAPs forced many African nations into the global market place before they were economically and socially stable and ready and were told to concentrate on similar cash crops and commodities as others; the situation resembles a large scale price war. All this led to a spiralling race to the bottom generating social unrest. The destitution resulting from structural adjustment policies also increased food insecurity by eroding the purchasing power of large sections of the population. (Chattopadhyaya 2000). In this regard, at any given point in time, the economic realities of Africa have been calling for humanitarian assistance from the international community. 1.1.3 Political Realities Young (1986) argues that the character of the contemporary African countries have been determined by the colonial origins where Africa lost power to decide its own destiny and where it lost power of manoeuvrability in bargaining. Some patterns of the continent’s behaviour and structure that arose out of the character of the colonial state and the ways in which the post-colonial state adapted to its colonial legacy contribute towards an understanding of the dimensions of the present crisis. In addition to this, the colonial state legacy then decanted into a patrimonial autocracy which decayed into crisis by the 1980s, bringing external and internal pressures for economic and political state reconfiguration. The serious erosion of the stateness of many African polities by the 1990s limited the scope for effective reform and opened the door for a complex web of novel civil conflicts and there was also a renewed saliency of informal politics, as local societies adapted to diminished state presence and service provision. Young (1986) postulates that up to today, Africa is still fighting for the same things from their colonial legacy such as restoration of collective human dignity, the pursuit of equality, socio-economic justice, democracy and economic/technological advancement. Of the many factors impeding constitutional democracy in Africa, none appears more significant than the upsurge of political violence which is also closely linked to the denial of fundamental human rights of the people by chosen governments. In Zimbabwe for instance, political violence is rooted in long term structural political – economic legacies of colonial rule combined with legacies of African nationalist politics. This was mainly exacerbated by the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in September 1999 as it was a 5
  6. 6. formidable challenge to a one party state that had been heavily dominated by the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF). The MDC brought a state of panic within the ruling party which resulted in ruthless efforts through political violence and terror to destroy the opposition. Political violence and subsequently human rights abuses increased after the 2000 constitutional rejection; which led to a big wave of political violence on the opposition and white farmers who were purported to be MDC sponsors. Abuse of human rights and political violence made Zimbabwe a pariah state which was boycotted by the international community and it was also subjected to economic sanctions. (Mlambo et al 2010). This then led to the rise of Non – Governmental Organizations (NGOs) which were complementing government efforts in providing social and economic safety nets. What is interesting is that though NGOs’ work is meant to complement government efforts, there have been insinuations that this humanitarian aid is politicized. This is brought about by the fact that most NGOs source of funding come from Western countries such as United States of America (USA), Britain, France, Sweden, Denmark and Germany among others. In the 1960s over $ 1 trillion in development and humanitarian related aid has been transferred from rich countries to Africa. Regardless of these huge amounts being transferred, Africa’s growth rates are at an average of 5% which is still short of the 70% it needs to be sustained to make substantial progress into poverty reduction and economic growth. This has led many African economists such as Moyo (2010) to note that the continuous inflow of aid in Africa is the biggest “humanitarian disaster” because the standard of living for these people has not improved. In light of all this, it is evident that at any given time Africa has been calling for humanitarian intervention. 1.2 Epworth Profile Epworth is a bustling suburb located about twelve kilometres out of Harare city centre. Epworth Mission was established by the Rev. Shimmin more than a century ago, 1890 as a Methodist Mission Station. Epworth then and as today is divided into 8 wards namely Chiremba also known as Muguta, Makomo, Domboramwari, Jacha known as Muguta Extension or Matanga, Chinamano Extension also referred to as Maseko, Overspill, Magada and Chizangu which include Zinyengere and Chinamano. Though there are eight wards in Epworth their boundaries do not coincide with their names. In addition, community members are less familiar with the ward boundaries and yet they are comfortable with the names. 6
  7. 7. A large influx of people occurred during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the population being 20,000 in 1980 and 35,000 in 1987. The Methodist Church could not control the influx of people, and therefore transferred ownership of the farm to the Ministry of Local Government in 1983. By 2002 the population was 113,8841 . Currently, the total population of Epworth district is at 123 250. Epworth had not been planned as an urban residential area, and therefore this rapid increase in population was occurring on land without any water supply and sanitation facilities. Epworth became the only informal settlement to have been tolerated by the Zimbabwean Government in the post-independence period because of the long history of settlement by some of the residents2 . The government decided to upgrade rather than demolish the informal settlement. Since most residents of Epworth had settled in the area spontaneously, public utilities such as water, sewage and electricity were lacking before government intervention. A Local Board formed in 1986 under the Urban Councils Act, and whose members are elected by the community, is responsible for managing the area including the collection of rates and other levies3 . The suburb is poor and due to the harsh economic times that the country has been passing through for the past decade, there has been need for humanitarian assistance so as to improve livelihoods of this community4 . 1.3 Statement of the Problem This study seeks to investigate if there are specific conditions to humanitarian aid in the context of Zimbabwe. The study will also examine how this is received at a national level in order to discuss politicization of humanitarian aid in the context of Epworth district. 1.4 Research Objectives The research seeks to:  Assess the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid.  Examine the motives of politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community 1 Central Statistics Office of Zimbabwe, 2003. Demographic and Healthy Survey, Government Printer, Harare, Zimbabwe. 2 Butcher, 1993 C. Butcher, Low income housing. In: L. Zinyama, Editor, Harare—The Growth and Problems of the City, University of Zimbabwe Publications, Harare, Zimbabwe (1993). 3 Gaidzanwa, P., 2003. Attitudes and practices towards water supply and sanitation facilities: the case study of the Epworth upgrading programme. M.Sc. thesis (unpublished), University of Zimbabwe. 4 Relief Work continues (accessed 02/11/2008) 7
  8. 8.  Analyse the implications of both the external and internal factors of politicization of humanitarian aid on the Epworth community.  Assess the consequences the conditions are likely to have for long term implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district. 1.5 Research Questions 1. What are the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid? 2. What are the motives around politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community 3. What are the internal and external factors that influence politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth community? 4. How is the Epworth community affected by the implications of the external and internal factors of politicization of humanitarian aid? 5. How has government responded to the consequences the conditions are likely to have for long term implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district? 1.6 Significance of the Study At a personal level, the significance of this study is partial fulfilment of Master of Science in International Relations. At a community level, this study will assist the community to understand the dynamics that exist in the administration of humanitarian aid. The community will also gain best practices from the two places that will be case studies under this research topic. In addition, the study will inform national policy direction with regards to humanitarian work and intervention in communities. Government will be informed on issues to do with attitude and perception over humanitarian assistance in Zimbabwe. 1.7 Delimitation of the Study The research will be confined in two wards Chiremba and Domboramwari focusing on the period 2008 – 2012. This has been necessitated by the fact that the researcher has already found respondents who are willing to participate in this research study. To add on, due to the upcoming harmonized elections the country is due to have, Epworth is a political hotspot so the researcher thought it best to do the research where she has contacts so as to avoid the bureaucracy as well as the tensions that usually occur during an election period. 8
  9. 9. 1.6. Limitations of the Study The researcher might have the following limitations: 1. Self-exonerating positions from key informant interviewees such as representatives of political parties and International Non – Governmental Organization INGOs and NGO representatives. The researcher have gone around this by first debriefing the key informants that this is an academic research such that their honest responses are critical in removing bias in the study. 2. Data from the two wards of the district cannot be generalized to the rest of the other eight wards of the district as contexts and realities might be different. The researcher made use of desk research for the other wards so as to add more data so as to make the results more representative of all the wards. 1.7 Definition of Key Terms 2. Humanitarian Aid – material or logistical assistance provided for humanitarian purposes, typically in response to humanitarian crises including natural disaster and man-made disaster. 3. Politicization – bringing political character or flavour into an issue 4. INGOs -private international organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social services, or undertake community development with outposts around the world to deal with specific issues in many countries. 5. NGOs - private organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social services, or undertake community development. 1.8 Literature Review Several studies have been done of the politicization of aid in developing countries. Volberg (2003) looked at the politicization of humanitarian aid and its effects on principles of humanity, impartiality and neutrality. He went on to point out that humanitarian assistance which once covered a very narrow set of basic relief activities carried out by a small group of relatively independent actors has expanded significantly to a much more complex 9
