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Women in Law and Politics Journal.pdf Danielle Mikaelian

Danielle Mikaelian was the Editor-in-Chief of Columbia's Women in Law and Politics Journal. She founded the journal as well and established editorial guidelines. She is now a student at Harvard Law School. #daniellemikaelian

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Columbia University
Women in Law and Politics
Journal
Volume 1 l Issue 2 Summer 2019
A COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS PUBLICATION
1
Columbia Women in Law and
Politics Journal
VOLUME I | ISSUE II | SUMMER 2019
Editor-in-Chief
Danielle Mikaelian
Executive Editors
Sonia Mahajan
Cara Maines
The Columbia Women in Law and Politics Journal is the publication
of Columbia University Women in Law and Politics
2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Political Pregnancy and Public Perception
Jennifer Kaplan, Barnard College
A Look at Women’s Political Participation
in China
Hannah Kim, Rice University
Swing Like a Girl
Victoria Morgan, University of Southern
California
Female Representation in U.S. Congress
Rosalie Moss, Barnard College
8
34
63
8
3
LETTER FROM THE EDITOR
Dear Reader,
As the Editor-in-Chief of the Columbia Women in Law and Politics
Journal, it is my great pleasure to announce our second issue. I am
extremely grateful to have had the privilege of spearheading such a
novel, rapidly evolving publication.
The Journal, as a publication of Columbia Women in Law and
Politics, further cements and reaffirms the presence, value, and
necessity of the organization. Through expanding our reach through
a biannual journal, it is the sincere hope of the WILP Executive
Board that, by highlighting contemporary struggles of women, we
can help promote gender equality.
Specifically, our careful choice of articles, which encompass topics
like female congressional representation, the gender pay gap, and
political pregnancies, emphasizes the incessant struggles women
face while striving to achieve equal treatment. Through providing a
non-partisan platform to share academic writing that promotes
discussion of issues related to women, the CU WILP Journal Editorial
Board hopes to highlight disparities and further close the gap
between individuals of different genders.
After a meticulous review process, the Editorial Board selected less
than half of submitted articles for publication. Selected pieces were
4
chosen as a result of their commitment to exposing gender
inequalities, persuasiveness of argument, and dedication to future
progress. The four articles featured act as examples of exemplary
undergraduate scholarship.
I would like to personally thank our Executive Editors, Sonia
Mahajan and Cara Maines, without whom this publication would not
be possible. They dedicated hours of their time to the journal’s
production over the course of the semester and winter break.
Moreover, they will be returning to the Editorial Board next
semester, and I look forward to advancing the journal with such
dedicated and talented individuals.
We look forward to the future of the journal and forthcoming female
advancement. The last ten years have featured remarkable progress,
including global promotion of LGBTQ rights and the creation of
organizations and movements that promote female advancement.
However, gender disparities remain rampant, and as an organization,
we will continue to work to remove barriers preventing women from
obtaining equality.
The Editorial Board hopes that you enjoy the Journal. Thank you for
taking the time to read our inaugural issue.
Sincerely,
Danielle Mikaelian
Editor-in-Chief
5
MISSION STATEMENT
The goal of the Columbia Women in Law and Politics Journal is to
promote discussion regarding the legal and political questions
affecting women today. As an academic journal, we prioritize
stimulating intellectual debate highlighting factors affecting female
progress. To accomplish this, it is essential that we:
i) Provide a platform for undergraduate women’s voices through our
commitment to only publish articles by women authors and having
an all-women editorial staff.
ii) Make available the resources necessary to open discourse on
issues of women in law and politics among undergraduates.
iii) Accept articles from students in all Columbia undergraduate
schools, including Columbia College, the Fu Foundation School of
Engineering and Applied Science, the School of General Studies,
and Barnard College. The journal hopes to expand its reach in
further issues.
iv) Remain a non-partisan publication that accepts and publishes a
wide range of articles addressing the diversity of topics and
viewpoints found within the fields of law and politics.
v) Hold authors to the highest standard possible in terms of the
content and integrity of their articles, and abide by the principles
set out in Columbia University’s Academic Integrity and
Community Standards.
Disclaimer: The goal of the Columbia Women in Law and Politics
Journal is to provide undergraduate women with a non-partisan
platform to share academic writing that promotes discussion of issues
related to women. The views expressed in the articles are not
representative of those of the journal or its editors.
6

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Women in Law and Politics Journal.pdf Danielle Mikaelian

  • 1. Columbia University Women in Law and Politics Journal Volume 1 l Issue 2 Summer 2019 A COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS PUBLICATION 1
  • 2. Columbia Women in Law and Politics Journal VOLUME I | ISSUE II | SUMMER 2019 Editor-in-Chief Danielle Mikaelian Executive Editors Sonia Mahajan Cara Maines The Columbia Women in Law and Politics Journal is the publication of Columbia University Women in Law and Politics 2
  • 3. TABLE OF CONTENTS Political Pregnancy and Public Perception Jennifer Kaplan, Barnard College A Look at Women’s Political Participation in China Hannah Kim, Rice University Swing Like a Girl Victoria Morgan, University of Southern California Female Representation in U.S. Congress Rosalie Moss, Barnard College 8 34 63 8 3
  • 4. LETTER FROM THE EDITOR Dear Reader, As the Editor-in-Chief of the Columbia Women in Law and Politics Journal, it is my great pleasure to announce our second issue. I am extremely grateful to have had the privilege of spearheading such a novel, rapidly evolving publication. The Journal, as a publication of Columbia Women in Law and Politics, further cements and reaffirms the presence, value, and necessity of the organization. Through expanding our reach through a biannual journal, it is the sincere hope of the WILP Executive Board that, by highlighting contemporary struggles of women, we can help promote gender equality. Specifically, our careful choice of articles, which encompass topics like female congressional representation, the gender pay gap, and political pregnancies, emphasizes the incessant struggles women face while striving to achieve equal treatment. Through providing a non-partisan platform to share academic writing that promotes discussion of issues related to women, the CU WILP Journal Editorial Board hopes to highlight disparities and further close the gap between individuals of different genders. After a meticulous review process, the Editorial Board selected less than half of submitted articles for publication. Selected pieces were 4
  • 5. chosen as a result of their commitment to exposing gender inequalities, persuasiveness of argument, and dedication to future progress. The four articles featured act as examples of exemplary undergraduate scholarship. I would like to personally thank our Executive Editors, Sonia Mahajan and Cara Maines, without whom this publication would not be possible. They dedicated hours of their time to the journal’s production over the course of the semester and winter break. Moreover, they will be returning to the Editorial Board next semester, and I look forward to advancing the journal with such dedicated and talented individuals. We look forward to the future of the journal and forthcoming female advancement. The last ten years have featured remarkable progress, including global promotion of LGBTQ rights and the creation of organizations and movements that promote female advancement. However, gender disparities remain rampant, and as an organization, we will continue to work to remove barriers preventing women from obtaining equality. The Editorial Board hopes that you enjoy the Journal. Thank you for taking the time to read our inaugural issue. Sincerely, Danielle Mikaelian Editor-in-Chief 5
