-
1.
Lorenzo Cotula
Team Leader – Legal Tools
International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED)
Investment treaties:
What they are and why
they matter
-
2.
Investment treaties and grassroots action:
A hypothetical but plausible scenario
Agribusiness project, large-scale land acquisition, community and
CSO mobilisation
Following company breach of contractual conditions, government
terminates the project
Company initiates arbitration against government, arguing treated
unfairly and claiming $’00mn damages (plus arbitration costs)
Monetary issue - should the public purse shoulder costs?
Can prospect of compensation payouts discourage government
from heeding to community/CSO demands?
-
3.
Investment treaties
Agreements concluded between two or more states to promote
investment by nationals of one state into the other state
• Bilateral, regional, multilateral treaties
• Increasingly investment chapters within wider preferential trade &
investment agreements
Reciprocal in form but often not in practice, especially in treaties
between developed and developing countries
Not to be confused with investment contracts concluded between a
government and a company to regulate a specific investment project
Investment promotion mainly through protection, increasingly pre-
establishment provisions
-
4.
Investment protection
Substantive standards
Eg ‘fair and equitable treatment’ - flexible standard, leaves significant
room for discretion reflected in diverse arbitral interpretations
Legal remedies - usually, investor-state arbitration (‘ISDS’)
Investor can take disputes with government to an arbitral tribunal -
usually three private lawyers, appointed to settle the dispute
If the investor wins, tribunal awards compensation - can involve very
substantial amounts (compensation, arbitration costs)
No appeal, relatively effective mechanisms to enforce pecuniary awards
-
5.
Investment treaties and CSO advocacy
Complex technical/legal issues – but choices on whether to conclude
an investment treaty, and in what form, are political
Need for transparency and democratic deliberation, CSO advocacy
key
Diverse perspectives and positioning in the political spectrum – but
important to share lessons from experience
What strategies, tools and tactics work, where and under what
conditions?
-
6.
ENGAGING THE
TPPA – LESSONS
FROM MALAYSIAN
CIVIL SOCIETY
Fauwaz Abdul Aziz
Idris Institute for Research (Malay Economic
Action Council)
12 February, 2015
-
7.
1.1
Assessmen
t, Analysis
Setting
• The People’s Anti-FTA Coalition (to tackle US-
Malaysia FTA (2006) and EU-ASEAN FTA (2007), TPPA
and EU-Malaysia FTA (both in 2010): Advocated on
all those controversial aspects of FTAs
• FTA Coalition had more opposition party
involvement = less political engagement, but more
direct actions
• Weak Bush position on US FTAs
• Differences between administrations of Mahathir
(1981-2003), Badawi (2003-2009) and Najib (2009-
present): Transition period between state-led
capitalism (Mahathir), to ‘Mr Nice Guy (Badawi) and
corporate-led capitalism (Najib). During Badawi’s
time, Mahathir legacy still casted a long shadow:
• Set up BANTAH (‘Resist’) the TPPA coalition (2013):
• Greater emphasis on Investment Chapter, ISDS –
impacts on Affirmative Action, Income & Wealth
Distribution
-
8.
1.2.
Assessmen
t, Analysis
International scenario:
• Increasing prominence of Investment chapters
(NAFTA, CAFTA, EU FTAs, etc), TPPA’s draft
Investment Chapter
• Increasing powers, protection, benefits (vs
responsibilities, liabilities) of Trans-National
Corporations
• Governments getting smaller as representative
of public interest & responsibilities, but getting
bigger as representatives, manager of corporate
interests
• Attack on fundamental elements of democratic,
civil society practices (e.g. prior consultation,
prior consent, public services &
sensitive/strategic sectors)
Domestic senario
• ‘Najiberalism’
• Greater US Stakes (Democrats campaign during Bush
administration against ISDS, Obama’s pre-2008
-
9.
1.3. Goals
• Malaysia walks out of the TPPA.
• Not have an Investment Chapter
• Malaysia should NOT agree to
• ISDS, regulation of capital flow, “fair and
equitable treatment”
• an “expropriation” provision, “indirect
expropriation”, restrictions on performance
requirements beyond those at the WTO, bind
state and local governments, restrict capital
controls on inflows and outflows to prevent a
financial crisis or to deal with it when one
happens, disciplines on ‘currency manipulators’
if defined in a way that would include Malaysia
(foreign exchange reserves that can cover 6
months of imports and a current account
surplus), punishment of currency manipulators
by tariffs being raised on their exports
• Malaysia SHOULD ensure that an Exceptions chapter
has the effective exceptions needed (e.g. for
-
10.