  10. 10. rehabilitating work. In this light, there are more players in the provision of aid which leads to aid becoming a political activity thereby entailing that more scrutiny is given on its provision. Volberg ultimately examines the difficult realities in heterogenic humanitarian environment by addressing all the complex legal and political issues surrounding an emergency, including the impact of external actors like donors, host governments and armed forces. Lensink et al (2001), in their study “are there negative returns to aid” revealed that the re – allocation of the existing aid flows to poor countries with sound management would lift 18 million more people per year out of poverty. They base their argument on Collier and Dollar (1999) who postulate that aid becomes more effective when it is given to countries with sound policies and that aid above a certain level of inflows starts to have negative effects on growth. The study overall examined whether empirical evidence supports the notion of negative effects of high aid inflows. Munyanyi R (2005) in her thesis, “The political economy of food aid: a case of Zimbabwe” investigated whether political decisions influenced the manner in which food aid was distributed in Zimbabwe. Her study also sought to identify whether politics played a role in the distribution of food aid in the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) food aid programme in Zimbabwe. It also sought to provide general findings and recommendations for policy makers, governmental and non – governmental organizations dealing with the food security issues in Zimbabwe. In addition to this, a book by Moyo D (2010), “Dead Aid: Why aid is not working and how there is a better way for Africa” she notes that aid has helped make the poor poorer and growth slower. SKB Asante (1985) had also asserted that the limited evidence that is available suggests that the forms in which foreign resources have been extended to Africa over the past 25years insofar as they are concerned with economic development are to a great extend counterproductive. In this light, these authors call for African countries not to be dependent but rather to make use of South to South cooperation which usually has a win - win situation. In light of all this literature review, my research seeks to cover the gaps in relation to the specific conditions that are attached to humanitarian aid. My research will also examine how these are perceived at a national level so as to discuss the politicization of humanitarian aid. 1.9 Methodology The research will make use of case study approach using interviews, document studies, Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) and observations. A sample size will be established which will be representative of the entire population. Interviews will be for key informants coupled with 10
  11. 11. FGDs, document studies and observation by the researcher depending on the technique that will be appropriate taking into consideration the political atmosphere at the time. 1.10 Theoretical Framework The research shall mainly use the Dependency Theories complemented by Liberalism and Realism so as to ascertain the research problem. 2.0 Assumptions The success of this project hinges on the following assumptions: a). There is politicization of humanitarian aid within the chosen research area and that the community is ready to talk about it. b). The researcher is able to get hold of the key informants who will in turn give accurate information in relation to the research. c). Respondents will be willing to participate knowing that the research is for academic purposes only and thereby seeks to contribute to the body of academic knowledge 2.1 Summary The researcher has covered the background of the study, the research problem, the research objectives, and the research questions, significance of the study, delimitation of the study, limitations of the study, definition of key terms, literature review, methodology and theoretical framework. 2.2 Budget ITEM/DETAIL FREQUENCY UNIT COST TOTAL COST RECOMMENDED SUPPLIER Desk Research: Researching on the internet 30 $ 1.00 $ 100.00 Chuweb Internet Cafe Use of Computer: Interview questions and FGD topics 1 $10.00 $ 10. 00 Chuweb Internet Café. Printing interview questions and 50 $ 1. 00 $ 50.00 Chuweb Internet Cafe 11
  12. 12. FGD topics Use of Internet: Researcher Natural Observation (transport) - $2.00 $ 100.00 Chuweb Internet Café. Total $260.00 2.3 Work plan ACTIVITY OUTPUTS TIME FRAME 1. Brainstorming Interview Questions  Both soft and hard copies of interview questions Beginning of October 2012 2. Establishing contact with the key informants  Contact established Mid of October 2012 – January 2013 3. Interviews, FGDs and observation  Interviews made  FGDs done  Observation made Beginning – End of November 2012 – March 2013 4. Data compilation  Compilation done Mid April REFERENCES 1. Dambisa Moyo (2010), Dead Aid: Why aid is not working and how there is a better way for Africa”. American Foreign Policy: The Journal of the National on American, Volume 32 (4). New York, Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 12
  13. 13. 2. Thorsten Volberg 2003, “The Politicization of humanitarian aid and its effect on the principles of humanity, impartiality and neutrality.” Grin Publish and Find Knowledge 3. Central Statistics Office of Zimbabwe, 2003. Demographic and Healthy Survey, Government Printer, Harare, Zimbabwe. 4. Gaidzanwa, P., 2003. Attitudes and practices towards water supply and sanitation facilities: the case study of the Epworth upgrading programme. M.Sc. thesis (unpublished), University of Zimbabwe 5. R. Lensink and H. White (2001) “Are there negative returns to aid”. Journal of Development Studies, Volume 37 (6). 6. Rachael Mationesa Munyanyi (2005), “the political economy of food aid: A case of Zimbabwe”. Thesis presented at the Institute of Western Cape. 7. S.K. B Asante (1985), “International assistance and international capitalism: supportive or counterproductive? In Gwendolyn Carter and Patrick O’Meara (eds). African Independence: the first twenty five years, Bloomington, Indiana, USA, Indiana University Press, pages 249 – 265. 8. ADRA Danmark (http://www.adra.dk/HER-ARBEJDER-ADRA- DANMARK/Zimbabwe), Promoting Sustainable Food production in Epworth and Kuwadzana 9. Zimbabwe’s Homeless People’s Federation (2009), Epworth Profiling Report, May 2009. 10. SARPN, (2005), New Hope Zimbabwe: Update on Operation Murambatsvina Epworth. (http://www.sarpn.org/documents/d0001377/index.php). July 2005. 11. Whiteside Alan, (2002). “Poverty and HIV and AIDS in Africa”. Third World Quarterly Volume 23 (2). 12. Dixon Simon, (2002). “The Impact of HIV and AIDS on Africa’s economic development”. BMJ, http//dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj. 13. https://apps.who.int/inf - fs/en/1InformationSheet 03.pdf. 13
  14. 14. 14. Stromberg David, (2007). “Natural Disasters, Economic Development and Humanitarian Aid”. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, Volume 21 (3). American Economic Association, pg 199 – 222. 15. Kritzinger van Nierkerk, Lelotte, Moreira Emmanuel Pinto, (1992). “Regional Integration in Southern Africa: Overview of the Recent Developments”. The World Bank, Africa Region. 16. Mbaku Mukum John, (2007). “Corruption in Africa: Causes, Consequences and Clean Ups”. Rowman and Littlefield Publisher Inc. United Kingdom. 17. Wafawarova Reason (2013). “Aid Fuelling inept governance and corruption”. www.herald.co.zw 18. Kawewe M Saliwe, Debie Robert, (2000). “The impact of ESAPs on women and children: Implications for Social Welfare in Zimbabwe”. Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, Volume XXVII (4). 19. Chattopadhyaya Rupak, (2000). “Zimbabwe: Structural Adjustment, destitution and food insecurity”. Review of African Political Economy, Volume 27 (84), pg 307 – 316. 20. Young Crawford, (1986). “Africa’s colonial legacy: Strategies for African Development”. A study for the Committee on African Development Strategies. Council of Foreign Relations. California. 21. Ntalaja Nzongola Georges (2004). “Citizenship, Political Violence and Democratization in Africa”. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations. Volume 10 (4), pg 403 – 409. 22. LeBas Adrienne, (2006). “Polarization as Craft: Party Formulation and State Violence in Zimbabwe”. Comparative Politics, Volume 38 (4), pg 419 – 438, New York. 23. Ferguson James, (2006). “Global Shadows: Africa in the Neoliberal World Order”. Duke University Press, USA. 14
  15. 15. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To begin with my sincere gratitude goes to Bindura University of Science Education (BUSE) for giving me the opportunity to study for my Masters in International Relations. My 15
  16. 16. gratitude also goes to my supervisor, Mr David Makwerere who worked closely with me to come up with this research paper. I learnt a lot from his wisdom and sobriety during the course of writing this paper. I would also want to appreciate my husband Pastor Samson Kamwendo and my daughter Fiel Ruvarashe who supported and encouraged me to produce this paper. Last but not least I would like to thank the Almighty God who provided for all that I needed during the process of coming up with this research paper. I dedicate this thesis to all the men and women I came across in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba wards who are making strides towards making a better life for them and their children. ABSTRACT 16
  17. 17. CHAPTER ONE 1.1 Background to the Study The face of the African continent has been characterised by numerous social, economic and political challenges which have put it on the spotlight for humanitarian intervention from the international community. Whiteside (2002) postulates that humanitarian assistance has come in the continent as a panacea so that the standards of living for the ordinary African improve. 17
