1. F A C U L T Y O F S C I E N C E
U N IV E R S I T Y O F C O P E N H A G E N
Master’s thesis
Karolin Andersson
Utilization and Marketing of Cassava Leaves
An Exploratory Value Chain Analysis in Mkuranga District, Tanzania
Academic supervisors:
Dr. Christian Pilegaard Hansen, Associate Professor
Department of Food and Resource Economics
Faculty of Science
University of Copenhagen, Denmark
Dr. Johanna Bergman Lodin, Research fellow
Department of Urban and Rural Development
Faculty of Natural Resources and Agricultural Sciences
Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences, Uppsala, Sweden
Submitted: 15 June 2015

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Name of department: Department of Food and Resource Economics
Author: Karolin Andersson
Title / Subtitle: Utilization and Marketing of Cassava Leaves – An Exploratory
Value Chain Analysis in Mkuranga District, Tanzania
Subject description: This study explores the structure of and gender dynamics in the
cassava leaves value chain in Mkuranga District, Tanzania, by
using a value chain approach as conceptual framework for
analysis.
Academic supervisors: Dr. Christian Pilegaard Hansen, Associate Professor
Department of Food and Resource Economics
Faculty of Science, University of Copenhagen, Denmark
Dr. Johanna Bergman Lodin, Research fellow
Department of Urban and Rural Development
Faculty of Natural Resources and Agricultural Sciences, Swedish
University of Agricultural Sciences, Uppsala, Sweden
Submitted: 15 June 2015

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Table of contents
Preface....................................................................................................................................... 1
Abstract..................................................................................................................................... 2
1. Introduction...................................................................................................................... 3
1.1 Background ........................................................................................................................ 3
1.2 The context of transforming cassava value chains............................................................. 4
1.3 Objectives of the study....................................................................................................... 6
1.4 Outline of the report ........................................................................................................... 7
2. Conceptual framework .................................................................................................... 8
2.1 Value chains in developing countries................................................................................. 8
2.2 Value chain analysis......................................................................................................... 10
2.3 Gender in agricultural value chains.................................................................................. 11
2.4 Gender sensitive value chain analysis.............................................................................. 12
3. Literature review............................................................................................................ 15
3.1 Structure and performance of agricultural value chains................................................... 15
3.2 Gender dynamics in agricultural value chains ................................................................. 19
3.3 Thematic and methodological considerations.................................................................. 21
4. The Tanzanian context and the study area.................................................................. 25
4.1 The agriculture sector in Tanzania................................................................................... 25
4.2 The study area .................................................................................................................. 26
5. Methodology and methods............................................................................................. 30
5.1 Methodological framework.............................................................................................. 30
5.2 Selection of study sites..................................................................................................... 33
5.3 Research assistants in the field......................................................................................... 33
5.4 Methods for data collection and sampling ....................................................................... 34
5.5 Methods for data analysis................................................................................................. 42
5.6 Methodological limitations .............................................................................................. 43
5.7 Ethical considerations ...................................................................................................... 44
6. Results ............................................................................................................................. 46
6.1 The cassava leaves value chain ........................................................................................ 46
6.2 Formal and informal institutional framework .................................................................. 78
7. Discussion and conclusion ............................................................................................. 83
7.1 Validity of data and results............................................................................................... 83
7.2 Discussion of results......................................................................................................... 86
7.3 Concluding remarks ......................................................................................................... 99
References ............................................................................................................................. 104
Appendices............................................................................................................................ 112
Appendix A – Research matrix............................................................................................ 112
Appendix B – Guiding questions for gender sensitive value chain analysis ....................... 118
Appendix C – Calculations and conversions ....................................................................... 121
Appendix D – Questionnaire, interview guides and checklists ........................................... 123

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List of figures
Figure 1. Utilization of cassava leaves for food consumption in Africa.................................... 5
Figure 2. Conceptual framework of a generic agricultural value chain..................................... 9
Figure 3. Map of Tanzania, the Coast Region (Pwani) and Mkuranga District. ..................... 26
Figure 4. Map of Kimbwanindi village and its sub villages, Mkuranga town and
Kimanzichana...................................................................................................................... 28
Figure 5. Value chain map for cassava leaves, point of departure in Kimbwanindi village.... 47
Figure 6. Distribution of marketing channels in the surveyed households. ............................. 56
Figure 7. Advantages of membership in farmer group (multiple answers). ............................ 60
Figure 8. Map of markets visited in Dar es Salaam where cassava leaves were sold.............. 68
List of tables
Table 1. Gender grid for gender sensitive value chain analysis............................................... 13
Table 2. Selected literature concerning agricultural value chains in developing countries. .... 23
Table 3. Overview of data collection methods......................................................................... 31
Table 4. Purpose of research methods and associated respondents and operational level....... 32
Table 5. Number of survey interviews carried out, stratified by gender and sub village. ....... 37
Table 6. Socio-economic characteristics of sampled households in Kimbwanindi village. .... 49
Table 7. Number of households harvesting cassava leaves in Kimbwanindi village. ............. 49
Table 8. Acreage and number of plants where cassava leaves were harvested. ...................... 50
Table 9. Households’ gendered division of labor in relation to cassava leaves and tubers. .... 52
Table 10. Household members’ responsibility of marketing. .................................................. 52
Table 11. Surveyed household’s consumption and marketing of cassava leaves. ................... 58
Table 12. Cassava leaves harvested per week and household during the rainy season. .......... 59
Table 13. Number of Mpira and volumes harvested in relation to marketing responsibilities.59
Table 14. Farmer groups identified in Kimbwanindi village................................................... 61
Table 15. Overview of markets selling cassava leaves. ........................................................... 71
Table 16. Quantification of the cassava leaves value chain..................................................... 76
Table 17. Research matrix...................................................................................................... 112
Table 18. Guiding questions for macro level analysis. .......................................................... 118
Table 19. Guiding questions for meso level analysis............................................................. 119
Table 20. Guiding questions for micro level analysis............................................................ 120
Table 21. Standardization of volumes harvested by producers.............................................. 121
Table 22. Standardized volumes and prices of marketed cassava leaves products................ 122
Cover picture: own image, cultivated fields in Kimbwanindi village, Mkuranga District.

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Acronyms
ALF African leafy vegetables
AMP Agricultural Marketing Policy
ARI Kibaha Agriculture Research Institute Kibaha
ASDP Agricultural Sector Development Programme
CBSD Cassava brown streak disease
CMD Cassava mosaic disease
COSTECH Tanzania Commission for Science and Technology
DAO District Agriculture Office
DCFO District Cassava Farmer Organization
DRC Democratic Republic of Congo
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
FGD Focus group discussion
GDP Gross Domestic Product
IFAD International Fund for Agricultural Development
IITA International Institute of Tropical Agriculture
MAFAP Monitoring African Food and Agricultural Policies
MAFSC Ministry of Agriculture, Food Security and Cooperatives
MARI Mikocheni Agriculture Research Institute
MNMA Mwalimu Nyerere Memorial Academy
NGO Non- governmental organization
SAP Structural Adjustment Programme
SLU Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences
SPSS Statistical Package for the Social Sciences
TBS Tanzania Bureau of Standards
TFNC Tanzania Food and Nutrition Centre
TSh Tanzanian Shillings
UCPH University of Copenhagen
USD United States Dollar
WDR World Development Report
VECO VredesEilanden Country Office

7. 1
Preface
This study was conducted between September 2014 and June 2015 under the primary
supervision of Dr. Christian Pilegaard Hansen at University of Copenhagen (UCPH) and co-
supervision of Dr. Johanna Bergman Lodin at the Swedish University of Agricultural
Sciences (SLU). It was framed and developed in relation to Johanna’s postdoctoral research
with the title: Evolving gender relations in transforming cassava value chains and
implications for intrahousehold nutrition and health. The case of Tanzania. The fieldwork
was conducted in Mkuranga District and Dar es Salaam in the Coast Region, Tanzania. The
duration of this master’s thesis was nine months (45 ECTS credits) and was submitted within
the MSc program Agricultural Development through the University of Copenhagen.
I owe my biggest thank you to the community in Kimbwanindi village and all the people
engaged in the cassava leaves value chain. Thank you for sharing your time and experiences
with me. A thank you also to the village and district officers who supported and welcomed me
in Mkuranga District. The fieldwork would not have been possible without my main research
assistant, Catherine Magesse, who successfully assisted in data collection, discussions and
providing for my safety during field work. I am grateful to my supervisors Dr. Christian
Pilegaard Hansen and Dr. Johanna Bergman Lodin for the invaluable and patient advice and
support throughout the study. Thank you Johanna for involving me in your research. I would
also like to thank IITA Dar es Salaam for hosting me during my stay in Tanzania and giving
me professional input and support. This study was funded by the following travel grants:
Foreningen PLAN-Danmark, Stiftelsen Åforsk and Agricultural Development Grant (UCPH).
Thank you for making the fieldwork possible.
Finally, thank you to friends and family who listened and helped me during times of stress
and doubt. Thanks to Sara for your support in Tanzania and for making me laugh and relax.
Thanks to my grandparents for always following and supporting me in my activities, whatever
they might be. A great thank you to my partner Sanna, for always being there with your
tremendous support and for coping with me during the last nine months. Thanks to my father
Lars who, as long as you could, raised me to become the person I am today. Finally, I am
grateful to my mother, Catharina, my sister, Johanna, and Alice and Tova, who are always
there for me with support, advice, a listening ear or something to cheer me up with!