Civil Society Advocacy
on Investment Treaties:
Lessons from the Philippines
Joseph Purugganan
Focus on the Global South /EU-ASEAN FTA Campaign
-
11.
THE PROBLEM
-
12.
CORPORATE AGENDA
The strong push for a global consensus on 21st Century trade
and investment regime, which institutionalizes the corporate
agenda in trade and investment policies.
This corporate driven agenda would worsen inequality, erode
peoples rights and impact negatively on the environment.
-
13.
New Generation FTAs
These new generation trade agreements encompass a whole
range of economic policies that push for market liberalization
of goods and services, stronger and more restrictive
intellectual property rights, but also the easing of restrictions
on investments, and greater investor protection
-
14.
STRATEGIES
To push back FTAS AND IIAS, and
Expose and address impacts of
investments on the ground
-
15.
1. CONSOLIDATING THE POLITICAL
AGENDA AND ANALYSIS
-
16.
National and regional forums on
investments
Bangkok 2013
Phnom Penh 2012
-
17.
STRENGTHENING NETWORKS AND
BUILDING MOVEMENTS
In SEA, the existence of a regional
campaign network (EU-ASEAN) became
the main platform for discussions on ISDS
and integrating ISDS and investment
issues into the trade campaign.
-
18.
Linking campaigns and
movements
Regional Forums like ASEAN Peoples Forum (APF), Asia-
Europe Peoples Forum (AEPF), ASEAN Grassroots Peoples
Assembly (AGPA) among others
Finding common ground; defining a common handle for joint
campaigning
Amplifying core issues through emblematic cases
-
19.
DIRECT ENGAGEMENT WITH
GOVERNMENT
Submissions made to the Philippine government on:
Conduct of social impact assessment
Memorandum on the benefits of undertaking a review of
international investment agreements and the ISDS mechanism
Dialogues with Agencies
Trade Department
Human Right Commission
Congress/Parliament
-
20.
POPULAR EDUCATION AND
MEDIA
organizing public forums and media briefings on ISDS-
anchoring the discussions on the actual cases both those
against the particular countries and the emblematic cases
proved useful.
-
21.
OVERALL GOALS
To inform and educate the public
To build the campaign constituency
To document and articulate impacts of investments
To inform and influence government to reject iSDS in FTAs,
to begin a process of review or auditing existing BITS, and
review of investment policies
-
22.
2.1.
-
Approach
- Strategy
- Tactics
• Have research done, published, disseminated
• Non-partisan, apolitical = MORE political
engagement
• Strategic alliances, coalition-building
• Raise questions & concerns remaining unaddressed
by Government, challenge the paradigm framing
investment agreements, values underlying them:
• Strip off the cloak of secrecy & technicalities
surrounding the TPPA, Investment Chapter:
• Dichotomising the benefits-costs of TPPA: Obscene
lop-sidedness of Investment Chapter, ISDS
arbitration system
• Overall Impact on Malaysian lives
• Specific impacts on Bumiputera community
• Strengthen government position on investment
issues of
• Exclusions
• investment authorization
• pre-establishment
-
23.
TIPS on Campaigning
1. Clearly define your position and how you frame the issue
2. Build a constituency around this position and framing
3. Back up your assertions with studies and clear cases
4. Use emblematic cases to drive home the point and as a
tool to link campaigns
-
24.
3.1
Outcome:
Successes
Government agreed to:
• Engage with CSOs on TPPA (from 2 in 2011, 3 in
2012, 13 in 2013)
• Carry out, disclose cost-benefit analyses and a
‘national interest analysis’ of the TPPA
• Appoint ‘cleared advisors’ on the TPPA from
industry, trade, civil society reps as well as
academics and other experts on a voluntary, non-
remunerative basis.
• ‘Carve out’ tobacco from the list of goods that
firms could claim under the TPPA benefits, such as
ISDS arbitration
Public:
• Before: very little awareness about TPPA. Now:
many ordinary men and women at least now
recognise there are negotiations taking place, even
if they know very little beyond
• Its secrecy
• the higher costs of medicine
-
25.
3.2
Outcome:
Failures
The ball was always with the government to decide
how frequent, and how far, it would engage with
BANTAH or other civil society organisations over the
TPPA.
Specific failures
• ISDS (government previously promised to look into
‘alternatives to ISDS)
• regulation of capital flow
• “fair and equitable treatment”
• an “expropriation” provision
• “indirect expropriation”
• restrictions on performance requirements beyond
those at the WTO
• bind state and local governments
• restrict capital controls on inflows and outflows to
prevent a financial crisis or to deal with it when
one happens
-
26.