  18. 18. Below is a description of the social, economic and political realities in Africa that have necessitated the need for humanitarian intervention: 1.1.1 Social Realities Whiteside (2002) points out that HIV and AIDS is the major threat to development, economic growth and poverty alleviation in Sub Saharan Africa. In addition to the HIV and AIDS pandemic, the scourge of disease has also ravaged the continent with three million people reported to have died in 2001 making it the world’s 4th biggest cause of death after heart disease, stroke and acute lower respiratory infection. Over 70% of the world’s forty million people living with HIV/ AIDS are in Africa. Economic theorists predict that HIV/ AIDS reduce labour supplies and productivity, reduces exports and increases imports. In light of this, the pandemic has already reduced average national economic growth rates by 2 – 4% a year across Africa which increases poverty in the continent that is already impoverished (Dixon 2002). According to SAfAIDS (2012), in 2011, indications were that 34% of all people living with HIV in the world lived in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. While HIV prevalence has either stabilised or began to decrease in all 15 SADC countries in recent years, the reality is that the region is still home to the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world. Furthermore, another epidemic that has made Africa a cause of concern for humanitarian assistance is malaria. This is because the vast majority of malaria deaths occur in Africa, south of the Sahara where it presents major obstacles to social and economic development. According to the WHO Factsheet (2010), Malaria has been estimated to cost Africa more than USD12 Billion every year in lost Gross Domestic Product (G.D.P). There are at least three hundred million acute cases of malaria each year globally resulting in more than a million deaths. Around 90% of these deaths occur in Africa mostly in young children. Malaria is Africa’s leading cause of under-five mortality 20% and constitutes 10% of the continent overall disease burden. It also accounts for 40% of public health expenditure, 30 – 50% of inpatient admissions and up to 50% of outpatient visits in areas with high malaria transmissions. Malaria has a direct impact on Africa’s human resources not only in loss of life but also in lost productivity due to illness and premature death. It also hampers children’s schooling and social development through both absenteeism and permanent neurological and other damage associated with severe episodes of the disease. (WHO Factsheet 2010). 18
  19. 19. Furthermore, the continent is also plagued with natural disasters such as droughts. Stromberg (2007) notes that between 1980 and 2004, two million people were said to have been killed and five billion people cumulatively affected by around 7 000 natural disasters. Natural disasters such as droughts in the African continent lead to starvation taking into consideration that most of the countries in this region rely on agriculture. For instance, in a country such as Zimbabwe that is heavily dependent on rain fed crops, the 1982, 1992, 2002 and 2012 droughts brought a lot of hunger and starvation that called for the international community to give humanitarian aid so as to ensure that lives were not lost. In light of this social context for Zimbabwe and Africa at large, it is evident that at every given point in time, there has been a need for humanitarian intervention. 1.1.2 Economic Realities African countries’ economies have performed badly over the years mainly steaming from a colonial legacy where natural resources were syphoned so as to enrich countries in the developed world. Economic growth has been slow or even none existent and poverty remains widespread. As a reflection and consequence of Africa’s poor economic performance; exports have stagnated, savings and investment have declined and labour productivity growth have made it to remain behind other developing regions. Below is a summary of the annual growth rates of real per capita from the World Bank (1995): 1972 -1978 1978 - 1985 1986 - 1989 1990 - 1992 Sub Saharan Africa 2.67% 0.65% 0.79% 0.62% South Asia 1.88% 2.38% 3.09% 2.26% East Asia and Pacific 4.41% 2.05% 5.70% 4.75% Latin America and Caribbean 2.33% -1.09% 0.54% 0.87% Middle East and North Africa 2.40% -0.85% -1.80% 2.24% In light of these findings, Africa’s prospects for economic growth and development still remain poor. 19
  20. 20. Kritzinger et al (1992) argue that the fragmentation of African economies is the reason behind the slow economic growth. They argue that for instance in sub Saharan Africa, there are forty – seven small countries with an average GDP of USD4 Billion and a combined GDP equal to that of Belgium or 50% of the GDP of Spain. In addition to this, Africa attracts less than 2% of the global Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). An example is that in 2003, 16 countries achieved an average economic growth rate of 3% and 18 countries more than 5%. This therefore means that with the per capita growth rate being between 0 – 2 % per annum, there is limited progress in poverty eradication and achievement of many of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) seems to be elusive. Mbaku (2007) points out that, Africa is the poorest region of the world and the only one with very poor prospects for the future. One of the most important contributors to this state of affairs in Africa is corruption. (Mbaku 2007). African countries cannot bear the costs of corruption which impedes development and minimises the ability of governments to reduce poverty. Corruption hinders political and economic development in Africa with reported cases of aid related corruption which include: Mobutu’s Zaire, Chiluba’s Zambia, Muluzi’s Malawi, Equatorial Guinea, South Africa and Kenya among other African countries. (Wafawarova 2013). If African societies do not find ways to deal with it effectively the continent will continue to suffer from high rates of poverty and deprivation. In addition, another economic reality for the continent is that of the backlash of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). These economic reforms which were introduced by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) led to the inflation of poverty, decreased the countries capability to develop strong diversified economies, increased exploitation of workers through deregulation accompanied by environmental degradation. ((Kawewe et al 2000). Countries such as Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe among others due to SAPs devalued the currency, cut government social service delivery and prices increased. This led to the deterioration of social services such as health and education. In addition to this, SAPs forced many African nations into the global market place before they were economically and socially stable and ready and were told to concentrate on similar cash crops and commodities as others; the situation resembles a large scale price war. All this led to a spiralling race to the bottom generating social unrest. The destitution resulting from structural adjustment policies also increased food insecurity by eroding the purchasing power of large sections of the population. (Chattopadhyaya 2000). In this regard, at any given point 20
  21. 21. in time, the economic realities of Africa have been calling for humanitarian assistance from the international community. 1.1.3 Political Realities Young (1986) argues that the character of the contemporary African countries have been determined by the colonial origins where Africa lost power to decide its own destiny and where it lost power of manoeuvrability in bargaining. Some patterns of the continent’s behaviour and structure that arose out of the character of the colonial state and the ways in which the post-colonial state adapted to its colonial legacy contribute towards an understanding of the dimensions of the present crisis. In addition to this, the colonial state legacy then decanted into a patrimonial autocracy which decayed into crisis by the 1980s, bringing external and internal pressures for economic and political state reconfiguration. The serious erosion of the stateness of many African polities by the 1990s limited the scope for effective reform and opened the door for a complex web of novel civil conflicts and there was also a renewed saliency of informal politics, as local societies adapted to diminished state presence and service provision. Young (1986) postulates that up to today, Africa is still fighting for the same things from their colonial legacy such as restoration of collective human dignity, the pursuit of equality, socio-economic justice, democracy and economic/technological advancement. Of the many factors impeding constitutional democracy in Africa, none appears more significant than the upsurge of political violence which is also closely linked to the denial of fundamental human rights of the people by chosen governments. In Zimbabwe for instance, political violence is rooted in long term structural political – economic legacies of colonial rule combined with legacies of African nationalist politics. This was mainly exacerbated by the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in September 1999 as it was a formidable challenge to a one party state that had been heavily dominated by the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF). The MDC brought a state of panic within the ruling party which resulted in ruthless efforts through political violence and terror to destroy the opposition. Political violence and subsequently human rights abuses increased after the 2000 constitutional rejection; which led to a big wave of political violence on the opposition and white farmers who were purported to be MDC sponsors. Abuse of human rights and political violence made Zimbabwe a pariah state which was boycotted by the international community and it was also subjected to economic sanctions. (Mlambo et al 21
  22. 22. 2010). This then led to the rise of Non – Governmental Organizations (NGOs) which were complementing government efforts in providing social and economic safety nets. What is interesting is that though NGOs’ work is meant to complement government efforts, there have been insinuations that this humanitarian aid is politicized. This is brought about by the fact that most NGOs source of funding come from Western countries such as United States of America (USA), Britain, France, Sweden, Denmark and Germany among others. In the 1960s over $ 1 trillion in development and humanitarian related aid has been transferred from rich countries to Africa. Regardless of these huge amounts being transferred, Africa’s growth rates are at an average of 5% which is still short of the 70% it needs to be sustained to make substantial progress into poverty reduction and economic growth. This has led many African economists such as Moyo (2010) to note that the continuous inflow of aid in Africa is the biggest “humanitarian disaster” because the standard of living for these people has not improved. In light of all this, it is evident that at any given time Africa has been calling for humanitarian intervention. 1.2 Epworth Profile Epworth is a bustling suburb located about twelve kilometres out of Harare city centre. Epworth Mission was established by the Rev. Shimmin more than a century ago, 1890 as a Methodist Mission Station. Epworth then and as today is divided into 8 wards namely Chiremba also known as Muguta, Makomo, Domboramwari, Jacha known as Muguta Extension or Matanga, Chinamano Extension also referred to as Maseko, Overspill, Magada and Chizangu which include Zinyengere and Chinamano. Though there are eight wards in Epworth their boundaries do not coincide with their names. In addition, community members are less familiar with the ward boundaries and yet they are comfortable with the names. A large influx of people occurred during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the population being 20,000 in 1980 and 35,000 in 1987. The Methodist Church could not control the influx of people, and therefore transferred ownership of the farm to the Ministry of Local Government in 1983. By 2002 the population was 113,8845 . Currently, the total population of Epworth district is at 161 840. Epworth had not been planned as an urban residential area, and therefore this rapid increase in population was occurring on land without any water supply and sanitation facilities. Epworth became the only informal settlement to have been tolerated by the Zimbabwean Government in the post-independence period because of the 5 Central Statistics Office of Zimbabwe, 2003. Demographic and Healthy Survey, Government Printer, Harare, Zimbabwe. 22