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Abstract
This study explores the structure of and gender dynamics in the cassava leaves value chain in
Mkuranga District, Tanzania. Cassava leaves are an important part of the Tanzanian diet, yet
little is known about how the market is organized and who benefits from participation. To
contribute to the knowledge gap, a value chain analysis of cassava leaves was conducted.
Exploring the value chain can reveal factors that inhibit or facilitate value chain development.
This is relevant in view of the wider political-economic context of increasing agricultural
commercialization, which may alter gender relations and affect households’ wellbeing
adversely. An enhanced understanding can inform researchers and policy makers on efficient
and appropriate strategies for support of value chain actors. In this study, a mixed methods
approach was employed, where methods for data collection included a household survey,
semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions and direct and participant observations.
Descriptive quantitative and qualitative methods for analysis were undertaken.
The findings show that the cassava leaves value chain is characterized by a large number of
loosely organized small-scale farmers with relatively weak relationships to their mostly urban
buyers. Women dominate within functions of production, processing and retail, whereas
participation of men is higher within urban and rural wholesale. In the production node,
women’s participation in marketing activities is limited by factors related to gender roles and
norms. Challenges in the value chain relate to farmers’ limited access to market information,
limited access to capital by several operators, low technology for value addition and limited
support by private and public institutions. Opportunities in the value chain that can be used to
develop effective interventions include a high and increasing demand for pre-processed
cassava leaves in Dar es Salaam, farmers’ willingness to increase production and marketing if
high value markets can be accessed, potential for improved value addition and slow but
positive changes in societal gender norms and roles.
To improve the value chain performance, a number of upgrading strategies are suggested to
be undertaken by relevant actors. These include strengthening of existing and creation of new
farmer groups, increased integration of farmers into marketing functions, development of
mechanized processing technology and increased support and acknowledgement by enabling
institutions of the important role of cassava leaves among the rural poor, especially women.
Key words: cassava leaves, value chains, gender relations, Mkuranga, Tanzania

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1. Introduction
Value chains of cassava (Manihot esculenta Crantz) in Africa have undergone a rapid
transformation during the last decades (Haggblade et al 2012). This has urged organizations
and governments to further support sustainable intensification and commercialization of
cassava as a means to improve food security and increase incomes for low-income households
in developing countries (Agricultural Marketing Policy 2008; Howeler et al 2013). Markets of
cassava tubers have been extensively analyzed (Dias 2012; Donovan et al 2011; Kleih 2013),
yet there is limited knowledge concerning the structure and performance of the cassava leaves
value chain (Haggblade et al 2012), which are a common part of the diet in many African
countries (Achidi et al 2005). This study seeks to contribute to this knowledge gap. This
chapter outlines the background for this study including background to and description of the
research problem, knowledge gap, objectives and research questions.
1.1 Background
Development and commercialization of agricultural value chains is recognized as a feasible
way to increase incomes and food security among low-income households in developing
countries (UNIDO 2009; Vermeulen et al 2008; Webber and Labaste 2010). Increased
linkages to markets, for instance through increased market information, farmer groups,
cooperatives and contract farming provide new possibilities for small-scale producers’
improved economic opportunities. Yet, in addition to increased economic opportunities
women’s empowerment, resource control and participation in agricultural value chains are
important determinants of households’ food and nutrition security (Coles and Mitchell 2010;
van den Bold et al 2013). Commercialization of agricultural products often cause changes in
gender relations in terms of control over and access to markets, resources and benefits of
production, on a household level as well as along the value chain (Bergman Lodin 2012;
Oduol et al 2013). Access to new markets and technologies may alter the gendered division of
labour and bargaining positions between women and men, with potential implications for the
economy and food security of entire households (Fischer and Qaim 2012; Njuki et al 2011).
Gender dynamics in agricultural value chains have been investigated in a number of empirical
studies for various commodities. As the value of a commodity increases for instance due to
introduction to export markets or other upgrading activities, men have been found to
increasingly claim control over functions of processing and marketing and the benefits thereof
(Aklilu et al 2007; Dolan 2001; Oduol and Mithöfer 2014). Within value chains, women often

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participate in low paid, less acknowledged and low skilled activities (Akyoo and Lazaro 2007;
Eskola 2005; Greenberg 2013). Men, on the other hand, often hold more secure employment
than their female counterparts and often participate in activities that generate higher incomes
such as marketing of cash crops in formal markets, wholesale and storage (Donovan et al
2011; Njuki et al 2011). Determinants of gendered participation and benefits in agricultural
value chains relate to socially created and maintained gender roles and norms; women’s
limited time due to burdensome household responsibilities (Barrientos et al 2001; Tallontire
et al 2005), differences in educational level (Coles and Mitchell 2010; Oduol et al 2013),
women’s safety issues (Shackleton et al 2011), gendered physical abilities (Donovan et al
2011), cultural and religious beliefs concerning women’s interaction with other men
(Shackleton et al 2011) and their ability to earn an income (Basset 2009). Incorporating a
gender perspective when analyzing agricultural value chains can reveal factors related to
gender inequality that hamper development of value chains, and suggest actions to improve
them (Coles and Mitchell 2010; Mayoux and Mackie 2008).
1.2 The context of transforming cassava value chains
Value chains of cassava tubers in Africa have undergone a rapid transformation during the
last decades (Haggblade et al 2012). Cassava tubers have long been seen as a low-value
‘famine crop’ grown mainly by women for subsistence needs and used in times of crisis
(Howeler et al 2013). However, successful development in Nigeria during the 1980’s (WEF
2014) initiated an increasing productivity and commercialization of the crop, first in West
Africa, and during the late 1980’s and 1990’s in Eastern and Southeastern Africa (Haggblade
et al 2012). This development has urged governments and organizations to further support
sustainable intensification and commercialization of cassava value chains as a way to improve
food security and incomes for low-income households (Howeler et al 2013).
Cassava tubers is one of Africa’s most important food staples (Howeler et al 2013), but also
the leaves of the cassava plant are commonly consumed as a leafy vegetable across large parts
of the continent (Figure 1). Reports indicate that cassava leaves and other African leafy
vegetables (ALFs) play an important role in African diets, particularly among low-income
households (Diouf and Ba 2014; Donovan et al 2011; van Jaarsveld et al 2014).

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Source: Achidi et al (2005).
Legend: High = >60%, Moderate = 40-60%, Low = <40% of the population consuming cassava leaves.
Figure 1. Utilization of cassava leaves for food consumption in Africa.
Cassava leaves are rich in antioxidants, minerals (iron and calcium) and vitamins (B1, B2 and
B3) as well as carotenes (Bokanga 1994; Eggum 1970). Depending on variety and location,
they contain up to 23.1g/100g of protein (OECD 2009), although levels of the essential amino
acid methionine is low (Eggum 1970). Both tubers and leaves of cassava contain anti-
nutritional cyanogens, and unprocessed leaves contain 5-20 times more cyanogens than the
tubers (Bokanga 1994). Although processing in terms of pounding, washing and boiling
effectively reduce these components in the leaves (Achidi et al 2008), the high cyanogen
content may be and inhibiting factor for increased consumption.
The value chains of cassava tubers and cassava leaves are inherently related; transformation
of one may affect the other. However, previous value chain analyses have almost
unexceptionally considered merely the tubers (e.g. Dias 2012; Donovan et al 2011;
Haggblade et al 2012; Kleih 2013; PIND 2011). Except for one value chain analysis
(Sewando 2012) where cassava leaves were included, previous research on cassava leaves
have been primarily concentrated on quantitative investigations concerning chemical and
nutritional content (Eggum 1970; Nassar and Marques 2006; Yeoh and Chew 1976),
processing methods for removal of anti-nutrients (Achidi et al 2008; Bokanga 1994; Bradbury
and Denton 2014), suitability of the leaves as animal feed (e.g. Anaeto et al 2013; Oni et al
2010; Phuc et al 2000) and utilization of the leaves for human consumption (Achidi et al
2005; Bokanga 1994: Diouf and Ba 2014). In Tanzania, Achidi et al (2005) found that

12. 6
consumption of cassava leaves was moderate (consumption by 40-60% of the population),
and the main relish dish made from cassava leaves, kisamvu, was particularly important
during February. This may be due to the limited access to other vegetables during that time.
Despite the widespread consumption and the high nutritional content of cassava leaves, there
is limited knowledge on the structure and dynamics of cassava leaves value chains. This is
emphasized by previous researchers (Donovan et al 2011; Haggblade et al 2012; Karltun et al
2015) who report an imperfect understanding of the markets and trade of cassava leaves as
well as the role of cassava leaves for African diets. Smith and Eyzaguirre (2007) identify a
limited knowledge concerning production and consumption of ALFs in general, and Diouf
and Ba (2014) charge the scientific community to have overlooked the role of cassava leaves
and other leafy vegetables in African societies.
Value chain analysis as a methodology for assessment of market performance has the
potential to effectively understand the context in which the chain operates and to identify
interventions necessary for development (Webber and Labaste 2007). This study intends to
fill the stated knowledge gap through a value chain analysis of cassava leaves in Mkuranga
District in the Coast Region, Tanzania. In the wake of current transformation of cassava value
chains in many African countries, it is important to address and assess the utilization patterns
and market performance of all products generated from cassava. Moreover, exploring the
value chain of cassava leaves can illuminate important relations and trade-offs within cassava
value chains and inform future researchers and policy makers concerned with cassava value
chains.
1.3 Objectives of the study
The objective of this study is to explore and understand how the value chain of cassava leaves
is structured in Mkuranga District in the Coast Region of Tanzania. Cassava is one of the
most important food crops in Mkuranga District and cassava leaves are produced for local
consumption as well as for cash sale. Through gender sensitive value chain analysis, the study
seeks to identify benefitting actors as well as by which mechanisms and structures these
benefits are controlled and determined among actors, with special focus on gender relations.
Furthermore, the study is pursued to identify opportunities and constraints in the value chain
and to suggest activities for further development. In relation to the objectives, the research
questions and related sub-questions of the project are:

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1) How is the value chain of cassava leaves organized in Mkuranga District, Tanzania?
a) Who are the operators in the value chain and what is the size of each group of operators?
b) What are the functions of each operator in the value chain?
c) What is the proportion of men and women participating in the value chain?
d) Where in the value chain are men and women positioned?
e) What is the gendered division of labor within each function?
f) What are the quantities of cassava leaves circulating in the value chain?
2) What is the formal and informal institutional framework of the value chain?
a) Who are the supporters in the value chain and what is their role?
b) Who are the influencers in the value chain and what is their role?
c) What is the structure of the enabling environment in the value chain?
d) How are supporters, influencers and enabling environment adjusted to women's needs?
3) Who are the most powerful or influential actors in the value chain?
a) What are the profits of each type of operator?
b) What are the means by which operators obtain and keep their benefits and powers?
c) What is women's access to information on production, organization membership,
leadership positions, signing of contracts and services?
Findings from this study are relevant to the populations studied, since assessing the market
performance of cassava leaves in the region may reveal actions that can be taken for the
creation of new marketing options and possibilities for establishment of new vertical and
horizontal linkages between value chain actors. The findings may be used by policy makers or
other stakeholders to make informed decisions concerning development and support of
cassava value chains that meet the needs of the participating actors. The findings may also be
utilized by researchers and development practitioners in their further work on cassava value
chains.
1.4 Outline of the report
This report starts with a description of the conceptual framework on which the study is based
(Chapter 2). Thereafter, a review of existing literature concerning structure of and gender
dynamics in agricultural value chains in developing countries (Chapter 3), a description of the
Tanzanian context and the study area (Chapter 4) as well as the methodological framework
and research methods (Chapter 5) are outlined. Subsequently, results of the investigation are
presented (Chapter 6), followed by a final discussion on the findings of the study (Chapter 7).

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2. Conceptual framework
This chapter outlines the conceptual considerations that have informed this study. The study
applies a value chain approach to explore the utilization and marketing of cassava leaves in
Mkuranga District in the Coast Region, Tanzania. Using this approach for assessment of
agricultural commodity performance is gaining popularity within research and development,
since it enables comprehensive understanding of opportunities and constraints for actors at
various chain functions. It allows for an overview of who benefits and how, and it provides
the ability to examine information flows and dynamics, such as gender relations, between and
within groups of actors (Ribot 1998; Webber and Labaste 2007).
2.1 Value chains in developing countries
Previous literature has defined the concept of value chains in various ways. Kaplinsky and
Morris (2001) defines a value chain as ‘the full range of activities which are required to bring
a product or service from conception, through the different phases of production (involving a
combination of physical transformation and the input of various producer services), delivery
to final consumers, and final disposal after use’. Similarly, Henriksen et al (2010) describes
value chains as actors connected along a chain, producing and bringing goods and services to
end consumers through a complex and sequenced set of activities, while da Silva and de
Souza Filho (2007) refer to the value chain as a system composed by different actors,
activities and institutions that function interrelatedly to accomplish a common goal. These
definitions of the concepts illuminate the importance of value addition at each stage of the
chain and treats production as one of several activities within the chain. However, the
definitions mainly focus on the actors that are directly involved in the production,
transformation and distribution of a product. Others have taken a broader approach when
defining a value chain by including the surrounding institutions and macro-economic
environment that affect the core value chain. UNIDO (2009) refers to a value chain as the
series of activities required to bring a product from the input-supply stage through phases of
production to its final market destination. Further to that, the policies, regulations, standards
and institutional elements such as research and innovation and other support services are also
important elements of the value chain concept, since they form the environment that set the
conditions for the performance of the core value chain.

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Value chains as a conceptual framework is increasingly appreciated and used by policy
makers, researchers and practitioners as a tool for understanding and structuring the way in
which markets and relationships are connected (UNIDO 2009). Development of agricultural
value chains opens up for increased market access and creates business linkages between
small-scale producers in developing countries and downstream value chain participants, i.e.
actors towards consumption on local, regional and global levels. Moreover, development of
value chains has the possibility to build sustainable relationships between participants as well
as to improve food security, such as through increased incomes of smallholders and reduction
of post harvest losses (ibid.).
This study is guided by a conceptual framework adapted from UNIDO (2009), which outlines
a generic agricultural value chain as shown in Figure 2. In agricultural value chains, the
primary product is physically transformed by operators and services in the core value chain,
from pre-production to final distribution. Value is added at each step or functional node,
which typically includes pre-production, production, wholesale, processing, retail and
possibly export. The core value chain is embedded in a broader enabling environment and
facilitating institutions which affect how and by whom the good can be transformed and
marketed. Three main types of actors are distinguished in the framework; operators,
influencers and supporters.
Source: Developed by UNIDO (2009), adapted by author.
Figure 2. Conceptual framework of a generic agricultural value chain.

16. 10
The operators of the core value chain are directly involved in the product flow, both handling
and possessing the goods at one or several functional nodes between production and final
consumption. The operators are typically producers, producer organizations, processors,
brokers, wholesalers, retailers and supermarkets. Supporters are actors who do not necessarily
handle or possess the goods, yet they directly support the core value chain through service
facilitation, which may improve or impede performance of the core value chain. Supporters
are for instance bankers and other financial service providers, advisors and trainers, donors,
extension service providers, action researchers, and providers of machinery. Furthermore,
although handling the products in the value chain, transporters not involved in functions of
trade are considered supporters since they usually do not possess the goods. Influencers are
actors that have indirect impact on the value chain and its functions, such as decision making
concerning topics for research focus and policies related to agriculture, trade, land tenure etc.
Influencers are for instance, government officials, politicians, university researchers and
governmental or non-governmental organizations (NGOs) (UNIDO 2009). The actors operate
at different levels in the value chain. Due to limited resources during data collection, this
study is primarily concerned with exploring the core value chain of cassava leaves, between
the functions of production and final distribution. Analysis of the enabling environment and
institutional framework has been conducted to the best of my ability.
2.2 Value chain analysis
Value chain analysis is described as the process of using a set of guidelines to analyze a
certain value chain for a certain goal or purpose (Webber and Labaste 2007). It is a tool for
understanding which actors benefit from extraction and commercialization of natural
resources, how they benefit and how the patterns of benefit distribution might be changed.
Value chain analysis breaks the chain into its constituent parts to understand the structure and
dynamics within the chain (Kaplinsky and Morris 2001; UNIDO 2009), it enables insights
into the organization of market relationships between actors (Quisumbing et al 2014a), and
the segmentation of the chain enables understanding of challenges and opportunities within
each node as well as the context in which the chain operates (Webber and Labaste 2007).
Many of the challenges originate from the uneven distribution of power and benefits between
various actors. This is part of what is referred to as value chain governance (Gereffi et al
2005).

17. 11
A value chain analysis may be undertaken with different approaches and for different
purposes such as analysis for poverty reduction, increased gender equality, increased
competitiveness of an actor’s business or a whole value chain, or for development of new
policies (Webber and Labaste 2007). The analytical approach consists of identification of the
chain actors at each stage and describing their functions and relationships. It also involves
determining the governance in the value chain (UNIDO 2009), i.e. the relationships and
institutional mechanisms between actors through which coordination of activities takes place
(Humphrey and Schmitz 2001). Moreover, identification of value adding activities and
quantification of the value of those activities is part of the analysis, and finally the
performance of the value chain is evaluated to identify opportunities for improvements of
specific actors and the overall performance of the chain (UNIDO 2009). Interventions for
such improvements of a value chain’s equity and efficiency are referred to as upgrading
strategies (Coles and Mitchell 2010). They are categorized into different types of upgrading,
such as process and product upgrading, functional upgrading, horizontal and vertical
coordination and upgrading of the enabling environment and institutional framework (ibid.).
Previous value chain research has been criticized for not involving key value chain
participants in the analytical work and for using a top-down approach in the studies (Chitundu
et al 2009). Another concern has been that previous research on value chains has been mainly
quantitatively driven and therefore has overlooked economic, political and contextual issues,
such as gender relations, in the value chains (Bolwig et al 2010). The following section
highlights the importance of considering such contextual issues.
2.3 Gender in agricultural value chains
Gender inequality is a substantial inhibitor of economic growth. Globally, women comprise
on average 43% of the agricultural labor force in developing countries (FAO 2011), and
deprivation of their full contribution to the economy results in high costs for economic and
human development (Mayoux and Mackie 2008). Furthermore, gender inequalities in value
chains may have negative impacts on the food security, nutrition and health of households.
Evidence show that income controlled by women is more likely to be spent on food and other
basic household goods, while when men have the decision making power over the income
more food may be sold and the revenues may not be spent on food and not equitably
distributed (e.g. Fischer and Qaim 2012; Njuki et al 2011).