3.3
Outcome:
Failures
Failure to mobilise more people: Only a very small
number of social and political activists were ready to
devote their energies to the ‘dry’ issues of political
and socio-economics, at most a few hundred at
rallies/gatherings/talks on TPPA. Most were caught up
in the partisan politics of BN versus Pakatan. But tens
and hundreds of thousands would brave tear gas,
water cannons, police batons and arrests to express
support for, or opposition against, one political group
or another, only a few hundred people made up
mostly of leftists would show up for rallies and talks
on the TPPA.
-
27.
4. Closing
remarks
• Need for adequate human, financial resources to
tackle issues (applies to government, civil society
and industries).
• Advocacy on trade and investment an EXHAUSTIVE
process.
• Lack of resources to tackle HUGE issues (deep &
comprehensive changes that are fundamental to
Malaysia and other countries
• Need for accurate, timely research for both
awareness, informative and lobbying purposes.
• Need for full-time, dedicated coordinators
• Network and build coalition, strategic alliances: How
to balance between advocating for race-based
affirmative action while convincing other races to
join the same call on top of other cross-cutting
issues? Look at commonalities of issues, persuade
need still remains for affirmative action
• The TPPA report Malaysia is Not for Sale has
maintained the campaign. Whatever difficulties
during the campaign, we are remembered afterward
-
28.
Thank you.
Idris Instite
Mallay Economic Action Council
No.24, Jalan Telawi 9, Bangsar
59100 Kuala Lumpur
No. Tel: +603-2284 6670 Faks: +603-2284 6671
Email : fauwaz@idrisinstitute.org
-
29.
OUTCOMES
ISDS IN THE PUBLIC CONSCIOUSNESS
GOVERNMENTS ARE OPEN TO THE IDEA OF
REVIEWING INVESTMENT POLICIES
BUT THERE IS ALSO THE DANGER OF FOCUSING
SOLELY ON ISDS IN FTA CAMPAIGNING
Welcome
Topic of this webinar – CSO advocacy on investment treaties
Investment treaties concluded for decades, now over 3000 of them worldwide, but only more recently their full implicaz are becoming apparent and beginning of more open debate, including through CSO contestation
Much debate at the global level – governments, experts key players
We think that IITs can have very major implications and that it is important that CSOs working at the grassroots in low and middle-income countries engage and have their voices heard - ultimately a matter of democracy
Before giving the floor to Fauwaz and Joseph, introduce a few concepts on IIT – a bit of background on what they are, why they matter. Main aim is to spark interest, issues discussed raise complexities that it is not possible to cover here
So – why should civil society working at the grassroots in the global south look at IIT: intl treaties can have very practical implications for the struggles CSOs are supporting at the grassroots.
I will start from an example that most participants at this webinar will be familar with
Let’s consider a hypothetical but plausible scenario, partly inspired by real cases, with adaptations (cf loosely inspired from Tecmed v Mexico – re: landfill not agribusiness)
Legal basis for the companies’ claims – IIT
Investment contracts – eg land or mining concession
Investment protection – argument goes that if investors reassured they will reap the benefits of their investment they will be more inclined to invest – in practice, empirical evidence on whether IITs do promote FDI is mixed
Subs standards
‘Fair and equitable treatment’ requires government to treat covered investors/investments according to a minimum standard of fairness
Arbitral tribunals have filled the void left by the vague formulation through interpretation, creating new concepts eg legitimate expectations that arguably take FET beyond what was originally intended
Relied on in almost all investor-state arbitrations – including to challenge denial of environmental permits, sanctioning of investor non-performance, contract renegotiation, judgments awarding environmental damages
Intl remedies - ISDS
=> IIT must be taken very seriously – potentially far-reaching implications not only for national policy but also for action at the grassroots
Investment treaties can have far-reaching practical implications
Why look at investment treaties, what strategies/approaches for advocacy?
What practical steps, what top tips?
What outcomes so far, what works, what else is needed?
1. What was the problem, what strategies did you use and why?
[Issues you might with to consider include, what assessments and analysis had you done that made you think the strategies you used to influence the proposed investment treaties would be successful? – Did you believe the strategies were likely to succeed? – What would success have looked like? / What did you hope to achieve? (e.g. government abandoning negotiations altogether and/or at least excluding from negotiations controversial provisions (e.g. investment protection and ISDS provisions)….)]
2. What practical steps did you follow, and what are your top tips for CSOs concerned about ITs in their own countries?
[Issues you might with to consider include, what are your top tips for being most effective and efficient? – How do CSOs best support/run advocacy and scrutiny on investment treaties (e.g. in terms of coalition building, lobbying efforts etc.)?]