  23. 23. long history of settlement by some of the residents6 . The government decided to upgrade rather than demolish the informal settlement. Since most residents of Epworth had settled in the area spontaneously, public utilities such as water, sewage and electricity were lacking before government intervention. A Local Board formed in 1986 under the Urban Councils Act, and whose members are elected by the community, is responsible for managing the area including the collection of rates and other levies7 . The suburb is poor and due to the harsh economic times that the country has been passing through for the past decade, there has been need for humanitarian assistance so as to improve livelihoods of this community8 . 1.3 Statement of the Problem This study seeks to investigate if there are specific conditions to humanitarian aid in the context of Zimbabwe. The study will also examine how this is received at a national level in order to discuss politicization of humanitarian aid in the context of Epworth district. 1.4 Research Objectives The research seeks to:  Assess the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid.  Examine the motives of politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community  Analyse the implications of both the external and internal factors of politicization of humanitarian aid on the Epworth community.  Assess the consequences the conditions are likely to have for long term implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district. 1.5 Research Questions 1. What are the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid? 2. What are the motives around politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community 6 Butcher, 1993 C. Butcher, Low income housing. In: L. Zinyama, Editor, Harare—The Growth and Problems of the City, University of Zimbabwe Publications, Harare, Zimbabwe (1993). 7 Gaidzanwa, P., 2003. Attitudes and practices towards water supply and sanitation facilities: the case study of the Epworth upgrading programme. M.Sc. thesis (unpublished), University of Zimbabwe. 8 Relief Work continues [2](accessed 02/11/2008) 23
  24. 24. 3. What are the internal and external factors that influence politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth community? 4. How is the Epworth community affected by the implications of the external and internal factors of politicization of humanitarian aid? 5. How has government responded to the consequences the conditions are likely to have for long term implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district? 1.6 Significance of the Study At a personal level, the significance of this study is partial fulfilment of Master of Science in International Relations. At a community level, this study will assist the community to understand the dynamics that exist in the administration of humanitarian aid. The community will also gain best practices from the two places that will be case studies under this research topic. In addition, the study will inform national policy direction with regards to humanitarian work and intervention in communities. Government will be informed on issues to do with attitude and perception over humanitarian assistance in Zimbabwe. 1.7 Delimitation of the Study The research will be confined in two wards Chiremba and Domboramwari focusing on the period 2008 – 2012. This has been necessitated by the fact that the researcher has already found respondents who are willing to participate in this research study. To add on, due to the upcoming harmonized elections the country is due to have, Epworth is a political hotspot so the researcher thought it best to do the research where she has contacts so as to avoid the bureaucracy as well as the tensions that usually occur during an election period. 1.8. Limitations of the Study The researcher might have the following limitations: 1. Self-exonerating positions from key informant interviewees such as representatives of political parties and International Non – Governmental Organization INGOs and NGO representatives. The researcher have gone around this by first debriefing the key informants that this is an academic research such that their honest responses are critical in removing bias in the study. 24
  25. 25. 2. Data from the two wards of the district cannot be generalized to the rest of the other eight wards of the district as contexts and realities might be different. The researcher made use of desk research for the other wards so as to add more data so as to make the results more representative of all the wards. 1.9 Definition of Key Terms 1. Humanitarian Aid – material or logistical assistance provided for humanitarian purposes, typically in response to humanitarian crises including natural disaster and man-made disaster. 2. Politicization – bringing political character or flavour into an issue 3. INGOs -private international organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social services, or undertake community development with outposts around the world to deal with specific issues in many countries. 4. NGOs - private organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social services, or undertake community development. 2.0 Literature Review Several studies have been done of the politicization of aid in developing countries. Volberg (2003) looked at the politicization of humanitarian aid and its effects on principles of humanity, impartiality and neutrality. He went on to point out that humanitarian assistance which once covered a very narrow set of basic relief activities carried out by a small group of relatively independent actors has expanded significantly to a much more complex rehabilitating work. In this light, there are more players in the provision of aid which leads to aid becoming a political activity thereby entailing that more scrutiny is given on its provision. Volberg ultimately examines the difficult realities in heterogenic humanitarian environment by addressing all the complex legal and political issues surrounding an emergency, including the impact of external actors like donors, host governments and armed forces. Lensink et al (2001), in their study “are there negative returns to aid” revealed that the re – allocation of the existing aid flows to poor countries with sound management would lift 18 million more people per year out of poverty. They base their argument on Collier and Dollar (1999) who 25
  26. 26. postulate that aid becomes more effective when it is given to countries with sound policies and that aid above a certain level of inflows starts to have negative effects on growth. The study overall examined whether empirical evidence supports the notion of negative effects of high aid inflows. Munyanyi R (2005) in her thesis, “The political economy of food aid: a case of Zimbabwe” investigated whether political decisions influenced the manner in which food aid was distributed in Zimbabwe. Her study also sought to identify whether politics played a role in the distribution of food aid in the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) food aid programme in Zimbabwe. It also sought to provide general findings and recommendations for policy makers, governmental and non – governmental organizations dealing with the food security issues in Zimbabwe. In addition to this, a book by Moyo D (2010), “Dead Aid: Why aid is not working and how there is a better way for Africa” she notes that aid has helped make the poor poorer and growth slower. SKB Asante (1985) had also asserted that the limited evidence that is available suggests that the forms in which foreign resources have been extended to Africa over the past 25years insofar as they are concerned with economic development are to a great extend counterproductive. In this light, these authors call for African countries not to be dependent but rather to make use of South to South cooperation which usually has a win - win situation. In light of all this literature review, my research seeks to cover the gaps in relation to the specific conditions that are attached to humanitarian aid. My research will also examine how these are perceived at a national level so as to discuss the politicization of humanitarian aid. 2.1 Methodology The research will make use of case study approach using interviews, document studies, Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) and observations. A sample size will be established which will be representative of the entire population. Interviews will be for key informants coupled with FGDs, document studies and observation by the researcher depending on the technique that will be appropriate taking into consideration the political atmosphere at the time. 2.2 Theoretical Framework The research shall mainly use the Dependency Theories complemented by Liberalism and Realism so as to ascertain the research problem. 2.3 Assumptions The success of this project hinges on the following assumptions: 26
  27. 27. a). There is politicization of humanitarian aid within the chosen research area and that the community is ready to talk about it. b). The researcher is able to get hold of the key informants who will in turn give accurate information in relation to the research. c). Respondents will be willing to participate knowing that the research is for academic purposes only and thereby seeks to contribute to the body of academic knowledge 2.4 Summary The researcher has covered the background of the study, the research problem, the research objectives, and the research questions, significance of the study, delimitation of the study, limitations of the study, definition of key terms, literature review, methodology and theoretical framework. CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Introduction In this section, the focus is on the conceptual framework that looks at what humanitarian aid is and the different forms it comes in. This section will also discuss the theoretical framework underpinning this study and these are Realism and the Dependency Theories. Under the theoretical framework, the researcher will tackle what each theory is and its basic assumptions. There will also be a discussion of empirical review where the researcher will look at what other scholars and researchers have done in relation to humanitarian aid globally so as to identify research gaps which this particular study of investigating politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba communities can then fill. There will also be a summary of all that would have been covered in this chapter at the end. 2.2 Conceptual Framework Humanitarian aid or emergency aid has been defined by Duffield (2007) as rapid assistance given to people in immediate distress by individuals, organizations or governments to relief 27