18. 12
Interventions aimed at improving value chains through creation of vertical market linkages
between smallholders and downstream value chain actors have traditionally operated under
the assumption of a unitary household model (Alderman et al 1995; Njuki et al 2011). It has
been assumed that increased incomes are equally distributed and pooled among household
members and thus believed to increase welfare and food security of all members. However,
there is a growing body of literature that is challenging this assumption and highlights the
importance of taking into account the gender and intra-household dynamics in value chain
analysis and development (Alderman et al 1995; FAO 2011; Njuki et al 2011; Quisumbing et
al 2014a; Quisumbing and Maluccio 2000). An alternative approach is the collective model,
which this study is framed within. The collective model argues that household members have
different preferences, do not pool their income and that resource allocations within the
household reflect individuals’ different preferences and bargaining powers (Alderman et al
1995).
2.4 Gender sensitive value chain analysis
The value chain analysis is well suited to incorporate how gender relations affect actors’
possibilities to participate and access resources and benefits (Coles and Mitchell 2010). This
is due to its main focus on economic viability and sustainability and its capability of
qualitatively identifying important challenges and subsequent upgrading strategies for
development (ibid.). Incorporating a gender perspective into value chain analysis is of
importance since women often work in less visible yet essential positions of the value chain
such as production or processing, while men tend to dominate functions of marketing and
other high value activities (Mayoux and Mackie 2008). Bergman Lodin (2012) highlighted
the need to establishing at what and whose cost agriculture is made more productive and
profitable through value chain development, and the World Development Report (WDR)
argued that there is a direct link between gender equity and poverty reduction and
development, what is referred to as smart economics (World Bank 2012). Paying attention to
these factors may reveal issues that hamper value chain development, and gender inequalities
often have the possibility to explain why different parts of a value chain are inhibiting
development (Mayoux and Mackie 2008).
In relation to gender sensitive value chain analysis and development, Terrillon (2011) outlines
three major concepts. First, gender roles refer to the social construction of identity as a man or
a woman, and concern the roles of women and men according to cultural norms and

19. 13
traditions. Gender roles are rarely based on biological or physical imperatives but rather they
are the result of cultural and social stereotypes and presumptions of what men and women
should do and what they are capable of. Second, gendered access to resources refers to the
different possibilities for men and women to use specific resources (natural, financial,
productive, political, social, spatial or intertemporal). Third, gendered control over benefits
means the possibility for men and women to benefit from the outcomes generated from the
use of above mentioned resources. Such outcomes or benefits can include monetary income,
employment, skills, political power, status and social relationships. In agricultural value
chains, gender roles affect the different possibilities that men and women have to participate
in value chain activities, in their access to resources and control over benefits and outcomes
from the use of resources (ibid.). In this study, gender has been incorporated by drawing on
guidelines developed by Terrillon (2011) (Table 1). The guiding framework, a gender grid,
highlights the importance of keeping a gender perspective on all levels of the value chain in
which gender inequalities and opportunities operate (individual, household, community,
market, national and global) as well as in all societal dimensions, such as economic, social,
psychological and political.
Table 1. Gender grid for gender sensitive value chain analysis.
Source: Adapted from Terrillon (2011).
Gender roles
Gendered access to
resources
Gendered control
over benefits
Gendered influence
on enabling factors
Macro level
(Overall institutional
environment and
interrelations
between actors
throughout the value
chain)
Sexual division of
labor within the
value chain
How resources are
shared and
distributed
according to laws,
regulations, norms
and values
Women’s and
men’s roles in the
management of the
value chain and the
power dynamics
Determine how
women and men
leaders can influence
policy-making and
legislations to
promote their
economic rights
Meso level
(Within
organizations and
associations in the
value chain)
Women’s
positioning within
organizations that
operate in the
value chain
Understand
women’s specific
needs in terms of
access to resources
Power relations
within groups and
associations
Access to arenas
where decisions that
affect people’s lives
are made
Micro level
(Within the
household)
Sexual division of
labor within the
household
Women’s and
men’s access to
resources in order
to perform tasks
Division of income
Costs and benefits
of cassava leaves –
non-monetary
Decision making on
spending
Perception of
women’s
contributions to the
value chain
Women’s
participation in
meetings

20. 14
Moreover, sets of guiding questions (Appendix B) have been developed (by Terrillon 2011) in
relation to the gender grid, one set for each institutional level (macro, meso and micro). The
gender grid and its related guiding questions have framed the development of interview
guides and questionnaires for data collection, to enable identification of key gender issues and
gaps in the cassava leaves value chain. Using a gender approach in the value chain analysis
enables an examination of how roles, responsibilities and rights of men and women interact
and how interactions affect the outcomes being studied, such as participation and benefitting
actors. It allows for an understanding of how decisions about what type of agricultural
activities to engage in depends on socially constructed gender roles, household
responsibilities and potential earnings associated to different activities (Quisumbing et al
2014a).

21. 15
3. Literature review
Value chains have been extensively researched for myriad agricultural and non-agricultural
products, with various perspectives, approaches and underlying aims. In this chapter, key
literature related to the study is presented, focusing on structure of and gender dynamics in
agricultural value chains in developing countries. Due to the vast literature on agricultural
value chains in relation to the time available for this review, a condition for selection was that
the studies were conducted on agricultural value chains in African countries. Some studies
were selected since they were similar to the pre-hypothesized cassava leaves value chain,
while others were chosen to contrast it. Moreover, value chains of both cassava tubers and
cassava leaves were sought for, and a number of studies with specific focus on gender
dynamics in value chains were selected.
3.1 Structure and performance of agricultural value chains
3.1.1 Markets and value chain functions
Generally, agricultural value chains in developing countries are characterized by a dominance
of spot market transactions, i.e. trade occurs with immediate delivery of products, and low
levels of trade contracts between value chain actors (Gereffi et al 2005). For instance,
marketing of traditional vegetables in Malawi and Mozambique was shown to primarily occur
at unstructured informal vegetable markets through direct trade (Chagomoka et al 2014), and
in the Tanzanian cassava and conventional spice value chains relationships were variable and
impermanent as few contracts between producers and buyers existed (Akyoo and Lazaro
2007; Sewando 2012). However, Ribot (1998) reported established contracts and credit
arrangements between producers (wood cutters) and merchants as well as between
wholesalers and retailers in the Senegalese charcoal commodity chain. Permanent
relationships, although not established through written contracts, may exist between for
instance retailers and supermarkets (Chagomoka et al 2014; Hara 2014) or between villagers
and traders in processing activities, as in the Zambian cassava chain (Haggblade and Nyembe
2008).
Sourcing of agricultural products have been found to occur from producers direct at farm gate
to local brokers, small traders or wholesalers, who sell further to other wholesalers, retailers,
processors or end consumers (Akyoo and Lazaro 2007; Chagomoka et al 2014; Meaton et al
2014; Rousseau et al 2015), but also from producers directly to retailers or end consumers
(Chagomoka et al 2014; Sewando 2012). In cassava value chains, fresh tubers are typically

22. 16
sourced from farmers by assembly traders who transport and sell to urban retailers (Donovan
et al 2011; Haggblade and Nyembe 2008; Haggblade et al 2012; Kleih 2013). The relatively
few intermediary steps between producer and consumer are because of the need for efficient
handling of tubers due to their perishability. According to Haggblade et al (2012) this is the
case in all fresh cassava markets across Southeastern Africa, and marketing of fresh cassava
tubers was found to be most feasible in high-density areas with short distances between
production zones and urban centers. Moreover, cassava leaves were included in an analysis of
the cassava value chain in the Morogoro District, Tanzania (Sewando 2012). There, cassava
leaves were traded in smaller quantities than tubers from farmers either directly to end
consumers or via small female traders and retailers through outlets such as village market
centers, town markets and along the roadside.
3.1.1.1 Vertical integration
Vertical integration by actors into multiple chain functions has been found to be rare (e.g.
Meaton et al 2015), although wholesalers may act as retailers (Ribot 1998). Producers may as
well engage in transport and marketing (Haggblade and Nyembe 2008; Chagomoka et al
2014), and in Mozambique, cassava producers practice on-farm drying of tubers for
marketing purposes (Donovan et al 2011). Retailers, traders and wholesalers often have
greater access to and relationships with large-scale buyers and supermarkets than producers
and local brokers, which make producers dependent on them for their marketing (Ribot 1998;
Meaton et al 2015). In relation to this, wholesalers sometimes have the power to determine
the buying prices offered to the producers, and exploitation of producers has occurred in
terms of misinformation concerning market information (Ribot 1998; Chagomoka et al 2014).
3.1.2 Benefits of value chain actors
Producers in agricultural value chains typically produce low volumes and are often poorly
organized into associations and cooperatives (Chagomoka et al 2014; Meaton et al 2015;
Ribot 1998; Sewando 2012). This reduces their bargaining power in relation to brokers,
traders and wholesalers (Akyoo and Lazaro 2007). Furthermore, producers are often restricted
by a lack of capital (El-Sayed et al 2015) and poor market information and infrastructure.
This inhibits economies of scale and prevents informed choices to be made concerning
production, volumes, product types and time and place of marketing (Chagomoka et al 2014;
Meaton et al 2015). Additionally, geographical location affects producers’ access to main
markets, which determines their possibilities for income generation. For instance, this was the
case in the Ethiopian cardamom value chain (Meaton et al 2015). Intermediaries such as