  • 6. MISSION STATEMENT The goal of the Columbia Women in Law and Politics Journal is to promote discussion regarding the legal and political questions affecting women today. As an academic journal, we prioritize stimulating intellectual debate highlighting factors affecting female progress. To accomplish this, it is essential that we: i) Provide a platform for undergraduate women’s voices through our commitment to only publish articles by women authors and having an all-women editorial staff. ii) Make available the resources necessary to open discourse on issues of women in law and politics among undergraduates. iii) Accept articles from students in all Columbia undergraduate schools, including Columbia College, the Fu Foundation School of Engineering and Applied Science, the School of General Studies, and Barnard College. The journal hopes to expand its reach in further issues. iv) Remain a non-partisan publication that accepts and publishes a wide range of articles addressing the diversity of topics and viewpoints found within the fields of law and politics. v) Hold authors to the highest standard possible in terms of the content and integrity of their articles, and abide by the principles set out in Columbia University’s Academic Integrity and Community Standards. Disclaimer: The goal of the Columbia Women in Law and Politics Journal is to provide undergraduate women with a non-partisan platform to share academic writing that promotes discussion of issues related to women. The views expressed in the articles are not representative of those of the journal or its editors. 6
  • 7. The submissions of articles must adhere to the following guidelines: i) All work must be original, previously unpublished, and written by undergraduates who identify as women ii) We will consider submissions between 2,000 and 7,000 words (exceptions apply—contact us if you would like to write a shorter or longer article) iii) The journal accepts research papers, opinion pieces, and analyses centered on books related to law and politics, or women’s experiences in law and politics iv) Pieces must be academic in style, but readable by a wider audience v) All pieces must include a bibliography and endnote citations We accept articles on a continuing basis. Please send all inquiries to columbiawilp@gmail.com. SUBMISSIONS 7
  • 8. Political Pregnancy and Public Perception: A Study of Two Women Who Have Given Birth While Serving in Congress Jennifer Kaplan | Barnard College COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS Abstract With Tammy Duckworth’s January 2018 pregnancy announcement, the senator from Illinois becomes only the tenth woman in Congress to become pregnant while serving as a representative. As news of her announcement has spread across a variety of media sources, it’s clear that such an ‘event’ is newsworthy. Senator Duckworth’s treatment by the news media regarding her pregnancy, and the media portrayal of the first woman to become pregnant while serving in Congress, Representative Yvonne Brathwaite Burke, are the subjects of this comparative study. Taken together, the analyses of articles following Burke’s pregnancy in 1973 and Duckworth’s in 2018 examine the ways in which the press represents women who embody the cross-section of several key identities: women, people of color, mothers, and working women. This study seeks to answer the following question: how does the United States media portray pregnant women in public roles—specifically, women in Congress? Ultimately, I argue that, though media portrayal does differ on a case-by-case basis, generally the press reverts to characterizing women based on predefined roles: first as a mother, then as a politician, and finally—but only under certain circumstances—as both. Analysis of this categorization will prove useful to those who seek to understand ways for increasing women’s involvement in leadership roles, as well as the intersectional study of gender and media. 8
  • 9. 9 When Tammy Duckworth, the junior Senator from Illinois, announced her pregnancy in January 2018, she was only the tenth woman in Congress—and the first Senator—to become pregnant in office. When she gave birth to her second daughter on April 9, she became part of an even smaller club of women who have given birth during their elected terms. As news of her announcement spread across a variety of media sources, it became clear that such an ‘event’ was newsworthy. Through a historicizing lens, this paper will take a step back to analyze the event that foregrounds Senator Duckworth’s pregnancy and resulting media coverage: Congresswoman Yvonne Brathwaite Burke’s “historical first” pregnancy while serving as a Representative from California in 1973. I examine the ways in which the press represents women who embody the cross-section of several key identities: women, people of color (Burke is African American, and Duckworth is Thai American), mothers, and working women. This study seeks to answer the following question: how does the United States media portray pregnant women in public roles, specifically women in Congress? Ultimately, I argue that though media portrayal does differ on a case-by-case basis, the press generally reverts to characterizing women based on predefined roles: first as a mother, then as a politician, and finally—but only under certain circumstances—as both. At first glance, it seems clear why so few women have become pregnant while serving in Congress. Congress itself was entirely a boys’ club until 1917, when Jeannette Rankin became the first woman to serve as a Representative for Montana in the House. Since then, only 306 women have been elected (or, in some cases, appointed following the deaths of their Congressman husbands) to roles in the U.S. legislature: 269 in the House of Representatives, 39 in the Senate, and 12 in both the House and Senate. These numbers are small when one considers the fact that there have been COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 10. 10 a total of 12,244 Representatives in U.S. history; women represent roughly 2.5 percent of all U.S. Representatives throughout the country’s existence. One hundred and six women are currently serving in the 115th Congress. All told, there simply haven’t been enough women serving terms to create a high frequency of pregnant members. The general composition of Congress itself is another factor that has likely led to the dearth of pregnant women who have served in its ranks. The average age for women to give birth is 26.4 years in the United States. This is well below the age of most members of Congress, who collectively average 57.8 years old in the House and 61.8 in the Senate. Further, women tend to be older than men when they run for office the first time. While it is true that the age at which women give birth in the United States has been trending upwards for decades, biological fertility restrictions, coupled with the fact that members of Congress generally have established careers before running for national office, go far to explain why so few Congress members have given birth during their tenures. Moreover, it is clear from prior studies that women serving in political office are less likely to start families during their terms and less likely to have children overall. This may be attributed to expectations that women stay at home to raise children when they have them. Alternatively, this may be attributed to the discrimination that women who already have children face when applying for jobs or attempting to advance their careers. With these facts in mind, how Congresswomen are portrayed when they become pregnant during their terms is worthy of investigation. Previous studies have focused on stereotypes that female politicians face, and other studies have described the discrimination that pregnant women face either generally or in the COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 11. 