  28. 28. suffering during and after man made emergencies like wars and natural disasters. It is designed to save lives, alleviate suffering and maintain and protect human dignity during and in the aftermath of emergencies. There are certain characteristics that mark it out from other forms of foreign assistance and development aid that are; it is intended to be governed by the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence and that it is intended to be short term in nature and provide for activities in the immediate aftermath of a disaster. It should be noted that in practice it is often difficult to say where “during and in the immediate aftermath of emergencies” ends and other types of assistance begin especially in situations of prolonged vulnerability.9 In addition to this, humanitarian aid can be distinguished from development aid by it being focused on relieving suffering caused by natural disaster or conflict rather than removing the root causes of poverty or vulnerability. Furthermore, traditional responses to humanitarian crisis and the easiest to categorise as such are those that fall under the aegis of “emergency response” which encompass material relief assistance and services such as water, medicines and shelter. In addition under emergency response there is also emergency food aid which entails short term distribution and at times supplementary feeding programmes for children so as to reduce child mortality rates and morbidity. Humanitarian aid can also include reconstruction and rehabilitation which entail repairing pre – existing infrastructure as opposed to longer term activities designed to improve the level of infrastructure. To add on, humanitarian aid can be also disaster prevention and preparedness which means that states will have knowledge on early warning systems, contingency stocks and planning. According to the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Development Assistance Committee (DAC) reporting criteria, humanitarian aid has very clear cut of points for example, disaster preparedness excludes longer term work such as prevention of floods or conflicts. In addition, reconstruction and relief and rehabilitation include repairing pre – existing infrastructure but excludes longer term activities designed to improve the level of infrastructure.10 Minear (2002) points out that humanitarian aid can be distinguished from humanitarian intervention which involves armed forces protecting non – combatants from violent conflicts or genocide by state supported actors. He further notes that it is critical to distinguish the two 9 Global Assistance: A Development Initiative (www.globalassistance.org/data-guides/humanitarian-aid-net). 10 Ibid. 28
  29. 29. because though they are under the banner of “humanitarianism” they are not the same. In addition, for the purposes of this study it is important to also bring out that international humanitarian response to natural disaster or complex emergency is coordinated by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) acting on the basis of the UN General Assembly Resolution 46/182. This is because as humanitarian aid will be administered, OCHA provides principles and parameters for operation. Perrin (1998) argues that humanitarian aid can take very different forms and these are; complex rehabilitation programmes, relief operations for people whose lives are directly threatened, operations combining immediate relief work and medium term rehabilitation, operations for the purpose of preventing violations of humanitarian and human rights law and limited one time operation in some cases. The term complex emergency was coined in Mozambique in the latter half of the 1980s and its usage was necessitated by the need for international aid agencies to acknowledge that the ‘emergency aid’ or humanitarian assistance needs were being generated by armed conflict as well as by periodic ‘natural disaster’ events, such as cyclones and droughts. It is also a way of differentiating those situations where armed conflict and political instability are the principal causes of humanitarian needs from those where natural hazards are the principal cause of such needs. In such instances, there is need for humanitarian aid to take the form of complex long term rehabilitation programmes which are not adhoc but rather planned as well coordinated so as to alleviate suffering and distress to the beneficiaries. A good example of this is that of the work that the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is doing in Afghanistan where it assists five hospitals, the aim being to improve the quality of surgical treatment of water causalities and to provide regular supplies of medicines and medical related services. In addition to this, there are also food production programmes meant to ensure that there is food security through community initiatives and ownership. To add on, another form of humanitarian aid is that there are relief operations for people whose lives are directly threatened.11 Some cases that can be pointed to are that of Somalia and Albania; where the former was given about 12 000 tons of food aid to the people who were directly affected by the 1992 Somali crisis. This was done so as to save lives, alleviate suffering and maintain human dignity. The latter is given chlorine by humanitarian agencies so as to improve its water quality during its summer months. The rationale behind this form 11 ibid 29
  30. 30. of aid is to ensure that people who are directly affected by a natural or man-made crisis are not overwhelmed. Furthermore, humanitarian aid can be in the form of operations that combine immediate relief work and medium term rehabilitation. An example is that of the Swiss Development Cooperation (SDC) programme in Kosovo. It is imperative to note that there have been severe long term ethnic tensions between Kosovo’s Albanian and Serb populations and this has left the state ethically divided resulting in inter – ethnic violence. The SDC programme began with its participation in the OSCE verification mission and during the 1998 – 1999 armed conflict the SDC set up intensive humanitarian aid programmes. Since 2008 the humanitarian aid programmes and actions to assist the return of persons displaced by the war which was immediate relief work was soon complemented by reconstruction assistance measures and also by projects to foster livelihoods which is medium term rehabilitation. The need for combining the two stems from the argument that humanitarian aid agencies have been criticised for what is known as a “knee jerk” reaction to aid which simply means that they give aid emotionally without having analysed the root causes. In essence they disempower communities since they do not focus on preparing communities to prevent and deal with disasters and conflict situations before they strike, rather they rely mainly on short- term emergency relief. (Lawrence, 2009)12 . To add on, humanitarian aid can also take the form of operations for the purpose of preventing violations of humanitarian and human rights law. Prevention work will be all the more effective if the humanitarian aid agencies are present on an on - going basis, as is the case with aid operations. This presence constitutes a mode of protection for the victims and thus helps lessen violence in conflicts. The following excerpt from a weekly bulletin of ICRC-related news, serves as an illustration: “After territories previously controlled by Fikret Abdic were taken over by Bosnian troops from Bihac on 7 August more than 20,000 Muslims fled Velika Kladusa heading for Vojnic in Croatia. They are clustered along seven kilometres of road and are surviving thanks to an ICRC emergency operation”. In this regard, assistance and protection are closely linked although it is difficult to define the overall impact of the former on the latter, there is no doubt that the very act of furnishing assistance contributes directly to the beneficiaries’ protection and that it thereby helps reduce violence.13 12 Penny Lawrence (2009) – International Director of Oxfam 13 ICRC, 1996, Annual Report, page 56 - 57 30
  31. 31. Lastly, another form of humanitarian aid is when it is limited to a one time operation or adhoc humanitarian assistance. According to UNICEF, hunger is a silent killer and a person dies of hunger every 3.6 seconds and that victim is often a child under the age of 5. Hunger can strike both suddenly, in the case of swift-moving disasters, or slowly, such as withered crops and barren soils following long uninterrupted droughts. Climate change, in fact, is one of the great emerging trends in humanitarian aid. Oftentimes, aid to areas affected by famine comes in the form of direct supplies, led by quick-response organizations such as UNICEF, Oxfam the World Food Programme and the International Red Cross. In addition there is also adhoc humanitarian aid done by Sustainable Harvest International which has partnered with more than 2,000 families and helped plant almost 3 million trees in Belize, Honduras, Panama and Nicaragua while overseeing the conversion of almost 14,000 acres for diversified land use, primarily for farming purposes. (O’Connor 2010). It is against this background that humanitarian aid should be conceptualised for the purposes of this study. 2.3. Theoretical Framework For the purposes of this study, two theories Realism and Dependency will be used to explain the politicization of humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and Chiremba wards in Epworth district. Realism is an international relations theory that seeks to explain how states are in a constant pursuit of power thereby furthering their self-interests. In addition to this, Realism has been defined also as a descriptive paradigm and methodological framework aimed at describing, explaining and eventually predicting events in the international relations domain. (Robertson, 2004). Among the founding fathers of political realism is Thucydides who wrote on the History of the Peloponnosian War and the Melian dialogue. Thucydides held the view that a relationship of states in the international system is based on might rather than right. In addition, another leading theorist of realism is Niccolo Machiavelli who held that the sole aim of a politician was to seek power, regardless of religious or ethical considerations. In addition to this, Thomas Hobbes is also one of the founding fathers of realism who argues that human nature is not inherently benevolent but is selfish and endeavours to pursue self- interests.14 There are four basic assumptions that govern realism as a theory and the first one is that states are the most important actors. In this light, the state is over and above the individuals within that state. In relation to the provision of humanitarian aid, it is critical to contextualise and to realise that each state is in pursuit of personal gain and its actions on the international 14 Robertson David, (2004). “The Routledge Dictionary of Politics”. Routledge. Page 420. 31