23. 17
brokers, wholesalers and retailers often receive higher profits relative to the producers
(Chagomoka et al 2014; El-Sayed et al 2015; Hara 2014). In the Tanzanian conventional
spice sector, the presence of multiple intermediary actors have resulted in reduced profits for
farmers (Akyoo and Lazaro 2007), and several interlinked mechanisms, such as actors’ social
identity and relationships with decision makers, caused a concentration of profits among
merchants and wholesalers in Senegal’s charcoal value chain (Ribot 1998).
However, the role of wholesalers in value chains may be both constraining and favorable. In
the South African horticulture sector, the number of wholesalers was reduced as a
consequence of European buyers’ efforts to cut costs due to economic recession, thereby
increasing direct sourcing of products from producers (Barrientos and Visser 2012). Foreign
buyers that overtook activities of transportation and logistics which were previously done by
wholesalers primarily benefitted large-scale horticulture producers. The disadvantage for
small-scale production caused smallholders to exit agriculture by selling their farms to larger
producers. In relation to this, Rousseau et al (2015) argue for the important functions of
wholesalers in the shea nut value chain in Burkina Faso. Despite an oligarchic organization,
they were found to play an important role in facilitating sharing of benefits to producers,
especially poor smallholders, who would not have been able to supply to the large exporters
themselves. Therefore, these wholesalers helped to overcome specific coordination problems
in the chain and reduced producers’ transaction costs by collecting shea nuts from the farms.
In contrast, the powerful role of merchants in the charcoal chain, who mediated trade from
rural producers to urban wholesalers, was seen by Ribot (1998) as a constraint to producers’
increased income generation. The merchants restricted producers’ possibilities to improve
horizontal coordination through producer associations and to integrate vertically in the chain.
3.1.3 Enabling environment and institutional framework
The structure of the enabling and supporting institutions that surround agricultural value
chains depend on the specific context and type of commodity. In export value chains such as
for horticulture in South Africa (Barrientos and Visser 2012), standards are often in place to
ensure the quality and social working conditions, whereas value chains that operate on a
national level and that are less developed typically have fewer standards in place. According
to Eskola (2005), this is the case for many of Tanzania’s agricultural commodities. The lack
of standards and regulations on trade and product quality often leads to long supply chains
where producers are dependent on personal relationships with brokers, wholesalers and

24. 18
retailers who facilitate the trade between producers and consumers. This lowers the
transaction costs but may lead to a large wedge between the price paid to producers and the
price paid by end consumers. Furthermore, the weak institutional framework in Tanzania’s
agricultural sector has been unable to support the formation of strong trader and producer
organizations (ibid.). In the context of gender relations, Shackleton et al (2011) found that
women often engaged in the informal parts of the Zambian honey value chain. This included
processing to liquid honey, grading on household level and small-scale production and
marketing of honey beer on village level. These activities generally received low support from
external actors such as the government and NGOs. Instead, interventions primarily focused on
activities in the production and collection stages that were linked to formal markets.
Ruteri and Xu (2009) showed that financial institutions that offered loans in the Tanzanian
food sector were few, and infrastructure issues such as insecure supply of electricity affected
production processes, cold chains and storage. Moreover, research and development within
the food systems were limited, especially concerning processing, storing and conservation
techniques as well as packaging. However, in the cassava value chain in Mozambique,
Donovan et al (2011) found that research on disease resistance as well as on processing
technology has been ongoing since the independence in 1975. Efforts by the government to
explore the prospects for cassava commercialization have led to increased interest by private
actors to experiment with cassava-based ethanol and beer production.
Finally, Eskola (2005), in her assessment of the agricultural marketing and supply chain
management in Tanzania, highlights the widespread corruption within the regulatory
administration as a major institutional impediment for trade. The need for transporters to
make frequent stops along the roads and pay bribes to the police increases the transaction
costs and causes unnecessary delays in the transportation of perishable products.
3.1.3.1 Value added activities
Agricultural value chain actors, primarily producers, have been found to perform little
processing and value adding activities, often due to a lack of processing skills or proper
equipment. This inhibits access to high value markets and causes challenges for processing
efficiency, transportation, marketing and distribution of perishable products, such as
traditional vegetables and cassava (Chagomoka et al 2014; Sewando 2012; Taiwo 2006).
However, value addition occurs, sometimes by producers but mostly by other actors, in chains
such as for South African linefish snoek (Hara 2014), shea nuts in Burkina Faso (Rousseau et

25. 19
al 2015) and cassava in Nigeria (PIND 2011). Moreover, Haggblade et al (2012) noted small
scale experimenting with product development and conservation of cassava leaves in Zambia
and Mozambique.
3.2 Gender dynamics in agricultural value chains
3.2.1 Effects of commercialization
Previous research show that commercialization of agricultural commodities often generates a
gendered shift in responsibilities of and participation in value chain activities such as
production, processing and marketing. For instance, Dolan (2001) reported appropriation by
men of income generated from and land used for export production of French beans in Kenya,
historically a sector dominated by women. Despite remaining domination of the production
node, women received a disproportionally small fraction of the incomes. Similarly, Oduol et
al (2013) and Oduol and Mithöfer (2014) found men to increasingly claim control over
marketing of export avocados in Kenya, while in local, less commercialized markets, women
were fully integrated in all parts of the value chain. As the Kenyan banana value chain was
commercialized, Fischer and Qaim (2012) found that creation of farmer groups that included
only household heads (men) contributed to an increased control by men over banana
production and revenues. This caused adverse effects on the dietary quality of households. A
literature study by Haverhals et al (2014) found that 13% of research conducted on gender
relations in forest, tree and agroforestry value chains confirmed an increased engagement by
men with increased value of a commodity. Yet, in contrast to above research, PIND (2011)
reported women to have the main responsibility of production, processing and marketing of
cassava in the Niger delta region in Nigeria where cassava value chains have been extensively
commercialized and developed.
3.2.2 Gendered distribution of labor
Several studies suggest that women participate in marketing nodes to a larger extent when
value chains involve low value products sold in local markets. In Ethiopia, women made up
the majority of producers selling poultry at local markets, while participation by men in
marketing increased with increased market access (Aklilu et al 2007). In Kenya, local
marketing of horticulture products was dominated by women (Dolan 2001), and in Tanzanian
food production, Eskola (2005) showed that small scale retailers of perishable goods were
mainly women. Njuki et al (2011) found that commodities that generated lower revenues
were more likely to be controlled by women, while men controlled commodities that

26. 20
generated high revenues and often were sold in the formal market. Furthermore, women were
more likely to manage income from products sold at local markets and from food crops, while
men seemed to control incomes from cash crops. Another study (Quisumbing et al 2014b)
showed that in one study site in Uganda, men, in their capacity of household heads and thus
responsible for finances, were reported to be responsible for sales of sweet potato vines.
However, in a second study site, women took the vines to the market since it was locally
described as a women’s crop.
Within agricultural value chains with higher value, women often participate in less visible,
inadequately acknowledged nodes where they perform low skilled and low paid work (Akyoo
and Lazaro 2007; Donovan et al 2011; Haggblade et al 2012; Oduol et al 2013). Greenberg
(2013) showed female workers in the South African wine sector to be concentrated in lower
paid, fragmented and insecure employment. Dolan and Sutherland (2002) noted a gendered
wage gap caused by a concentration of women in unskilled categories of work in the Kenyan
horticulture value chain. This was a result of gender roles and norms causing a segmentation
of job categories into women’s and men’s work where men’s positions where higher skilled
than women’s and thus better paid. Additionally, women often dominate functions of
production and informal retail, while men dominate more lucrative nodes of wholesale,
storage, transportation and milling, such as in the value chains of cassava (Donovan et al
2011; Haggblade et al 2012) and gum arabic (Shackleton et al 2011).
3.2.3 Determinants of gendered participation and benefits
Women’s work in more developed value chains tend to be seasonal, occur in the informal
sector and is often carried out at home between domestic work tasks. In the gum arabic value
chain, women were restricted to participate in marketing and collection far away due to safety
issues, household responsibilities and cultural and religious restrictions concerning interaction
between men and women at markets (Shackleton et al 2011). Restrictions on women’s
participation due to time consuming household responsibilities, what Coles and Mitchell
(2010) refer to as time poverty, were also identified in the value chains of South African
grapes where women’s work was valued less than men’s due to their fewer on-farm working
hours (Barrientos et al 2001), African flowers, fruits and vegetables (Tallontire et al 2005),
dairy in Mozambique and horticulture in Burkina Faso (Quisumbing et al 2014b).
Furthermore, Bolwig and Odeke (2007) found that conversion from conventional to organic
production of coffee and pineapple caused women to spend more time on the organic

27. 21
production at the expense of other off-farm work. Income from pineapple and coffee
primarily went to men, and in combination with their domestic responsibilities, women’s
access to personal income was further reduced by the conversion. Gender roles were
recognized as a determinant of labor distribution within production.
Other factors found to affect men’s and women’s participation in value chains include
educational level (Coles and Mitchell 2010; Oduol et al 2013), where men often have higher
education than women which increases their possibilities to progress and get higher skilled
and better paid jobs. Safety issues and gendered physical attributes were found to determine
participation in the Mozambican dairy value chain, where men worked as milk collectors due
to requirements on physical strength when driving vans and transporting milk containers and
due to the need to be away from home during longer periods (Quisumbing et al 2014b).
Similarly, women’s participation in the Ethiopian gum arabic and Zambian honey value
chains were restricted due to security issues related to collecting products in the forest during
long times and the physical requirements to carry them (Shackleton et al 2011). Trade of fresh
cassava tubers in Mozambique, Zambia and Malawi was dominated by men due to the heavy
labor involved (Donovan et al 2011; Haggblade et al 2012). Furthermore, in relation to
gender roles and norms, Dolan (2001) found that women who sold French beans at the
markets sometimes were controlled by their husbands in terms of being escorted to the market
in order for the husbands to verify the prices paid. In the fair-trade cotton value chain, Basset
(2009) reported men trying to keep women subordinate by restricting their possibilities to
earn money, and that cultural and religious beliefs made women give income they earned to
their husbands.
3.3 Thematic and methodological considerations
Important work has been done within the field of cassava leaves as well as for value chains of
cassava tubers and other agricultural products, yet there is a need for increased understanding
of markets and utilization patterns of cassava leaves. Furthermore, in view of the ongoing
transformation of agricultural value chains in several African countries, with its possible
implications for altered gender dynamics, the literature review highlights the importance of
gender analysis as a core element of agricultural research (Coles and Mitchell 2010; Terrillon
2011).
Research that applies a value chain approach for analysis of market structure and performance
of agricultural products employ various methods for data collection and analysis (Table 2),

28. 22
ranging from quantitative household surveys to anthropological studies. The type of methods
used affect the type of data generated, which calls for careful methodological considerations.
Most value chain studies included in the literature review have employed a mixed-methods
approach with both quantitative and qualitative methods for collection and analysis of data.
For instance, household surveys, income distribution analysis, structured and unstructured
interviews, focus group discussions (FGDs) and observations have been used. Johnson and
Onwuegbuzie (2004) argues for quantitative and qualitative methods to be used in
combination to address issues associated to each type of method, and Bolwig et al (2010)
emphasize the need for increased focus on political, economic or contextual issues within
value chains. This study employs a mixed methods approach by integration of qualitative and
quantitative elements of data collection and analysis, which enables triangulation of data and
facilitates a profound investigation of the value chain of cassava leaves and the context in
which it operates.