3. What have been the outcomes, and do you think that these strategies are an effective way to scrutinise and advocate on investment treaties?
[Issues you might with to consider include, how effective have your efforts been? – What outcomes? – What have you learnt from engaging with those strategies? – Could the strategies be strengthened/improved? – would you use them again? – what enables the strategies to work well?]
Setting
The People’s Anti-FTA Coalition (to tackle US-Malaysia FTA (2006) and EU-ASEAN FTA (2007), TPPA and EU-Malaysia FTA (both in 2010): Advocated on all those controversial aspects of FTAs: market access relating to investment, manufactured goods, agricultural goods, sanitary and phyto-sanitary (SPS), technical barriers to trade (TBT), export taxes, services intellectual property, government procurement, competition and state-owned enterprises, biodiversity and food safety, to name the more controversial ones.
FTA Coalition had more opposition party involvement = less political engagement, but more direct actions
Weak Bush position on US FTAs
Differences between administrations of Mahathir (1981-2003), Badawi (2003-2009) and Najib (2009-present): Transition period between state-led capitalism (Mahathir), to ‘Mr Nice Guy (Badawi) and corporate-led capitalism (Najib). During Badawi’s time, Mahathir legacy still casted a long shadow:
Mahathir (1981-2003):
Look East Policy: Preferred looking towards Japan, China, ASEAN, Muslim Countries, was against developed-developing country FTAs, Malaysia was against inclusion of labour, environment, government procurement, SOEs, investment as part of WTO negotiations.
Domestic:
The goal of increasing Bumiputera ownership of national shares of corporate equity to 30%; Indian share ownership to 3%.
To correct the identification of race with economic function.
A multitude of Bumiputera support measures: e.g., ensuring the sale of privatised government entities to Bumiputera owners; funding for R&D projects for Bumiputera researchers; creating 100 new Bumiputera direct sales companies.
Badawi (2003-2009):
Warming of ties with US & EU (US-Malaysia FTA, ASEAN-Malaysia, EU-Malaysia FTA
Ninth Malaysia Plan (9MP, announced at the end of March 2006) carried forward existing socio-economic programs, including those supporting affirmative action Bumiputera policy and other affirmative action policies:
One of the five "thrusts" of the 9MP was "to address persistent socio-economic inequalities constructively and productively," thereby addressing rural-urban disparities as well as supporting Bumiputera advancement. It set specific targets for:
balancing income distribution
restructuring employment
redistributing wealth
for all government agencies to ensure that their policies and programs take into account the implications for distribution.
Set up BANTAH (‘Resist’) the TPPA coalition (2013):
Greater emphasis on Investment Chapter, ISDS – impacts on Affirmative Action, Income & Wealth Distribution
‘Apolitical, Non-partisian’, less political in terms of membership, activities
But MORE political in terms of engagement, lobbying
International scenario:
Increasing prominence of Investment chapters (NAFTA, CAFTA, EU FTAs, etc), TPPA’s draft Investment Chapter
Increasing powers, protection, benefits (vs responsibilities, liabilities) of Trans-National Corporations
Governments getting smaller as representative of public interest & responsibilities, but getting bigger as representatives, manager of corporate interests
Attack on fundamental elements of democratic, civil society practices (e.g. prior consultation, prior consent, public services & sensitive/strategic sectors)
Domestic senario
‘Najiberalism’
Greater US Stakes (Democrats campaign during Bush administration against ISDS, Obama’s pre-2008 presidential campaign against ISDS
Unprecedented Secrecy – affecting draft Investment Chapter & all other chapters proposed for TPPA
Neutral(ised) Political Opposition
Malaysia walks out of the TPPA.
Not have an Investment Chapter
Malaysia should NOT agree to
ISDS
regulation of capital flow
“fair and equitable treatment”
an “expropriation” provision
“indirect expropriation”
restrictions on performance requirements beyond those at the WTO
bind state and local governments
restrict capital controls on inflows and outflows to prevent a financial crisis or to deal with it when one happens
to disciplines on ‘currency manipulators’ if defined in a way that would include Malaysia (foreign exchange reserves that can cover 6 months of imports and a current account surplus)
punishment of currency manipulators by tariffs being raised on their exports
Malaysia SHOULD ensure that an Exceptions chapter has the effective exceptions needed (e.g. for financial crises, health, environment, consumer protection, halal etc.) that apply to all chapters.