11 workforce, but there is currently scant literature on women who have become pregnant while serving in political office. While Julia Bard discusses the phenomena of “Housewife Superstars” and “Political Strongwomen & MP Mums” in her 2004 book Media Tarts, her analysis is limited to women politicians in Australia. Noting the absences in the previous sources, this paper will explore the gap in the literature on pregnant women politicians in the United States. Background: Stereotypes of Women Politicians Women politicians face certain stereotypes not applicable to their male counterparts. These stereotypes play into how female politicians are portrayed in the media and perceived by the public. Studies have shown that voters are more cognizant of female politicians’ misconduct as compared to their male peers. The added scrutiny on female politicians’ behavior, as well as broader perceptions of their activities while in office, is likely a result of the historical association between women and the domestic sphere, with the public sphere reserved as a realm for men only. Voters also negatively portray female politicians when they are perceived as “power-seeking,” while male politicians receive no such punishment for their perceived intentions. Additionally, a 2014 study found that female politicians “are defined more by their deficits than their strengths,” while simultaneously being viewed as possessing more negative attributes than male politicians. Overall, existing literature demonstrates that female politicians are viewed and evaluated differently from their male peers. I predict that these stereotypes will impact my findings in several key ways. Firstly, we know from previous studies that male politicians are not asked, or judged, about their family lives nearly as frequently as their female peers. That said, preexisting COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 12. 12 stereotypes and the tendency for harsher judgment will likely yield more critical coverage of women politicians’ pregnancies. Secondly, I expect to find an emphasis on family life in these articles, as well as coverage questioning how these women can balance being both mothers and politicians. Further, a woman politician’s self-doubts about her abilities to handle both motherhood and work will be magnified by the press. Finally, given previous studies that have revealed that women politicians tend to de-emphasize their family lives while running for office in order to offset stereotypes about women belonging in the home, I suspect that coverage of Burke’s pregnancy will reveal that she deflects questions about how pregnancy will affect her family life and instead redirect the conversation to her political agenda or other less domestic subjects. Background: Stereotypes of Pregnant Women Pregnant women are treated differently from non-pregnant women, with treatment varying based on context. Pregnant women seeking “nontraditional roles,” for example, in the workforce, face hostile reactions. They are also often viewed as “childlike” and more likely to receive assistance from strangers who view them as helpless. Moreover, pregnant women are likely to be subject to discrimination in the workforce through termination, or never hired at all as a result of their condition. These stereotypes can be magnified when the individual in question is not white. Studies have shown that black pregnant women are more likely to be perceived as single mothers. Additionally, theories of intersectional feminism predict that individuals embodying multiple marginalized identifies will experience discrimination relating to both, thereby magnifying the overall discrimination that these individuals face; I pay particular attention to how the intersections of race and gender affect Representative Burke’s media portrayal. COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 13. 13 Project Outline & Methodology This project applies a qualitative analytical approach to the data at hand. What that means in practice is that, rather than construct and label each article discussing the respective congress member’s pregnancy on a coded scale, I have chosen to dissect them on a line-by-line basis. Through this approach, two themes emerged in both Congresswomen’s pregnancy-related media coverage: 1) emphasis on their status as the “first” to accomplish a variety of tasks, and 2) their techniques for achieving work-life balance. Predicted Outcomes: Stereotype Hypothesis, Part A The attention given to these representatives will skew negative, owing to questioning of their ability to handle being a representative and a mother simultaneously. Stereotype Hypothesis, Part B Alternatively, it is possible that the representatives in this study used their pregnancies as a means of advancing policy decisions. Pregnancy itself could potentially serve as a powerful political tool for advancing legislation regarding reproductive health, abortion policy, and the role of women in the workforce, among other matters generally grouped under the umbrella term “women’s issues.” Case Study: Yvonne Brathwaite Burke—“‘A Dubious Honor’” After her election to the House as a California Democrat in 1973, Representative Burke became just the third African American woman to serve in Congress. That same year, she would achieve another historic milestone: becoming the first active member of Congress to give birth while serving in the legislative body. The media portrayed the novelty of Burke’s pregnancy as being a COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 14. 14 personal burden for her, emphasizing her quote that being the first was “a dubious honor.” Ultimately, the attention she received, in addition to the responsibilities of childcare, likely compelled her to not seek election to the 96th Congress in 1977, as her colleagues in Congress speculated that her decision stemmed from the exhaustion of commuting from California to D.C. every week, as well as unhappiness at being separated from her young daughter and husband. Congresswoman Burke first publicly announced her pregnancy on July 4, 1973. Likely as a result of the Watergate investigation, which was heating up at the time, Burke’s announcement was not widely covered in the press. There are only five recorded instances of newspapers writing about her announcement immediately after the fact, in mass-circulation newspapers the Los Angeles Times, the Washington Post-Herald, and The New York Times, and in historically black papers The Chicago Defender and The Los Angeles Sentinel. In September—over two months after her pregnancy had become public knowledge—the Boston Globe ran a profile covering the “expectant Congresswoman.” In November, as her due date approached, her baby shower and, eventually, the birth of her daughter, Autumn, drew more media attention—possibly due to a lull in breaking news regarding the Nixon Administration. Media depictions of Burke tended to fall into two different categories: 1) those noting her pregnancy as a “historic first”—contrasting with Burke’s own rebuttal of this label as a “dubious honor,” and 2) emphasis on her prepartum and postpartum work-life balance, which for the duration of her pregnancy replaced focus on her political agenda with writing almost exclusively centered on her life as a wife and mother-to-be. COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 15. 15 I. “A Historic First” vs. “A Dubious Honor” About half of the coverage regarding Burke’s initial pregnancy announcement consisted of brief blurbs, often nestled deep within the ‘current events’ portion of the newspapers listed. These tended to include either short headlines or omit headlines entirely; when headlines were included, they tended to cut straight to the point in just a few words. For example, the Los Angeles Times titled its piece, “Rep. Yvonne Burke Expecting a Child,” while the Boston Globe went for the even more pared down, “Expectant Congresswoman.” On a very different note, the Washington Post elected to use a quote from Burke in their coverage, using the headline “Rep Burke: ‘A Dubious Honor’” above its article on her pregnancy, which—interestingly enough—completely omits mention of “pregnancy” or associated terms until the body text itself. Due to the paucity of titles on these articles covering her announcement, it’s difficult to come to a conclusion on overall titling trends, outside the seeming preference to use the word “expecting” instead of “pregnant” to describe someone with child, though this latter point is merely a semantic issue, and could likely be explained by linguistic trends during the time period itself, as opposed to any individual writer’s opinion of Representative Burke’s pregnancy in particular. Besides, both “pregnant” and “expectant” are still used by the Centers for Disease Control, with the latter having taken on a more progressive connotation in recent years for its gender-neutral applications (e.g., “expectant parent”). A much more meaningful analysis can be gleaned from the articles’ content. Here, then, is where the greater emphasis on the historical nature of Representative Burke’s announcement is discussed. Major mass-circulation newspapers The Los Angeles Times, the Boston Globe, and the Washington Post-Times Herald noted that she was the “first” member of Congress to become pregnant while in office, as did the historically black newspaper, COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 16. 