29. 23
Table 2. Selected literature concerning agricultural value chains in developing countries.
Study Location Scope of study Methods for data collection and analysis
Aklilu et al 2007 Ethiopia
Gender relations in the poultry value
chain
Farm records, semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions; descriptive
statistics, qualitative analysis
Akyoo and Lazaro 2007 Tanzania
Performance of organic and
conventional spice value chains
Key informant interviews, focus group discussions, physical observations;
qualitative analysis, SWOT
Barrientos and Visser
2012
South Africa
Value chain analysis of the
horticulture sector
Workshops, qualitative interviews, focus group discussions, case studies;
qualitative comparison
Barrientos et al 2001 South Africa
Gender sensitivity in the grape value
chain
Case study, interviews; qualitative analysis
Basset 2009 Burkina Faso, Mali
Comparison of organic and
conventional cotton value chain
Qualitative interviews and analysis
Bolwig and Odeke 2007 Uganda Gender sensitive value chain analysis
Household survey, focus group interviews, interviews, project documentation;
qualitative analysis
Chagomoka et al 2014 Malawi, Mozambique Traditional vegetables value chains Survey, focus group discussions, interviews; qualitative analysis, SWOT
Coles and Mitchell 2010 General Gender in value chain analysis Literature review
Dolan 2001 Kenya
French bean export and intra-
household relations
Qualitative methods for collection and analysis
Dolan and Sutherland
2002
Kenya
Employment and gender in the
horticulture value chain
Semi-structured interviews, household survey; descriptive analysis
Donovan et al 2011 Mozambique Effects of cassava commercialization Household survey, national survey data, interviews; descriptive analysis
El-Sayed et al 2015 Egypt Performance of the aquaculture sector Structured questionnaires; descriptive statistical analysis
Eskola 2005 Tanzania Food and export crop value chains
Survey, focus group discussions, key informant interviews; descriptive and
qualitative analysis
Fischer and Qaim 2012 Kenya
Gender relations and nutrition in the
banana value chain
Household survey, interviews; statistical and descriptive analysis
Greenberg 2013 South Africa
Gendered dynamics in export wine
value chains
Survey, focus group discussions, in-depth interviews; descriptive analysis
Gereffi et al 2005 General Governance in value chains Theoretical discussion
Haggblade and Nyembe
2008
Zambia Value chain analysis of cassava
Farm household survey, interviews, market monitoring data; descriptive
analysis

30. 24
Table 2. Selected literature continued.
Study Location Scope of study Methods for data collection and analysis
Haggblade et al 2012
Malawi, Mozambique,
Zambia
Food security and cassava
commercialization
National household survey data, key informant interviews; quantitative and
qualitative analysis
Hara 2014 South Africa Value chain analysis of linefish snoek Key informant interviews; descriptive analysis
Haverhals et al 2014 General
Gendered in forest, tree and
agroforestry value chains
Literature study; coding in relation to gender issues
Kleih 2013 Ghana Value chain analysis of cassava Structured interviews; descriptive analysis
Meaton et al 2014 Ethiopia
Sustainable development of the
Ethiopian cardamom value chain
Case-study-based qualitative methods, interviews; descriptive analysis
Njuki et al 2011 Malawi, Uganda
Gendered income distribution in
agricultural value chains
Cross-sectional household survey, panel data; T-test and regression analysis
Oduol and Mithöfer
2014
Kenya
Women's participation in the avocado
value chain
Focus group discussions, key informant interviews, questionnaire; descriptive
analysis
Oduol et al 2013 Kenya
Female participation in the avocado
value chain
Household survey, focus group discussion, key informant interviews;
descriptive analysis
PIND 2011 Nigeria Value chain analysis of cassava
Literature review, key informant interviews, focus group discussions;
descriptive analysis
Quisumbing et al 2014b
Uganda, Mozambique,
Burkina Faso, Bangladesh
Gender and assets in value chains
Focus group discussions, baseline survey, interviews; qualitative and
quantitative analysis
Ribot 1998 Senegal Charcoal commodity chain analysis
Survey, structured and informal interviews; descriptive and income distribution
analysis
Rousseau et al 2015 Burkina Faso Value chain analysis of shea nut
Key informant interviews, government data review, survey; descriptive
analysis
Ruteri and Xu 2009 Tanzania Challenges in food chain management Qualitative structured interviews; descriptive analysis
Sewando 2012 Tanzania Value chain analysis of cassava Household survey, interviews; descriptive analysis, ANOVA, linear regression
Shackleton et al 2011
Burkina Faso, Ethiopia,
Zambia
Gender in non-forest timber product
value chains
Survey, group discussions, semi-structured key informant interviews,
secondary and export data; qualitative descriptive analysis
Taiwo 2006 Nigeria
Domestic and industrial potential of
cassava
General discussion paper
Tallontire et al 2005
Kenya, South Africa,
Zambia
Gender value chain analysis of the
horticulture sector
Interviews, focus group discussions; descriptive analysis

31. 25
4. The Tanzanian context and the study area
This chapter briefly describes the history and performance of the agriculture sector and the
cassava sub-sector in Tanzania. It also provides a presentation of the area where this study
was undertaken.
4.1 The agriculture sector in Tanzania
Agriculture is the mainstay of Tanzania’s economy. Smallholder subsistence farming
dominates the sector, and approximately 80% of the population is dependent on small-scale
agriculture for their livelihoods (Agricultural Marketing Policy 2008). The agricultural labor
force is women-intensive; 54% are women and 46% are men, performing different
agricultural activities (FAO 2010). During the last two decades, the contribution of the
agriculture sector to total Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has decreased from approximately
50% in 2000 to 28% in 2010 and it is predicted to decline further to 18% by 2025 on behalf of
the service, manufacture and industry sectors (MAFAP 2013). Despite the decline, however,
agriculture is likely to remain as the main source of income for the majority of the population
in the near future (Eskola 2005).
During the 1980’s and the 1990’s, the government of Tanzania undertook a series of major
reforms as part of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) (Agricultural Marketing
Policy 2008). The reforms included a trade liberalization where restrictions on private trade
were removed and macro policies and legal frameworks were renewed to enhance the trading
environment and encourage trade and investment. However, the gains from the macro level
reforms were not fully realized on a micro level, particularly since improper marketing
systems failed to guarantee producers markets for their crops, which was a consequence of
weak cooperative societies, lack of farmers associations and absence of regulatory institutions
(ibid.). Previous discussions on agriculture as a source of livelihoods and a means to poverty
reduction has largely been focused on production, yet recent debates have focused on the
importance of improved markets. For instance, the Agricultural Marketing Policy (AMP)
2008 aims to support agricultural marketing as a means to economic growth (Eskola 2005),
and the recently endorsed private-sector led Agriculture First Initiative (‘Kilimo Kwanza’)
which is linked to the Agricultural Sector Development Programme (ASDP) (China-DAC
Study Group 2012). However, policies that have been developed and implemented often lack
relevance to the environment in which most smallholder farmers operate, and some policies
are yet to be implemented. Therefore, although formal barriers to agricultural development

32. 26
may be reduced on the national level, informal and structural difficulties remain on the local
level (Eskola 2005).
Cassava is one of the most important crops in Tanzania, along with rice and maize. In 2013,
4.8 million tons of cassava was produced, second after maize (5.4 million tons). Over the last
ten years, yields from cassava have increased by 1.18% per year and production has increased
with 0.67% per year (FAOSTAT). Cassava is a staple food crop and is cultivated and
produced in all regions of Tanzania, yet the main producing areas are the Coastal, Northern,
Lake and Eastern regions and in Zanzibar (Kapinga et al 2005; National Sample Census of
Agriculture 2012). Although Kapinga et al (2005) report a high nutritional importance of
cassava leaves for the Tanzanian population, no statistics are currently available on the
volumes of cassava leaves that are harvested or marketed.
4.2 The study area
4.2.1 Mkuranga District
The fieldwork for this study took place in Mkuranga District, located in the Coast Region
(Swahili: Pwani) which lies by the central coast line with borders to the regions of Dar es
Salaam, Tanga, Lindi, Morogoro and the Indian Ocean to the east (Figure 3) (Torell and
Mmochi 2006).
Source: Torell and Mmochi (2006).
Figure 3. Map of Tanzania, the Coast Region (Pwani) and Mkuranga District.