  32. 32. arena depend on it individual interests. In this regard, when humanitarian aid is being administered in a recipient nation, it should be borne in mind that it becomes a highly political activity mainly because the political considerations of the donor government will supersede the needs and the aspirations of the people and the government which will receive this aid. (Curtis, 2001). This then serves to show that humanitarian aid is seldom given from motives of pure altruism but that it may be given with the intention of serving the whims of the giving state. Secondly, another assumption governing realism is that all states within the international system are unitary and rational actors which entails that states pursue self-interests and that they amass material wealth so that they can be in a position to threaten those that do not have. Neo – realists such as Kenneth Waltz (1979) argue that states pursue national interests mainly because in the international arena there are constantly fearful and suspicious of the other. In light of this, relating it to humanitarian aid, one can tell that NGOs and international aid organizations can fall victims to individualistic behaviour and self-interests of powerful states and they too end up being selective in their choice of crisis in order to secure public interest and support which makes them deviate from being impartial, neutral and independent. Furthermore, another assumption under realism is that the primary concern of all states is survival. This stems from the general belief that the international system in anarchical such that the law of the jungle operates. In this light, power becomes central in understanding the relations among states. Cogniscent of this, pursuit of power makes states to build up their arsenal, boost up their economies, develop science and society and in doing all this; the stronger the state, the less vulnerable it is on the international system.15 It is against this background that the stronger states will use their power be it economic or political to determine what happens in the international system. In addition to this, they use their power to coerce, smaller and weaker states into complying. In relation to humanitarian aid Atmar (2001) sums it up by saying, “politicization of humanitarian aid is the pursuit of domestic and foreign policies of donor states by humanitarian means”. Interesting to note is that the stronger states use their power to further their domestic and foreign policies in the weaker nations through humanitarianism as a convenient avenue. In addition another key assumption in realism is that the international system is anarchic and this is exacerbated by the fact that there is no single actor that can regulate and dictate what 15 Ibid 32
  33. 33. states can and cannot do. This means that states are almost always in constant antagonism with each other. However, realism also points out that states come to a point where they relate with each other on their own without having an authority or actor telling them to do so. In such instances there is cooperation within states for a common good, an example that can be drawn is how in humanitarian aid is that of OCHA which brings together the right tools and people to save lives. OCHA manages humanitarian funding contributions more than 140 Member States rely on it to help manage humanitarian donations, coordinating appeals and common plans to ensure the greatest impact possible. In 2010 OCHA coordinated US$ 11 billion worth of humanitarian programming in response to 19 crises in 32 countries affecting 71 million people.16 In light of this, in many donor countries, there has been an important redefinition of national self-interest which is no longer narrowly defined in terms of immediate commercial interests and security threats but in terms of good international citizenship. As a result, it has facilitated a more interventionist and integrated approach to humanitarianism in many recipient countries. From the onset, it is prudent to note that, it is a mistake to assume that there is only one unified theory of dependency. This is because dependency theory is viewed as a possible way of explaining the persistent poverty of poorer countries. According to Marxist theorists, they view persistent poverty as a consequence of capitalist exploitation. To the world system approach by Wallerstein, poverty is a direct consequence of the evolution of the international political economy into a fairly rigid division of labour which favoured the rich and penalized the poor. (Ferraro, 1997). Sunkel (1969) defines dependency as an explanation of the economic development of a state in terms of the external influences which can be political, economic or cultural on national development policies. In addition, dependency is also seen as a historical condition which shapes a certain structure of the world’s economy such that it favours some countries to the detriment of others and limits the development possibilities of the subordinate economies. Dos Santos (1971) views dependency as a situation in which the economy of a certain group of countries is conditioned by the development and expansion of another economy to which their own is subjected. Furthermore, dependency characterises the international system as comprised of two sets of states variously described as dominant/dependent, centre/periphery or metropolitan/satellite. The dominant states are the advanced industrial nations in the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) whilst the dependent states are those which have low 16 www.un.org 33
  34. 34. per capita GNPs and which heavily rely on the export of a single commodity for foreign exchange earnings. In this light, the definitions of dependency indicate that the relations between dominant and dependent states are dynamic because the interactions between the two sets of states tend to not only reinforce but also intensify unequal patterns. To sum up, dependency theory attempts to explain the present underdeveloped state of many nations in the world by examining the patterns of interactions among nations and by arguing that inequality among nations is an intrinsic part of those interactions. Adding on, historical research demonstrates that contemporary underdevelopment is in large part the historical product of past and continuing economic and other relations between the satellite underdeveloped and the now developed metropolitan countries. These relations are an essential part of the capitalist system on the world scale as a whole. (Frank, 1972).17 To add on, according to this view, the capitalist system is seen to have enforced a rigid international division of labour which is responsible for the underdevelopment of many areas of the world. This is because at the centre there are skilled workers whilst in the periphery there are unskilled workers. Cogniscent of this, the economies of the dependent states are oriented toward the outside but the allocation of these resources is determined by the economic interests of the dominant states and not by the interests of the dependent states. In light of this underdevelopment is a negative condition which offers no possibility of sustained and autonomous economic activity in dependent states. In addition, the central characteristic of the global economy is the persistence of poverty throughout the modern period in virtually the same areas of the world, regardless of what state was in control. (Ferraro, 1997). Dependency theory has several assumptions central to it being that the more developed countries are responsible for impoverishing of the low developed countries so capitalism is seen as being responsible for breaking the development of these countries. This is because the dependent states supply cheap labour, minerals, and agricultural commodities and also serve as repositories of surplus capital, obsolesant technologies and manufactured goods. In light of this, in any relationship where one party is dependent and the other is stronger there is generation of a degree of control or influence. Relating this to humanitarian aid, it may be used to control the dependent state by the dominant state. It can also create a relationship of unreciprocated reliance where the dominant state or donor can cut off the provision of aid 17 Andre Gunder Frank, “The Development of Underdevelopment” in James D, Cockcroft, Andre Gunder Frank and Dale Johnson eds, Dependence and Underdevelopment. Garden City, New York. Anchor Books. 34
  35. 35. with little or no costs whilst the recipient on the other hand incurs considerable costs which may entail having to look for other sources of livelihood. (Nyatoro, 2012). Coupled with this, another assumption of the dependency theory is that wealthy nations perpetuate the state of dependency through various tactics which can be through the use of media, sport, culture, economics, and politics among other means. Cogniscent of this, when one considers how rich countries have provided the poor countries with aid one realizes that foreign aid be it humanitarian or developmental is never free it always has strings attached which creates a debt trap to the developing countries. Due to the debt trap, dependency theorists’ argue that external forces are of singular importance to the economic activities within the dependent states. This is because they end up dictating indirectly how the state should be governed thereby furthering their own foreign and domestic policies within the weaker state.18 Another assumption of is that wealthy nations actively counter attempts by dependent nations to resist their influences by means of economic sanctions and/or the use of military force. This brings to light that economic and political power are heavily concentrated and centralised in the industrialised countries such that governments will take whatever steps necessary to protect private economic interests. Relating this to the provision of humanitarian aid in less developed countries such as Zimbabwe, there is a tendency of then heavily relying on the wealthy nation thus creating a special umbilical cord that ties it to it. In such instances, there will be heavy reliance of what the dominant state can offer thereby robbing this dependent state on self – sustenance and self – sufficiency. Harvey et al (2005) rejects this view as he argues that there is little evidence that humanitarian aid undermines initiative or that its delivery is reliable for people to depend on it. Furthermore, according to Caporaso (1980), a central proposition of the dependency theory is that the peripheral countries are poor not because they lagged behind but because they are coercively integrated into the European economic system only as producers of raw materials and or to serve as repositories of cheap labour and were denied the opportunity to market their resources in any way that competed with the dominant states. In other words, the poverty of the countries in the periphery is not because they are not integrated into the world system, or not 'fully' integrated as is often argued by free market economists, but because of how they are integrated into the system. A paradox is brought out where although both the 18 Ibid 35