16 The Chicago Defender. In a more oblique approach, the New York Times wrote that “Veterans of Capitol Hill could recall no prior instance of pregnancy among members of Congress,” while also referring to her news as a “milestone.” Still, with the brevity of these announcements and their unceremonious position buried within the commentary and community sections of each paper—as well as a lack of attention to detail in some cases (the New York Times incorrectly identified Burke as a Republican)—it’s clear that this story was not a priority in most cases, regardless of historical significance. While the majority of these articles were kept very short (often only a single paragraph or a few sentences), the Los Angeles Times went more in-depth in its coverage. In contrast to the generally simple, fact-heavy and analysis-light approaches of its peer papers, the Los Angeles Times formatted their story as a profile of Burke. Noting how “life for freshman members of Congress is usually humdrum” but Burke “has introduced something new,” the paper presented her pregnancy as not only a piece of positive news, but as something fresh, “new,” and interesting. This angle becomes less surprising when one takes into account Burke’s position as both one of three black women, and one of only 16 women overall serving in the 93rd Congress (all of whom were serving in the House). Further, Burke’s relatively young age (she was forty) and “freshman” status, as well as her very recent rise to fame—which the Los Angeles Times also notes when referencing how she “came to attention…when she presided over parts of the Democratic National Convention” in 1972—all contribute to the impression of her ‘freshness’ that the paper plays on. Young, black, a woman, and now the first Congress member to become pregnant while in office—Burke represented the dawn of a new era in the U.S. government, and a challenge to the white, male norm. Further, a COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 17. 17 more lighthearted depiction of her news was probably motivated at least in part by a desire to create a counterpoint to the ongoing tense Watergate revelations (that day’s front page story focused on the Cox probe of President Nixon); and it also helps that, as a Los Angeles representative and native, the Los Angeles Times was her hometown paper, thus making a more personal, sympathetic portrayal more likely due to the fact that many readers were her own constituents. This take on Burke’s pregnancy wasn’t limited to her initial announcement, nor was it confined to the Los Angeles Times. Over two months later, the Boston Globe ran a story on the “Expectant Congresswoman,” describing how Burke was both a harbinger of things to come, and not alone in the new trend of Congresswomen mothers: Now that younger women are being elected to Congress, the numbers of Congressional women with pre-school children may increase. Rep. Patricia Schroeder (D., Colo.) already had two small children when she was elected last year. Inevitably there will come a time when a child care center will have to be installed on Capitol Hill. Here, Burke is depicted as having set a precedent, while at the same time as being a beneficiary of the changing attitudes towards working mothers. The reference to Schroeder, who “already had two small children” when elected and who, ostensibly, would continue to care for them while she served in office, indicates the writer’s perception of increasing public acceptance (as represented through electability) of young mothers and mothers-to-be. At the same time, however, the reference to a “child care center” being “installed on Capitol Hill” is more difficult to tonally analyze from the perspective of the present, when such questions and suggestions are considered seriously. On the one hand, this COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 18. 18 Statement can be read as sardonic, pointedly critiquing Congresswomen’s desire to have children while in office to the point where the government itself would have to take care of them; “installed” implies an intrusion and a disruption on Capitol grounds. Further, the mixture of the domestic (“pre-school aged children”) and the public (“Capitol Hill”) may be being called into question. On the other hand, given the straightforward, fact-focused style of the rest of the article, this may have been the (un-credited) writer’s attempt at flippant humor. Treatment of Burke’s pregnancy as a “historic first” carried over into coverage of her maternity leave in the fall of 1973. As the New York Times noted, Congresswoman Yvonne Brathwaite Burke received unusual attention on the floor: The 41-year-old Democratic first-termer was going home to California last week to have her first baby. Veterans of Capitol Hill could recall no previous instance of a maternity leave for a member of Congress. And when the request was formally granted, Congressman H.R. Gross of Iowa rose and cheerfully noted the occasion as a ‘historic first for the House of Representatives’. In this passage, the word “first” is used three times: initially to describe Burke’s status in Congress (“first-termer”), then to describe this as her “first baby,” and finally through Congressman Gross’s acknowledgment that Burke’s being granted maternity leave represented a “historic first” for the legislative body. This emphasis on her maternity leave as representing one of many “firsts” continued in other publications: in The Los Angeles Sentinel, Atlanta Daily World, and The Chicago Defender, while the Hartford Courant referred to her as setting a “precedent for the U.S. Congress.” In a slightly different approach, the Los Angeles Times COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 19. 19 referred to her as “scor[ing] a first” in receiving permission to take maternity leave (which, the paper noted, is typically reserved “for personal illness or illness of a family member”), phrasing which frames her leave as a personal accomplishment, rather than simply an occasion of historic note. In a very different formulation, the Chicago Defender wrote the following: “Congresswoman Yvonne Brathwaite Burke…became a historic first for the Congress when she was granted a leave of absence for maternity reasons to have her baby,” in which she herself is characterized as a “first.” Whether this is simply poor phrasing or a deliberate attempt to elevate Burke to the level of a new, prototypical woman serving in the political ranks is unclear, though intriguing. At the same time, there’s a distinct cleavage between the ways that different media sources portrayed one particular, significant quote that Burke gave regarding her pregnancy news. In the Los Angeles Times article that first announced her pregnancy, the following exchange is recorded, seemingly directly between journalist and subject: “Of her congressional first, Mrs. Burke said, laughing, ‘It’s a dubious honor. Frankly, that hadn’t crossed my mind.’” Here, Burke’s use of the phrase “dubious honor” is framed as a lighthearted, dismissive remark; “honor” here takes on the meaning of a title that the Congresswoman had earned for being the “first” to become pregnant while in office. The second portion of her quote clarifies this tone. In claiming that thinking of being the “first” as an “honor” “hadn’t crossed her mind,” Burke reveals that she was not concerned with thinking of her pregnancy as a distinction. This statement displays her reacting lightheartedly (“laughing”) at the interviewer’s framing of her pregnancy as something prestigious. The exchange is recorded midway through the article, in a single paragraph (this is one of the lengthiest articles covering her announcement), and the writer doesn’t dwell COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 20. 