33. 27
In the Population and Housing Census of 2012, the Coast Region had approximately 1 million
inhabitants (Pwani 2015), and the region has an area of 33 539 km2
, which corresponds to
3.8% of the total area of Tanzania’s mainland (National Sample Census of Agriculture 2007).
The region is divided into six districts; Bagamoyo, Kibaha, Kisarawe, Mkuranga, Rufiji and
Mafia Island. Mkuranga District was established in 1995 and is located by the coast in the
central parts of the region. It covers an area of about 2 400 km2
(Torell and Mmochi 2006),
and in 2002 the district had approximately 187 500 inhabitants of which 51% were women
and 49% men (Mnenwa 2009). The main religion is Islam and the main ethnic groups are
Zaramo, Ndengereko, Matumbi and Makonde, although many others exist (Torell and
Mmochi 2006). Over 90% of the households in the district are engaged in agriculture, and
major agricultural commodities include crops such as cassava, rice, beans, cashew nuts,
coconut, pineapple and orange (ibid.). Virtually all households in the district grow cassava
(pers. comm.), and according to the Statistics Unit at the Ministry of Agriculture, Food
Security and Cooperatives (MAFSC), 240 000 tons of cassava tubers were harvested in
Mkuranga District in 2009/2010. This corresponds to approximately half of all cassava
produced in the Coast Region during that year, and together with Bagamoyo District,
Mkuranga also had the highest yields of cassava (12.67 tons/ha).
4.2.2 Kimbwanindi village (S07.32675 E039.07248)
Mkuranga District is divided into two geographical zones; the coast zone and the upland zone
(Mnenwa 2009). Interviews with farmers in this study took place in the upland zone in
Kimanzichana Ward, in which loamy sand soils provide suitable conditions for agriculture
(ibid.). Kimanzichana is one of 15 wards in the district with around 17 000 inhabitants
dispersed over several villages (Torell and Mmochi 2006). One of these villages is
Kimbwanindi village, where largely all interviews with farmers in this study took place.
Kimbwanindi village is located 80 km south of Dar es Salaam and 30 km southwest of
Mkuranga town (Figure 4). The village has a population size of approximately 1 700 persons
(53% women and 47% men) living in 346 households. Subsistence farming is the main source
of livelihoods in the village, and the most common agricultural products include cassava,
which is grown by merely all households, cashew nuts, maize, beans, oranges, pineapples,
passion fruit, coconut and sesame seeds (pers. comm.). The most common varieties of
cassava grown in the village are Kiroba, Nyamkagile and Kosmas, which are all sweet
varieties of Manihot esculenta Crantz. Few bitter varieties are cultivated in the village due to
unsuitable pH in the soil for bitter varieties (pers. comm.). Additionally, Mpira (English: tree

34. 28
cassava, Latin: Manihot glaziovii) is grown along the borders of the houses or fields for the
purpose of harvesting cassava leaves and for marking property boundaries. Mpira is different
from the varieties grown for cassava tubers (Manihot esculenta Crantz); it produces ball-
shaped tubers (Mpira means ball) which are not consumed, and the leaves of Mpira are softer
than leaves from tuber varieties. It is commonly referred to as ‘wild cassava’ and is a shrub or
a tree than can become 6 meters high (Orwa et al 2009).
Source: Google Earth and own data.
Figure 4. Map of Kimbwanindi village and its sub villages, Mkuranga town and Kimanzichana1
.
The landscape around Kimbwanindi village is characterized by rolling hills, and a small lake
called Mansi is located within 30 minutes walking distance from the village center. One major
tarmac road (B2) runs through the village, with numerous smaller sand roads diverging from
it to other villages or households within the village. Due to floods during the rainy season,
access from sand roads to the main road becomes difficult (pers. comm.).
Kimbwanindi village is further divided into three sub-villages; Kimbwanindi (S07.32675
E039.07248), Beta (S07.31264 E039.08181) and Nyamkalango (coordinates not known)
consisting of 150, 110 and 86 households respectively2
. Kimbwanindi and Beta sub villages
1
Location of Nyamkalango was estimated since no GPS device was available during visits to Nyamkalango.
2
Village census lists from 2013 and 2014, obtained from the village chief in Kimbwanindi village.

35. 29
are located along the main road that leads to Dar es Salaam, while it can take several hours to
walk from Nyamkalango sub village to the main road (Figure 4). Households in the three sub
villages are widely dispersed over a large geographical area. Most transportation in the village
occurs by foot, bicycle or motorbike (piki-piki), and public buses (dala-dala) constantly run
along the main road. Infrastructure in terms of electricity and water in the village is poor, yet
many households have at least one mobile phone that is charged with a generator in the
village center (pers. comm.).

36. 30
5. Methodology and methods
This chapter outlines the methodological framework that is used for this study, as well as a
description of the methods used for the collection and analysis of data. Moreover, limitations
of the research methods are discussed, and finally ethical considerations are presented.
5.1 Methodological framework
This study was conducted and framed with a constructivist ontological research approach,
since agricultural value chains are considered as created and managed by the social actors
within and around them, not as a phenomenon existing independent of the social actors
(Bryman 2008). Interpretative epistemological assumptions underpinned the study since the
goal was to understand and interpret the context and reality in which the value chain operated,
and to investigate the personal and subjective experiences of actors in and around it (ibid.).
The epistemological and ontological approaches adhered to allow for acknowledgement of
my role as a researcher and my values associated to the research. Despite measures taken to
enhance the objectivity, personal values, such as preconceived understanding and assumptions
concerning the study topic and context, are likely to influence the study (ibid.). For instance,
an underlying normative assumption is that political-economic transformations, such as value
chain development, should create equal opportunities for men and women, an assumption
which is likely to have influenced my data collection and interpretation.
Through an iterative process for data collection and analysis, a mixed methods approach was
employed to allow for the use of both quantitative and qualitative research methods in
achieving the research objectives. Bryman (2006) highlights the importance of declaring the
grounds on which a mixed methods approach is used as a research strategy. In contrast to
critiques set forth concerning the incompatibility of quantitative and qualitative research
strategies due to their differing ontological and epistemological commitments, as discussed by
Bryman (2008), this study considers the two strategies as complementing and able to
strengthen the findings in terms of methodological triangulation and increased external
validity and reliability (ibid).
A value chain approach guided the research design and implementation. Objectives, research
questions and methods for data collection and analysis were formulated based on discussions
with my supervisors, and on theoretical and empirical literature concerning structure and
dynamics in agricultural value chains. This implies an overall deductive orientation to the

37. 31
study undertaken. Moreover, interpretations derived from data collection were scrutinized in
relation to the same theories and literature (Bryman 2008).
Data collection was initiated with a household survey among cassava farmers in Kimbwanindi
village, sampled through a snowball approach and intended to generate both quantitative and
qualitative data. The survey sample served as a basis for purposive sampling for qualitative
semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions (FGD) with farmers. Semi-structured
interviews and direct and participant observations were conducted with operators at all value
chain functions as well as with actors in the enabling environment and institutional
framework, i.e. supporters and influencers (see Table 3 for an overview of the number of
methods used). Moreover, two presentations of findings from the preliminary analysis were
held; one with farmers in Kimbwanindi village and one with researchers at my hosting
organization, International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA), which allowed for
respondent validation and feedback. Respondent validation, sometimes called member or
communicative validation, is an important element of qualitative research since it gives
opportunities for better correspondence between the findings and the perspectives of the
respondents (Bryman 2008; Mikkelsen 2005). Finally, existing literature was reviewed to
identify policies and regulations related to the cassava leaves value chain, and to assess
existing knowledge within the field of agricultural value chains, gender dynamics and cassava
leaves.
Table 3. Overview of data collection methods.
Method Respondents Number
Household survey Farmers 50
Semi-structured interviews
Farmers 8
Retailers 23
Wholesalers 5
Supermarkets 4
Farmer associations 2
Village leader 1
Organizations 2
Universities 1
Government officials 6
Total 52
Focus group discussions Farmers 2
Participant and direct observation All value chain operators 22
Respondent validation Farmers 1

38. 32
Table 4 presents an overview of the purpose of the research methods, their respondents and
the level on which they were conducted, i.e. global, national, regional, district, village and
household. Appendix A presents an elaborated research matrix which was developed prior to
the fieldwork to serve as a tool to operationalize the objectives and research questions. In the
process of adjusting the research methods to practical field conditions, the household survey
among farmers was decided to be used in combination with further semi-structured
interviews. This was because a survey can capture larger amounts of standardized information
(Denscombe 2010) which enables statistical analysis to provide robustness to the findings,
and it was considered to increase the possibilities for methodological triangulation (Mikkelsen
2005).
The use of both qualitative and quantitative research methods allows for findings from
different data sources to converge, and for a thorough understanding of participants’
subjective reasons and perspectives, particularly in research which investigates dynamics
between different groups, in this case women and men (Creswell 2003; Johnson and
Onwuegbuzie 2004). Consequently, the mixed methods approach as a research strategy
matches well with the value chain approach to analysis of agricultural products, which seeks
to both quantify the value chain in terms of production and participation as well as to
investigate dynamic linkages and relationships between actors at various levels and
institutions in the chain (Quisumbing et al 2014a; Ribot 1998; Webber and Labaste 2007).
Table 4. Purpose of research methods and associated respondents and operational level.
Method Purpose Respondents Level
Literature review
- Identify existing empirical and theoretical
knowledge
- Value chain regulations and policy
- Global, national
Household survey
- Value chain mapping and quantification
- Understand farmers perceptions
- Gender relations
Farmers Household
Semi-structured
interviews
- Value chain mapping and quantification
- Gender relations
- Access to resources and benefits
- External engagement
Core operators,
influencers, supporters
Household,
village, district,
regional
Participant and
direct observation
- Processing procedures
- Farming practices
- Clarification and triangulation
Core operators
Village, district,
regional
Focus group
discussions
- Household gender dynamics
- Access to resources and benefits
Farmers Village
Final
presentations
- Respondent validation
- Sharing of knowledge
Farmers, IITA
researchers
Village, regional