  36. 36. first and third-world countries are benefitting, the poorer side is being locked into a detrimental economic position. The poor economies rely on the rich for the little work that is available to them, yet this causes a barrier from the nation growing independently. In a future perspective, such nations have no opportunity to improve their quality of life. Dependency theorists argue that the diversion of resources over time is maintained not only by the power of the dominant states but also through the power of the elites in the dependent states. These elites maintain dependent relationships because of their own private interests that coincide with the interests of the dominant state. In light of this, dependency is perpetuated because of a few who are the elite who have the same interests with the dominant states. In the provision of humanitarian aid which in most cases is supposed to be short term, it could be that the people receiving it be it governments, individuals or NGOs have created dependency in Africa in general because they have made it a long term fact of life. This is because they benefit from the continued state on dependency as it entails societies that have people who have lost their capacity to think for themselves and thus have relinquished control over their own economic, social and political governance. (Brautigam et al, 1999). To add on, dependency theory assume that under development is a stage but a process through which countries reach to development. They add on to argue that underdevelopment is a condition fundamentally different from undevelopment. Underdevelopment refers to a situation in which resources are being actively used but in a way which benefits dominant states and not the poorer countries in which the resources are found. Undevelopment means that it is a condition where resources are not being used. Furthermore, underdeveloped countries are not merely primitive versions of developed countries, but have unique features and structures of their own; and, importantly, are in the situation of being the weaker members in a world market economy. In light of this, they should not be prescribed to follow the modernization path mainly because their realities and context and conditions are different from the time that Europe underwent the stages of development. It is against this background that under developed countries actually requires genuine support in order for them to fully realise their full potential. (Ferraro, 1997). Proponents of the dependency theory such as Walter Rodney are of the view that in order for the peripheral countries to have economic growth and development, there is need for them to detach themselves from the dominant countries so that they make it. They call for South to 36
  37. 37. South cooperation which will entail equal power relations as well as states that understand each other in terms of history and contextual realities. Moreover, they cite successful examples of delinking with Tanzania’s Ujamaa and the China’s Great Leap Forward. If this is to be put in the context of provision of humanitarian aid especially to poor resource contexts such as that of Zimbabwe, there is need for government to make efforts to ensure that the needs of its people are met such that if there is to be any assistance, it comes from cooperation with likeminded institutions that understand Zimbabwe’s situation such as the African Union (AU) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). This will ensure that as Zimbabwe integrates into the region, it does so with concerted efforts by other African players as well. (Nyatoro, 2012). 2.4 Empirical Review. This section focuses on the studies that have been done around the world in relation to humanitarian and it will also bring to light research gaps which the study investigating politicization of humanitarian aid in Zimbabwe will bridge. Cogniscence of this, it is critical to note that several studies have been done on the politicization of humanitarian aid in developing countries. Volberg (2003) looked at the politicization of humanitarian aid and its effects on principles of humanity, impartiality and neutrality. He went on to point out that humanitarian assistance which once covered a very narrow set of basic relief activities carried out by a small group of relatively independent actors has expanded significantly to a much more complex rehabilitating work. In this light, there are more players in the provision of aid which leads to aid becoming a political activity thereby entailing that more scrutiny is given on its provision. Volberg ultimately examines the difficult realities in heterogenic humanitarian environment by addressing all the complex legal and political issues surrounding an emergency, including the impact of external actors like donors, host governments and armed forces. In light of this, the gap which the researcher investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in the case of Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba communities is that if the provision of humanitarian aid has become a political activity, what are the motives behind its politicization so that answers to that question will assist government as it engages on a policy level with the donor countries so that the humanitarian aid that comes to Zimbabwe’s communities have pure motives of upholding humanity, impartiality and neutrality. 37
  38. 38. In addition to this, Lensink et al (2001), in their study “are there negative returns to aid” revealed that the re – allocation of the existing aid flows to poor countries with sound management would lift 18 million more people per year out of poverty. They base their argument on Collier and Dollar (1999) who postulate that aid becomes more effective when it is given to countries with sound policies and that aid above a certain level of inflows starts to have negative effects on growth. The study overall examined whether empirical evidence supports the notion of negative effects of high aid inflows. To add on a similar arguments by Moyo D (2010), in “Dead Aid: Why aid is not working and how there is a better way for Africa” she notes that aid has helped make the poor poorer and growth slower. SKB Asante (1985) also asserted that the limited evidence that is available suggests that the forms in which foreign resources have been extended to Africa over the past 25years insofar as they are concerned with economic development are to a great extend counterproductive. In this light, these authors call for African countries not to be dependent but rather to make use of South to South cooperation which usually has a win - win situation. In light of these arguments put forward by these scholars, it is evident that aid in whatever forms it is coming in, has not improved the economic and political situations of the recipient countries. In actual fact, it has excluded communities in planning and delivering services which has pushed recipients into a dependent state and also negatively impacted on community confidence to further develop and enhance their capacities thus their interventions lack sustainability. In light of this, the researcher investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid, noticed a gap that though scholars have discussed how humanitarian aid has brought with it negative retains, they have excluded the aspect of analysing the implications of external and internal factors of politicization of humanitarian aid in relation to policy development for recipient governments. The study on investigating politicization of humanitarian aid will analyse the implications of the perception of humanitarian aid externally and internally and how these affect humanitarian work in Zimbabwe. An interrogation of these perceptions will determine how the state will interact together with the other actors in provision of humanitarian aid in communities so that there is no suspicion and there is harmony as they work together in improving lives and providing human dignity. Furthermore, Bavard (1986), in his study which focuses on the failure of the United States of America (USA)’s humanitarian aid to achieve its goals was initiated so as to examine its Food for Peace19 programme. Although this alleviates hunger in the short term, the 19 The Food For Peace Programme saw the USA giving over two billion worth of surplus agricultural commodities a year to the Third World Countries. 38
  39. 39. programme disrupts local agricultural markets and makes it harder for the poor countries to feed themselves in the long run. Bavard further argues that, in the 1950s and 1960s, massive wheat given to India disrupted that country’s agricultural market and helped bankrupt thousands of Indian farmers. In addition to this, food aid in Tanzania discouraged people from feeding themselves and that has had a crippling effect on the development it seeks to encourage. In the Democratic republic of Congo (DRC), the food for work donations were sold actually taken and sold to a small arms factory in Italy. In addition to this, the study also shows that in Ethiopia in 1984, the food aid that was given by the USA was sold to buy more Soviet weaponry. Mauritius also insisted on receiving only the highest quality rice which it would later on use in hotels catering for foreign tourists. Cape Verde is said to have used its emergency relief aid to export it to other countries. In light of this study by Bavard (1986), humanitarian aid given to most of these countries did not save lives and it was used for politicized by the recipient governments to further domestic and foreign needs so as to remain in power. It is also from this study that the researcher investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba communities seek to examine the motives of politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community. This comes against the realization that by understanding the motives behind politicization of humanitarian aid, policy makers are able to come up with laws that ensure that humanitarian work becomes a neutral and impartial field so that it empowers communities and responds to their basic needs for survival. It will also ensure that those countries, individuals or NGOs that provide humanitarian aid in recipient countries also come up with accountability structures and systems so that the humanitarian aid is used for its intended purposes and it reaches to the grassroots that are genuinely in need. A thesis by Lotspeich (2007)20 focuses on two types of humanitarian aid; government based and religious based in the area of education in Valparaiso in Chile. The study sought to see which type of humanitarian aid is more effective in the fight to eradicate extreme poverty. The study reviewed humanitarian aid programmes in Casa Acogida Rayen, a house run by Hogar de Cristo (HDC) in Valparaiso Chile and the English Open Doors Programme (EODP) by the Ministry of Education. The former is a religious based programme based and the latter is government based and the purpose of the research was to compare the two types of the programmes. The points of comparison between the two programmes included the history, objectives, budget, organization, resources and teachers. The study revealed that the EODP 20 A thesis entitled, “Humanitarian Aid: A Comparative Study” submitted to the Miami University Honours Programme in partial fulfilment for the University Honours with Distinction by Felisha Lotspeich, 2007, Oxford, Ohio. 39