20 on it. However, removed from the context of the original article in the Los Angeles Times—which other papers, specifically the Washington Post Times-Herald, cited as a source for their articles—the quote takes on a much more sinister implication. The Washington Post, for example, used this quote in its headline, “Rep. Burke: ‘A Dubious Honor.’” Singling this one quote out, without context—or explicit reference to Burke’s pregnancy that was, in fact, the article’s main focus—is misleading in and of itself. However, this framing is made even more problematic by the fact that the paper never clarifies Burke’s tone. When incorporating the titular quote into the article’s text itself, the Post writer had this to say: “‘A dubious honor,’ the Congresswoman was quoted as saying after being told she was, according to Capitol Hill historians, the first representative to become pregnant in office.” The cause-and-effect structure of the exchange between the reporter and Burke, wherein Burke has been “told” of her pregnancy’s historical status and responds by labeling the “honor” “dubious,” carries the implication that she is not only dismissive of calling her “first” an “honor,” but also ashamed at having earned the distinction in the first place. “Dubious,” while literally meaning “doubtful,” can also carry connotations of distrust, apprehension, and distaste—and this is the precise subtext with which the word is loaded in this article. The New York Times also highlighted this quote without elaborating on the original context in which Burke said it. As previously detailed, Burke was “laughing” when she told the Los Angeles Times reporter that being the first pregnant woman in Congress was a “dubious honor.” Looking at the more in-depth description from the Los Angeles Times, her remark is not framed as a blunt dismissal at being identified as the “first” to become pregnant while in office—nor is it an admission of shame at bearing COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 21. 21 this distinction. Consequently, the New York Times,’ and particularly Washington Post’s, sensationalization of this quote puts both Burke’s perception of her own pregnancy, and Burke herself, in a negative light. II. Work-Life Balance Another major theme in the press coverage of Burke’s pregnancy revelation included her efforts to achieve work-life balance, both during her pregnancy and subsequent to the birth of her first child. This theme manifests chiefly through three subthemes, each present in the following motifs: 1) focus on her Congressional role (literal references to work), 2) an explanation of how she balances her Congressional and maternal roles (physical relocation, referring to her newborn child as part of her “constituency” and 3) descriptions of her domestic duties (her role as wife, need for outside help, and physical appearance). First, references to Burke’s work life—chiefly through her own quotes—frame her as a ‘working woman,’ primarily identified through her role as a politician. In a Los Angeles Sentinel story about Burke’s baby shower (“Lavish Stork Shower Honors Congresswoman Yvonne Burke”), Burke is quoted on her continued commitment to her Congressional duties: I haven’t felt ill, so there was no reason for me to stop work. In fact, even though I am home now, I still keep up, there is so much correspondence…and with the Impeachment Bill and Congressman Gerald Ford’s Vice Presidency clearance, it’s important that I continue to work. Here, Burke describes how the present political climate has necessitated her continued attention to “work” and “correspondence” throughout her maternity leave. While clearly part of this is situational, given the pressing nature of the COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 22. 22 “Impeachment Bill” and general tensions related to the Watergate scandal, Burke also suggests that her continued labor is voluntary. As she explains, only feeling “ill” would create a “reason” for her to “stop work.” Even while having been officially granted Congressional leave, she remains committed to her political obligations. The determined, work-oriented mindset she displays in this quote runs contrary to the rest of the Los Angeles Sentinel’s article, which predominantly emphasizes her domestic duties. While the reiteration of her congressional responsibilities may be linked with the contemporary political climate, depictions of her and her husband’s desire to move to a more convenient location play to more universal themes of familial readjustment and ‘settling down.’ The Boston Globe describes how “Yvonne and…Bill Burke…are planning to move from Potomac, Md., to a home nearer the Capitol so that the new mother will have a shorter commute,” a single sentence which manages to both negate Burke’s professional status (note that she is identified by her first name, rather than her last, and the honorific “Representative” is omitted) and identify her with a future role (“new mother”), rather than her present one (Congresswoman). Further, though it is likely true that a “shorter commute” motivated the Burkes’ move, nothing is said about how that commute would affect Bill Burke, also a professional (a “management consultant”) about to take on a significant role as a “new” father. This disproportionate focus on Representative Burke’s work-life balance, in comparison to her husband’s, further reveals the double standard to which working mother and fathers are held. At the same time, Burke is quoted in the Los Angeles Sentinel regarding her and her husband’s commuting plans. As she frames it, she will be splitting her time between two locations—“Los Angeles” and “just outside of Washington,” the latter referring to the location of the Burkes’ “farm,” which, according to her, “is just COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 23. 23 great for children.” Here, she makes no reference to the shorter commute, nor does she frame the move as specifically a result of her status as a “new mother”; rather, it’s undertaken ostensibly for the sake of her new and future “children.” Taken together, these references to Burke’s relocation as a result of her pregnancy reveal the ways in which both she and the media sought to understand her multiple identities. Describing her “moving” represents both her literal and figurative transversal between two roles that, in past decades, were irreconcilable: that of both “mother” and “worker.” In including quotes and/or descriptions about her commute, Burke becomes located at a midway point between these two roles; on the one hand, she is the “new mother” physically removed from the city on a “farm” that is “just great for children,” at a time when cities were coming to represent criminality, corruption, addiction, and other phenomena thoroughly antithetical to raising children. On the other hand, in choosing the “shorter commute” and a location “nearer the Capitol,” she becomes a responsible worker, loyal to her constituents. On a very different level, other media sources used puns in order to highlight Burke’s dual roles as both politician and mother. Two newspapers, The Los Angeles Times and the Chicago Tribune, created variations on the same image: that of Burke’s imminent birth as adding to her “constituency,” or labeling her daughter a “new constituent.” While this wordplay is by no means malicious, it does represent yet another example of media finding creative ways to highlight Burke’s dual roles as both politician and mother. Much more concerning media depictions elevated Burke’s domestic role above her political role, specifically as a result of the impending birth of her daughter. Returning to the Los Angeles Sentinel’s coverage of Burke’s “Stork Shower” that I mentioned previously, the framing of Burke primarily as a housewife-mother, rather than as an equally committed wife, mother, and politician, COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 24. 