Have research done, published, disseminated
Non-partisan, apolitical = MORE political engagement
Strategic alliances, coalition-building
Raise questions & concerns remaining unaddressed by Government, challenge the paradigm framing investment agreements, values underlying them:
Investment agreements = increase of FDI? What sort of FDI?
Is less government better? Privatisation, deregulation, liberalisation: Have they improved the quality of public goods & services?
Strip off the cloak of secrecy & technicalities surrounding the TPPA, Investment Chapter:
Extreme nature of facts surrounding ISDS (number of ISDS cases now compared to before, scandalous amounts demanded and awarded by ISDS arbitrators to investors)
Attacks on sovereignty of governments’ regulatory, legislative, executive, judicial powers & responsibilities, religious practices (e.g., ‘halal’ dietary regulations) etc
Double-speak behind ‘Fair and equitable treatment’, ‘Non-Discrimination & National Treatment’, etc.)
Dichotomising the benefits-costs of TPPA: Obscene lop-sidedness of Investment Chapter, ISDS arbitration system
Overall Impact on Malaysian lives: quality of life, distribution of wealth, affirmative action
Specific impacts on Bumiputera community: distribution of wealth, affirmative action for Bumiputeras
Strengthen government position on investment issues of
Exclusions
investment authorization
pre-establishment
ISDS arbitration
safeguards
Outcomes (Successes)
Government agreed to:
Engage with CSOs on TPPA (from 2 in 2011, 3 in 2012, 13 in 2013)
‘Open day’ forums
Carry out, disclose cost-benefit analyses and a ‘national interest analysis’ of the TPPA
Appoint ‘cleared advisors’ on the TPPA from industry, trade, civil society reps as well as academics and other experts on a voluntary, non-remunerative basis.
‘Carve out’ tobacco from the list of goods that firms could claim under the TPPA benefits, such as ISDS arbitration
Public:
Before: very little awareness about TPPA. Now: many ordinary men and women at least now recognise there are negotiations taking place, even if they know very little beyond the fact that there are concerns about its effects.
When asked, many are at least aware that there are concerns about
the lack of transparency and meaningful consultation
the higher costs of medicine
ISDS
the attack on Bumiputera affirmative action,
the impending threat of transnational corporations against small Malaysian businesses.
Outcomes (General Failures): The ball was always with the government to decide how frequent, and how far, it would engage with BANTAH or other civil society organisations over the TPPA.
Specific failures
ISDS (government previously promised to look into ‘alternatives to ISDS)
regulation of capital flow
“fair and equitable treatment”
an “expropriation” provision
“indirect expropriation”
restrictions on performance requirements beyond those at the WTO
bind state and local governments
restrict capital controls on inflows and outflows to prevent a financial crisis or to deal with it when one happens
Failure to mobilise more people: Only a very small number of social and political activists were ready to devote their energies to the ‘dry’ issues of political and socio-economics, at most a few hundred at rallies/gatherings/talks on TPPA. Most were caught up in the partisan politics of BN versus Pakatan. But tens and hundreds of thousands would brave tear gas, water cannons, police batons and arrests to express support for, or opposition against, one political group or another, only a few hundred people made up mostly of leftists would show up for rallies and talks on the TPPA.
Failure to mobilise more people: Only a very small number of social and political activists were ready to devote their energies to the ‘dry’ issues of political and socio-economics, at most a few hundred at rallies/gatherings/talks on TPPA. Most were caught up in the partisan politics of BN versus Pakatan. But tens and hundreds of thousands would brave tear gas, water cannons, police batons and arrests to express support for, or opposition against, one political group or another, only a few hundred people made up mostly of leftists would show up for rallies and talks on the TPPA.
Need for adequate human, financial resources to tackle issues (applies to government, civil society and industries).
Advocacy on trade and investment an EXHAUSTIVE process. We have run out of manpower and money after two years of campaigning. In trade and investment agreement, you’re in for the long haul campaign. None of the Malaysian NGOs were ready for this. We’ve managed to push that far, but it’s disruptive to all other campaigns that we have.
Lack of resources to tackle HUGE issues (deep & comprehensive changes that are fundamental to Malaysia and other countries
Need for accurate, timely research for both awareness, informative and lobbying purposes.
Need for full-time, dedicated coordinators
Network and build coalition, strategic alliances: How to balance between advocating for race-based affirmative action while convincing other races to join the same call on top of other cross-cutting issues? Look at commonalities of issues, persuade need still remains for affirmative action
The TPPA report Malaysia is Not for Sale has maintained the campaign. Whatever difficulties during the campaign, we are remembered afterward for the book and other, smaller reports – most of which have not been rebutted by proponents of the TPPA.