  40. 40. and the HDC have different goals yet they are all critical in that they both serve underprivileged populations though the HDC serves them in a more holistic and immediate way. From this study one can tell that the HDC which is a religious based institution provides holistic and comprehensive humanitarian aid than the government based aid maybe because for the government based it will be working under a low budget whilst with the other one, several international donor agencies can donate thus making it more responsive to the needs of the people. The research investigating politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba will also take into account the various actors in the provision of humanitarian aid so as to bring out how each actor facilitates the politicization of aid. This will assist government as well as other actors in the provision of humanitarian aid to know their different yet complementary roles so that they are able to work together in improving livelihoods and empowering communities that will have been affected by a natural or man- made disaster. Furthermore, Smit (2002) undertook a study which was commissioned by the Netherlands government in 1997 on humanitarian aid in conflict situations looking at the dilemmas confronting donors and implementing agencies when executing humanitarian programmes and projects. The findings for this research were published in October 1998 and it was revealed that the Netherlands government advocated for more flexible, wide ranging and integrated approach to humanitarian aid to include elements of structural rehabilitation as well as conflict prevention, reconciliation and reconstruction. This was against the background that the restrictive interpretation of humanitarian aid makes it difficult for governments and other actors to execute provision of humanitarian aid. The Netherlands Parliament also argued that post conflict areas such as Kosovo and Rwanda where they were providing traditional humanitarian aid, there was need to transfer humanitarian aid budget from others so as to also aim at more structural forms of cooperation. From the study, the Netherlands government argued that humanitarian aid should not be limited to a set of basic needs aimed at mere physical survival of beneficiaries but there is need to transition from emergency aid to a more structured form of development cooperation. It is interesting to note that, though the call by the Netherlands government is noble to broaden humanitarian aid to include elements of structural rehabilitation among others, one from a realist perspective, the issue of “real politiks’ comes to play. In light of this, a gap that has been identified that the research investigating politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth district will be to look at the possible types of conditions of that this humanitarian aid is coming with. This is from the 40
  41. 41. realization that aid is seldom given for purely altruistic reasons. In addition to assessing the different types of conditions, the research will also bring to light the consequences these conditions are likely to have for long term implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district. This will also benefit recipient governments in the long term as they will be receiving this comprehensive humanitarian assistance. They will be able to assess whether they agree to the conditions such that the accept the humanitarian aid or they do not. It will also assist decision making on the long term implementation of humanitarian aid in vulnerable communities in Zimbabwe. Moreover, Alex (2011) in her study on the role of humanitarian and development aid in the economy of war she sought to explain why developmental and humanitarian aid can impact negatively on conflicts. Her argument is that humanitarian aid can be used indirectly as an instrument of war; it can also be indirectly integrated into the dynamics of conflict thereby exacerbating the underlying causes of conflict increasing the level of insecurity. In her study she cites that in the Rwandan genocide of 1994, the principles of neutrality and impartiality made it impossible for relief workers to make any judgement or disregard legal and moral equality between victims and perpetrators. Thus they ended up assisting victims and perpetrators alike thereby perpetuating the conflict. In Afghanistan, during the occupation of the Soviet in it, humanitarian assistance programmes became integrated into the Cold War context. The Super power rivalry made it very difficult for humanitarian aid agencies to work legitimately in Mujahidiri controlled areas. In 1988, NGOs were forced through the principle of providing assistance to both sides of conflict (impartiality and neutrality) fuelled the conflict because the Afghan refugee camps based in Pakistan served to legitimize the resistance movement. It also provided a safe haven for Mujahidin and they regrouped, and recuperated with their families. In this regard, humanitarian aid can be seen as a fueler of conflicts as in the Rwandan and the Afghanistan case studies. However, a research gap that the research investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba communities has identified and will fill is that after having identified that humanitarian aid can impact negatively on conflict situations. In addition to this a similar example is a study done by Perrin (1998), which focused on the effects of humanitarian aid on violence in conflicts. He noted that humanitarian aid can help increase violence in conflicts especially if the reources are to be diverted, the beficiaries of the humanitarian aid become targets of arms groups trying to get their hands on relief 41
  42. 42. supplies. The cases highlighted include how in the DRC, food for work programme donations were sold to buy a small arms factory from Italy. The Zimbabwean case study of Epworth is unique in that there is no open conflict as it was with the Rwandan and Afghanistan cases. It would be interesting to examine how the same dynamics of negative impact to conflicts will also be seen in the Epworth case study and how the results will differ as Epworth is not an open conflict zone as has been indicated below. In addition to this, a research by Stoddard et al (2009)21 provides the global incident data for the last three years identifying new trends and highlights issues in the three most violent contexts for aid workers at present which are Sudan (Darfur), Afghanistan and Somalia. The results from this study show that the number of attacks in which aid workers were killed, kidnapped or injured has risen significantly since 1997 with a particular sharp increase over the past three years. The study also revealed that three quarters of aid worker attacks over the past three years took place in six countries all with on- going armed conflicts such as Sudan, Afghanistan, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Chad, Iraq and Pakistan. In Sudan (Darfur) in 2006 – 2008, the annual average attack rate was 27/10 000, in Somalia in 2008, it was 40, 9/1 000 and in Afghanistan, the increasing number of incidents and victims suggest rates likewise higher for an average. In light of this research, one can deduce that humanitarian work in insecure environments poses a major threat to the humanitarian aid workers who become victims of the on – going conflicts. In view of this study, the research investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth is seeing an opportunity to complement this research on aid workers in insecure environments by focusing on the different types of conditions that exist in the humanitarian aid that is provided to Domboramwari and Chiremba communities. The research will also examine the motives behind the provision of humanitarian. The research shall also assess the implications of the internal and external perceptions of this politicized aim with the aim of interrogating the consequences to future implementation of humanitarian aid in Zimbabwe. To add on, Munyanyi R (2005) in her thesis, “The political economy of food aid: a case of Zimbabwe” investigated whether political decisions influenced the manner in which food aid was distributed in Zimbabwe. Her study also sought to identify whether politics played a role in the distribution of food aid in the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) food aid programme in Zimbabwe. It also sought to provide general findings and recommendations for policy 21 Humanitarian Policy Group Brief 34, April 2009; providing aid in insecure environments: trends in violence against aid workers and the operational response. Abby Stoddard, Adele Harmer and Victoria DiDomenics, United Kingdom. 42
  43. 43. makers, governmental and non – governmental organizations dealing with the food security issues in Zimbabwe. In view of the study above, a research gap that has been identified is that Munyanyi’ s focus in her thesis was the actors in the distribution of food aid so as the give recommendations to policy makers. The research investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid will dwell more on the issue of conditionalities attached to aid and how these have created a perception by state actors such that this affected future implementation of humanitarian aid in Zimbabwe. Coupled with this, the research will also assess the how the communities Domboramwari and Chiremba are affected by the politicization of humanitarian aid in their communities. In this regard, this research will bring to light the societal as well as the political dimensions governing humanitarian aid work in Zimbabwe. Furthermore, Paul Harvey (2007)22 in his study on tackling corruption in humanitarian aid, he notes that corruption allegations have until recently hit the news headlines and this has brought a lot of attention of the challenges of relief management and governance. The cases he studied include Somalia, Liberia and Ethiopia. In Somalia, a UN monitoring group report made assertions about corruption diversion of food aid. In addition to this, in Liberia, World Vision uncovered substantial corruption in food aid operations. Coupled with this, the British Broadcasting Cooperation (BBC) report highlighted corruption in aid operations in Ethiopia in the 1980s. The findings from this study assisted Transparency International to develop a Handbook of Good Practices in Preventing Corruption in Humanitarian Operations. Other cases similar to this of corruption are that of Cape Verde that exported all its emergency relief aid to other countries. To add on, a thesis by Coke (2009)23 examines the relationship between food aid and agricultural production in Sub Saharan Africa where most of the world’s food aid is directed. From the policy implications for this research it suggests a shift in foreign assistance and an increase in agricultural development programmes that focus on achieving food security and food self-sufficiency in developing countries. In light of this research, one can tell that Coke (2009) is borrowing from the dependency theory that assumes that the poverty of developing nations is a direct consequence of those that are providing “knee jack” reaction in the form of food aid. This however is not sustainable as communities may rely heavily on the food aid which in an instant can cease. In view of this, a research gap that has been identified is that 22 In Anti – Corruption Research Network: Tackling Corruption in Humanitarian aid. (2007). 23 Does Food Aid Influence Agricultural Development in Recipient Countries: A study on the relationship between food aid and agricultural production in Sub Saharan Africa” Thesis submitted to Georgetown University by Coke Lorraine, L 2009 43

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