24 becomes almost immediately apparent. Author Jessie Mae Brown notes that “there was absolutely nothing political about the happy afternoon,” implying that politics itself is a dirty word—despite the fact that she was reporting on a politician. Further, though Burke is introduced as a “Congresswoman,” Brown quickly explains that, throughout the shower, she “was in her role of Mrs. William Burke,” as though her existence as a wife must be completely extricated from her existence as a politician or working woman; Burke is referred to as “Mrs. Burke” throughout the remainder of the piece. This latter point is significant, as the status-neutral honorific, “Ms.” (similar to the status-neutral “Mr.”) was becoming more widely used during the late 1960s-early 1970s. Photos included in the two-page spread also represent Burke exclusively in a domestic role: in one, “she is assisted by [a] hostess in displaying a baby blanket”; in another, she “registers delight over the adorable baby clothing, nursery furnishings and stuffed toys” her attendees had gifted her. Given the historic precedence of portraying women—including women politicians—as most comfortable in the domestic realm, this choice in photographic spread shouldn’t be surprising. Historically, journalists and photographers have requested women politicians to pose for photo-shoots where they did the dishes or hung out the wash; by the 1970s and 1980s, many refused. This tradition dates back decades, with early recorded instances in Australia in the 1940s. As Julia Baird explains, “Ever since they began being elected to [Australian] parliament, women have been asked by photographers to hop back over their garden fences and pose in contrived displays of domestic competence.” The fact that these photos were taken at Burke’s baby shower, a traditionally feminine rite, does not go far enough to explain the heightened femininity and domesticity in these photos. Quite the contrary: a decidedly masculine presence in the form of her COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 25. 25 husband, William Burke, is represented here as well, though he is described in the caption as merely a passive observer, “caught by [a] photographer, as he takes a look at some of the gifts.” This non-participative depiction is quite different from the portrayal of the female attendees as active, enthusiastic participants in the feminine revelry. For example, the writer describes his wife as “register[ing] delight” at holding baby clothes and blankets. This described division between husband and wife must be considered part of a larger trend of portraying female politicians as housewives and mothers first, politicians second. As a mother-to-be balancing both her work and domestic duties, it is unsurprising that Burke called on her friends for assistance. However, the focus on this assistance in the press represents yet another classic example of harried women not being able to take on two roles at once. For example, the Los Angeles Sentinel highlighted both the “eight hostesses” at her baby shower and her “administrative assistant, Yvonne Archer” in particular, the latter responsible for “helping the ‘little mother-to-be’ take it a bit easy until the arrival” of her child. Similarly, the “Cherokee Charlie” column in the Chicago Defender spotlighted “Rep. Martha Griffiths,” who “announced that she will head the team of babysitters for the ‘new member.’” In fact, this latter column characterized all of the women in Congress as hankering for domestic roles, referring to “the 16 women members of the House of Representatives” as “anxious ladies in waiting for the birht [sic] of Rep. Yvonne Brathwaite Burke’s first child”—as though her pregnancy was both only a woman’s concern, and the only concern of all the women on Capitol Hill. Finally, in perhaps the most classic example of highly gendered, unequal press coverage, several writers found ways to call attention to Burke’s appearance while writing about her COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 26. 26 pregnancy. In a column called “Gertrude Gipson’s Candid Comments” in the Los Angeles Sentinel, the titular Gipson referred to Burke as the “pretty Congresswoman…on the ‘infanticipating’ list,” while Jessie Mae Brown’s later coverage of Burke’s baby shower noted that the “‘little mother-to-be’” “looks great.” In a slightly less obvious reference to physical attributes, Brown also pointed out attendees’ clothing: the “hostesses” wore “matching,” “long ‘Nanny’ aprons,” in “bright quilted plaid” (she reiterated the clothing choice twice in her article). This focus on the Congresswoman’s looks and dress—especially labeling her “‘the little mother-to-be’”—is superficial and patronizing. Her husband’s dress and appearance receives no equivalent attention in any of the articles under study. Such depictions not only negate the “work” aspect of Burke’s “work-life balance,” portraying her solely as a mother, but restrict her (and the other Congresswomen mentioned) to a specific kind of motherhood: one rooted in the domestic. Burke is rarely quoted, especially in the article on her baby shower, leaving her actual thoughts on the gifts or staging of the photos unrecorded in favor of the author’s vision. Such depictions, rooted in historical traditions, overgeneralize what all women want or should be. Section Conclusion Overall, Burke’s coverage in the press was erratic. While events involving the Nixon Administration may have limited the amount of space contemporary papers had for news regarding her pregnancy announcement, what was published still reveals a significant amount regarding perceptions of pregnant politicians. While some of the shortest pieces focus on facts without much analysis—simply stating her name, that she was a Congresswoman, pregnant, and the first to be both at the same time—the longer pieces reveal a significant number of COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 27. 27 preconceptions. For example, the fact that her “dubious honor” comment took on a life of its own reveals some of the preliminary biases of journalists looking for a way to portray her pregnancy in a negative light. On a related point, the paucity of quotes from Burke in any of the articles made it so that the respective writers had more control over the way in which Burke’s pregnancy was framed than she did. Above all, however, coverage of Burke’s pregnancy and the birth of her daughter reveals that women are still assumed to have and desire a primarily domestic role, even when they occupy high-powered government positions. Though this bias was not presented in all the articles under study, it became particularly apparent in the informal way reporters referred to Burke, the grouping of all 16 women representatives with Burke as her “babysitters” and “ladies in waiting,” and her hyper-feminized portrayal in coverage of her baby shower. Limitations of This Study The limited coverage of Burke’s pregnancy and the birth of her daughter provided a challenge for comprehensive comparative media analysis. Only 17 articles total were written on her pregnancy announcement, maternity leave, and birth between July 4th (when her pregnancy first became public knowledge) and November 29th , 1973 (six days after the birth of her daughter). These articles all appeared in newspapers: eight newspapers based in major cities, and one local newspaper—nine different sources in total. Of the major city newspapers, four are historically black newspapers. On a different note, studying a single case study, however thoroughly, can only yield so much information. A lengthier analysis involving all ten women who have been pregnant while serving in Congress, who span the ideological and racial spectrum, COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 28. 