39. 33
5.2 Selection of study sites
Sampling of study sites for the data collection was purposively conducted and based on
cassava productivity in the selected area, and on resource limitations of the study. Mkuranga
District was chosen for the value chain analysis since cassava production and processing was
relatively dynamic and widespread there. Thus, it was assumed that also cassava leaves were
likely to be consumed, harvested and marketed to some extent. The proximity to Dar es
Salaam and the connection to the urban areas by the well maintained tarmac road were
considered to enable marketing of cassava leaves at urban market centers.
Due to the study’s limited resources it was not feasible to examine the production and
marketing of cassava leaves in the whole district. Therefore, only one village was selected to
enable a deeper understanding of the dynamics and relationships involved on the production
level of the value chain. In discussions with my supervisors and IITA researchers,
Kimbwanindi village was purposively selected due to its direct connection to the tarmac road,
which enabled more interviews to be carried out and less travelling to and from the village.
Moreover, IITA had an ongoing cassava project in Kimbwanindi village which was thought to
be favorable since the village population potentially could benefit from synergies between the
project outcomes. With support from my co-supervisor and staff from the Tanzania Food and
Nutrition Centre (TFNC) and the District Agriculture Office (DAO) in Mkuranga, appropriate
officials on Regional, District, Ward and village levels were approached to introduce myself
and the study’s objectives and research methods, and to ask for official permission to conduct
interviews in the selected area.
A value chain analysis involves tracing the flows by which a product is transported between
core operators, from primary production to final consumption (Webber and Labaste 2007).
Since most cassava leaves harvested in Mkuranga District were found to be traded at urban
market centers, the analysis was extended to involve not only Mkuranga District but also Dar
es Salaam, in order to capture the whole value chain including the retail and wholesale
segments.
5.3 Research assistants in the field
All interviews and discussions with core operators were conducted with the help of research
assistants who translated the interviews from Swahili to English and vice versa. Due to
unsuccessful collaboration with one assistant and that another resigned due to a new
employment, a total of three research assistants were used during the three months of data

40. 34
collection. They were all undergraduate students in Gender and Development and recruited
from the Mwalimu Nyerere Memorial Academy (MNMA) in Dar es Salaam, with assistance
from my co-supervisor’s research colleague. Implications of the use of different research
assistants for the quality and consistency of the data generated are discussed in section 7.1.5 –
‘The role of the researcher and research assistant’.
All research assistants were women, which was considered to increase chances of women
respondents to share potentially sensitive information concerning gender roles and access to
resources and benefits in the value chain, especially on the household level. However, it is
recognized that this may have had a negative effect on the quality of information given by
men respondents (Harrison 2006), since both my research assistants and I, the researcher, are
young women. In addition to translation, the research assistants provided invaluable
assistance as they helped understand and interpret behavior and information from
respondents, transcribe recordings from FGDs and interviews and arrange with villagers to
guide us between households. At the end of the collaboration with the main assistant, who
also was the most successful, a letter of reference was provided to her with strong
recommendations for future employment.
5.4 Methods for data collection and sampling
Data collection for this value chain analysis was carried out during three months between
November 2014 and January 2015. Approximately seven weeks were spent in Mkuranga
District, primarily collecting data from farmers in Kimbwanindi village as well as other
operators and actors. Six weeks were spent in Dar es Salaam where interviews were held with
value chain actors, and where field preparations, preliminary data analysis and final
presentation were conducted.
5.4.1 Literature review
In order to enable elaboration of relevant concepts and theories for the study, a literature
review was conducted prior to the field work. The literature review guided the development
of research questions and provided for an examination of findings from the study using
existing empirical knowledge. The application of relevant concepts and theories increases the
external validity of the study as it increases the opportunities to situate the findings into a
larger body of empirical context (Angelsen et al 2011). The review included literature on
analyses of agricultural value chains in Africa, including cassava and cassava leaves value
chains, as well as on value chain analyses with specific focus on gender relations. Existing

41. 35
knowledge concerning cassava leaves in general was also reviewed to assess the extent to
which the structure and performance of cassava leaves markets had been investigated by
others, to justify the study’s research objectives. Background information about the study site
and Tanzania’s agricultural sector was researched prior to the field work to get an overview of
the context. Moreover, policies and regulations related to production and marketing of
cassava leaves as well as of gender considerations within the Tanzanian agriculture sector
were examined. This was done through searching on the Internet as well as through
interviews with government officials in Dar es Salaam at the MAFSC. The examination was
part of the analysis of the enabling environment and institutional framework surrounding the
cassava leaves value chain.
The literature review was continued during and after data collection to update and follow up
as findings emerged from the data analysis, and to improve the discussion and implications of
the findings in relation to previous research.
5.4.2 Household survey
A household survey was carried out with 50 cassava farmers in Kimbwanindi village, in
which a pre-tested structured questionnaire (presented in Appendix D) was used to generate
both quantitative and qualitative data. The survey was seen as a way to gather a relatively
large amount of standardized straightforward data in a short time, which would serve as a
basis for further interviews. By combining the survey with qualitative interviews some
disadvantages of the survey, such as respondents’ inability to develop their answers in closed
questions, were averted (Denscombe 2010). Specifically information concerning households’
socio-economic characteristics, the gendered division of labor and women’s and men’s access
to resources and benefits in relation to cassava leaves was gathered. Moreover, the household
survey enabled quantification of volumes, prizes and number of operators in the production
node, and generated information on nutritional knowledge, farmers’ level of horizontal and
vertical coordination, value added activities and vertical integration.
5.4.2.1 Survey design and method
The questionnaire was developed based on discussions with my supervisors and guidelines
developed by Rea and Parker (2005). Both closed and open-ended questions were included to
generate various types of data that could be used for both quantitative and qualitative analysis.
Prior to the survey, the questionnaire was tested with one respondent in Kimbwanindi village,
after which wording and sequence of the questions were modified to better suit the local

42. 36
context and research objectives. The survey was carried out by having the research assistant
translating the questions that I asked and then the answers given by respondents. All
interviews except one were voice recorded, yet notes were taken during the interviews to
facilitate rapid data entry in a spreadsheet. This enabled primary data analysis while in the
field. The interviews lasted between 20 minutes and one hour, and respondents were typically
approached in their homes since this was thought to be most convenient for them.
Since data analysis was intended to investigate gendered differences in participation and
perceptions, it was deemed important that respondents were interviewed alone. The presence
of for instance a partner was thought to affect the information given, especially concerning
information about gender relations. However, this was sometimes difficult to achieve, since
passers-by and neighbors often were very curious and many husbands of female respondents
wanted to know what the interview was about. Yet, in most cases, a brief discussion and
explanation was sufficient for extra listeners to agree to leave. Prior to the interviews,
respondents were given information concerning the objective of the study and the purpose of
their participation. After informed consent was given by the respondent, the interview and
voice recording were initiated. At the end of the interview, respondents were allowed to ask
questions, add to or modify information. Each respondent was also given a small token; a bag
of rice, beans or salt, as a sign of gratitude for their participation. Food items were given since
they were most likely to benefit all household members. Finally, relevant respondents were
asked for further participation in interviews. Those who had a mobile phone (the majority of
the respondents) were asked to provide me their phone number to facilitate communication.
Those without mobile phone but relevant for additional interviews were approached in their
homes to bed asked for further participation.
5.4.2.2 Sampling
In correspondence with others (e.g. Njuki et al 2011), it was assumed that households do not
function as single units where resources are pooled. Rather, it was assumed that household
members were likely to have different preferences and bargaining powers which affected their
desires and abilities to access certain resources and benefits. With the aim to investigate
gendered perceptions and differences in the cassava leaves value chain, it was important to
receive the perspectives of both men and women farmers. I wanted to cover all sub villages in
Kimbwanindi village to create a representative sample and to enable analysis between the sub
villages, which were Kimbwanindi, Beta and Nyamkalango sub villages. 50 respondents were

43. 37
surveyed, since this was considered a manageable number within the time frame given as well
as a sufficiently large sample to enable simple statistical analysis. 25 women and 25 men were
interviewed in different households. Based on the relative size of the sub villages 22, 16 and
12 respondents were surveyed in Kimbwanindi, Beta and Nyamkalango sub villages
respectively. Table 5 presents an overview of the number of interviews carried out with the
women and men in each sub village.
Table 5. Number of survey interviews carried out, stratified by gender and sub village.
Number of
households
Sample Men/women
Number
Share of total
households (%)
Number Share (%)
Kimbwanindi village 346 50 14 25/25 50/50
Kimbwanindi sub village 150 22 15 10/12 45/55
Beta sub village 110 16 15 10/6 62/38
Nyamkalango sub village 86 12 14 5/7 42/58
According to the village chief, basically all households in Kimbwanindi village cultivated
cassava, which was the prerequisite for participation. Therefore, the initial sampling strategy
was to draw a stratified random sample from census household lists, choosing every seventh
household from each sub village list and asking to interview female and male household
members in every second household respectively. Such a probability sampling strategy would
have given a representative sample for the village with possibilities to generalize to the whole
village population (Bryman 2008). However, due to delayed arrival of the census lists and that
households were dispersed over a large geographical area, snowball sampling was employed
as the most feasible option, given the study’s limited time and resources. As a point of
departure, a list of ten select households was provided by the village chief. Thereafter,
respondents were identified by asking the latest respondent to mention a new one, according
to the process described by Shively (2011). The implications of using the non-probability
snowball sampling strategy instead of probability random sampling is further discussed in
section 7.1.6 – ‘Sampling strategy and methods’.
5.4.3 Semi-structured interviews
Semi-structured interviews were conducted with all the different types of actors in the cassava
leaves value chain (except local brokers) in both Mkuranga District and Dar es Salaam. The
purpose of interviewing farmers was to broaden the information obtained from the household
survey and to gain in-depth understanding of the gender dynamics in the production node of