28 would likely yield much richer results. Suggestions for Future Research As this is a qualitative study that stays very close to the original text of each source, it would be beneficial for future researchers to construct a quantitative study using the same sources. For example, it would be intriguing to see how a given newspaper—say, the New York Times or the Washington Post—has reported on each of the ten pregnant Congresswomen over the past forty years, creating a ranking scale to assess tone in regards to the themes that I have chosen: how each woman’s pregnancy is treated in relation to its novelty, her work-life balance, and her future political agenda. Final Reflections It becomes apparent that women in Congress, despite their high-powered positions, are not immune from age-old debates on the line between the domestic and public sphere, and women’s roles in both. In fact, their increased visibility may even make them more appealing targets for journalists who wish to push a particular viewpoint—and it turns out that, contrary to my prediction, it is solely their status as women, rather than racial minorities, that motivates this pigeonholing. In Burke’s specific case, this resulted in a multitude of articles interrogating her decision to move (but not her husband’s), and her choice of words in describing her pregnancy, as well as including photographs that frame her as a hyper-feminized ideal—the “pretty” Congresswoman who is a wife and a mother before she is a politician. The concept that women are often pushed into predetermined roles by news media is not a new one. In her analysis of the media COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 29. 29 portrayal of on Australian politician-mothers, Baird concludes, Old stereotypes die hard, and the imagery of the mother is powerful, but the problem for women in the noughties is still often posed in public commentary as an either/or scenario: babies or promotions, families or careers, lonely success or loving sacrifice. The truth, of course, is that most women do both. Though third-wave feminism has pushed us closer to a world in which women can be “both” mothers and politicians simultaneously, without media privileging one identity over another, my analysis reveals that we still have a ways to go. COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 30. 30 Works Cited Baird, Julia. Media Tarts. Carlton, Australia: Scribe Publications, 2004. Bichell, Rae Ellen. “Average Age of First-Time Moms Keeps Climbing in U.S.” NPR, Jan. 14, 2016. “Births and Natality,” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2015. Brown, Jessie Mae. “Lavish Stork Shower Honors Congresswoman Yvonne Burke.” Los Angeles Sentinel, Nov. 8, 1973: C2. Ditum, Sarah. “No, it doesn’t make you a bigot if you want to be called a pregnant ‘woman’ rather than ‘person.’” Independent, Jan. 30, 2017. Cherokee, Charlie. “Charlie Cherokee Says.” Chicago Defender, July 9, 1973: 8. “Congresswoman and new constituent,” Chicago Tribune, Nov. 29, 1973: 3. Eggars, Andrew C., Vivyan, Nick and Wagner, Markus. “Corruption, Accountability, and Gender: Do Female Politicians Face Higher Standards in Public Life?”, The Journal of Politics 80, no.1 (2017). “Ebony Etchings: People are Talking About…” Atlanta Daily World, Nov. 25, 1973: 12 COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 31. 31 “Expectant Congresswoman,” The Boston Globe, Sept. 23, 1973: D9. Forman, James Jr. Locking Up Our Own. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2017. Fox, Annie B. and Quinn, Diane M. “Pregnant Women at Work: The Role of Stigma in Predicting Women’s Intended Exit from the Workforce.” Psychology of Women Quarterly 39, no. 2 (2015). Gipson, Gertrude. “Gertrude Gipson’s Candid Comments.” Los Angeles Sentinel, July 5, 1973: B3A. Glynn, Adam A. and Sen, Maya. “Identifying Judicial Empathy: Does Having Daughters Cause Judges to Rule for Women’s Issues?” American Journal of Political Sciencw 59, no. 1 (2015): 44. Hebl Michelle R. et al. “Hostile and Benevolent Reactions Toward Pregnant Women: Complementary Interpersonal Punishments and Rewards That Maintain Traditional Roles.” Journal of Applied Psychology 92, no. 6 (2007) Jackson, Jesse. “On Serious Crime.” Chicago Daily Defender, Feb. 21, 1970. “JEB Lines from NYC,” Atlanta Daily World, Nov. 18, 1973: 3. Kerr, Peter. “Growth in Heroin Use Ending as City Users Turn to Crack.” The New York Times, Sept. 13, 1986. Kutler, Stanley I. The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon. New York: W.W. Norton, 1992. COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 32. 32 Lawless, Jennifer L and Fox, Richard L. It Still Takes a Candidate. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 2010. Lucas, Luke. The New York Times. “Ms.,” Oct. 23, 2009. Manning, Jennifer E. “Membership of the 115th Congress: A Profile.” Congressional Research Service, 2018. “Maternity Leave: Rep. Burke Gets Time Off to Add to Constituency,” The Los Angeles Times, Nov. 13, 1973: 2. “Notes on People.” The New York Times July 5, 1973: 36. Okimoto, Tyler G. and Brescoll, Victoria L. “The Price of Power: Power Seeking and Backlash Against Female Politicians.” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 36, no. 7 (2010): 923-36. Ostrow, Ronald J. “Report of Cox Probe of Two Nixon Homes Called ‘Malicious.’” Los Angeles Times, Jul 4, 1973. “Preparedness for Expectant and New Parents,” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Sept. 22, 2017. Purvis, June. “‘Women’s Life is Essentially Domestic, Public Life Being Confined to Men’: Separate Spheres and Inequality in the Education of Working-Class Women, 1854- 1900.” Journal of the History of Education Society 10, No. 4 (1981): 227-243. “Rep. Yvonne Burke Expecting a Child,” Los Angeles Times, July 4, 1973: 23 COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 33. 33 Reuter, Alison A. “Subtle but Pervasive: Discrimination Against Mothers & Pregnant Women in the Workplace.” Fordham Urban Law Journal 33, no.5 (2006): 102-103. Rosenthal, Lisa and Lobel, Marci. “Stereotypes of Black Women Related to Sexuality and Motherhood.” Psychol Women Q., 40, no. 3 (2016): 414-27. Sapiro, Virginia.“When are Interests Interesting? The Problem of Political Representation of Women.” The American Political Science Review, 75, no. 3 (1981): 701-716. Schneider, Monica C. and Bos, Angela L. “Measuring Stereotypes of Female Politicians.” Political Psychology 35, no. 2 (2014): 245-66. Sendén, Marie Gustafsson Bäck, Emma A. and Lindqvist, Anna. “Introducing a Gender Neutral Pronoun in a Natural Gender Language.” Frontiers in Psychology, (2015). Stoper, Emily. “Wife and politician: role strain among women in public office.” In Marianne Githins and Jewel L. Prestage, eds., A Portrait of Marginality. New York: McKay, 1977: 335-6. Siegel, Neil S. and Siegel, Reva B. “Struck by Stereotype: Ruth Bader Ginsburg on Pregnancy Discrimination as Sex Discrimination.” Duke Law Journal 59, no.4 (2010): 771-798. “Women Representatives and Senators by Congress, 1917-Present,” House.Gov. “Rep. Burke: ‘A Dubious Honor.’” The Washington Post-Times Herald, Jul7 5, 1973: C7 COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 34. A Look at Women’s Political Participation in China Hannah Kim | Rice University COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS Abstract With traditional family structures and social power deriving influence from Confucianism, China’s society has always revolved around the patriarchy. Though the freedoms and privileges granted to women have varied according to the societal values and regional situation of the time, the status of women has consistently been secondary to the interests and priorities of their male counterparts. Perhaps due to the rise in globalization and the scrutiny of the international community, China has made significant efforts to promote gender equality and is actively working to improve its legal system to protect the rights and interests of women. Yet there is still minimal attention drawn to the lack of women’s representation in politics. This paper will seek to understand the factors that contribute to the lack of women in political leadership roles and draw a contextual understanding of how China’s institutions and society have influenced the role of women. Furthermore, by offering comparative analysis with South Korea and the United States, this paper will attempt to find a correlation between the rights of women in society and the political representation of women. 34
  • 35. 35 China’s Political Structure The political structure of the People’s Republic of China is defined as a socialist republic run by a single major party, the Communist Party of China. Xi Jinping, the President and the presiding General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, is arguably seen as the most powerful figure in China’s political system. While the Communist Party governs the state, provincial and local governments govern the people. The People’s Congress members at the county level are elected by voters. These county level representatives have oversight of local government and are the grassroots representation that slowly moves up in the hierarchy of the government. The county level People’s Congress elects members to the Provincial People’s Congress, which in turn elects members to the National People’s Congress that meets every year in Beijing. The National People’s Congress (NPC) consists of 2,270 members, all elected for 5-year terms via the multi-tiered representative electoral system. This body serves as the legislative branch, which votes to approve proposals or legislation from the Party and elects the major officers of the state. Within the NPC, there is a Central Committee comprised of the top leaders of the Communist Party. They are nominally elected by the NPC, and in return their role is to elect the members of the Politburo and the Standing Committee. The Politburo is a 25 member body that can be seen as the main source of power within the government. Though they are nominally elected by the Central Committee, analysts believe that the Politburo is more of a self-organized group in which members COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 36. 36 themselves choose new members and replacements. The power of the Politburo resides from its members, who simultaneously hold other influential positions within the government. Within the Politburo, there is a seven-member Standing Committee consisting of the most powerful members of the Politburo. This committee meets weekly and consists of the President, the Premier, and other top leaders. Though the Standing Committee theoretically should report to the Politburo, in practice, it is supreme over its parent bodies. Because China is also a one-party state, the Standing Committee’s decisions also de facto have the force of law. Women in Politics Though they are not legally barred from entering politics or rising up to the highest of positions, women are a significant minority in the political sphere. To outline general observations: no woman has ever been been selected as the President or been on the Standing Committee, there is currently only one woman on the Politburo, and only 4.9% of the Central Committee consists of women. In the NPC, women make up about 24% of the 2,270 members. While the numbers and proportions of women in the higher levels of governments are significantly low, these statistics are not considered especially notable by international standards. In fact, China’s parliamentary representation of women is still surprisingly high. China currently ranks the 70th highest in women parliamentary representation out of 193 countries according to a United Nations archive. This ranking is derived by the proportion of women holding seats in national parliaments. This is because COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 37. 37 China’s political structure relies on more than just the upper levels of politics. The local governments and municipalities play a more influential role in the people’s day to day lives. Every three to five years, China elects more than two million lawmakers at the county and town levels, with more than 2,000 counties and 30,000 townships. The United Nations has recently worked on increasing women’s representation in leadership roles within such local municipalities in rural China. In 2011, The UN Women’s Fund for Gender Equality funded All-China Women’s Federation (ACWF), China’s leading organization focusing on women’s issues and rights, for the “Enhancing Chinese Women’s Political Participation” programme. From 2011 to 2015, the program aimed to improve laws and policies focusing on gender inequalities, increase women’s influence in local government, and monitor Chinese women’s political participation in the provinces of Shanxi, Heilongjiang, and Hunan. In each of these provinces, the program updated election guidelines to include more female representation in village committees and set up temporary special measures and quotas. The program also provided leadership trainings and advocacy work to help women learn how to campaign and run for public office. At its conclusion, the project was deemed a success and demonstrated how improving economic and political empowerment in combination with a social support network of female associations could drastically increase women’s participation. The increase in female political leaders in these three experimental provinces at the grassroots level demonstrates that there is potential to create more opportunities for women in other provinces as well. COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 38. 38 In order to address why the program needed to be implemented in the first place, the factors that influence women’s participation in China overall need to be more thoroughly examined. Caroline Horekens, a UN Women’s specialist in Asia Pacific, outlines three basic conditions that promote women’s presence in political decision making: whether the obstacles women face in the electoral process and their ability to exercise a real choice in elections are addressed; whether spaces are created for women to articulate their policies and stances; and, whether public institutions respond and are held accountable for women. In China, the first condition must be extensively analyzed in order to understand what sorts of obstacles women face in participating in the electoral process. Paxton and Kunovich claim that gender ideology can strongly influence the number of women in national legislatures. The gender ideology in China stems from the historical values originating from Confucianism regarding the roles of the male and female within the context of the family and in society. Though its application is not as rigid in practice in modern society, the foundations of the ideology are still present in many forms. As a product of such beliefs, women tend to have a lack of self-confidence due to the ‘feudal attitudes’ that suggest women are inferior to men. In a survey conducted by the ACWF, 61% of men and 54.6% of women agreed that ‘the field for men is in public and the domain for women is within the household’ (All-China Women’s Federation & National Bureau of Statistics of China 2011). This cultural perception may contribute to why women are less likely to be seen favorably as political or public figures, which COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 39. 39 could explain their lack of participation even at the local level. While the survey is slightly outdated, the continued lack of female participation suggests that this perception may still be prevalent in subtle ways. The second condition, which cites the need for spaces for women to articulate their policies and stances, also needs to be further addressed. Political participation can include leadership in powerful companies, membership in government boards and bodies, and participation in discussions on policy. Women’s participation in civic and grassroots organizations thus need to be considered a part of their political participation as well. In the same ACWF survey from 2011, 92.9% of women were concerned with domestic and foreign affairs, but only 18.3% took initiative to raise suggestions in their communities and local municipalities. This demonstrates that women are not apathetic towards political issues, but rather are not taking action to address these concerns and interests. Likewise, women are more likely to be met with resistance from local law enforcement if they speak against the interests of the higher officials. For example, when Wang Yicui tried to run as an independent candidate in Fengming in 2016, a city government official physically assaulted her and claimed she was interfering with the electoral process. She claims that police did nothing to help and have not prosecuted the city official. As for spaces online for women to articulate their stances, many feminist movements and organizations have been closely monitored by the Party. In 2015, the government arrested five feminist activists and authorities shut down the popular online group “Feminist Voices,” COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 40. 40 in March of 2018 (Rachel Vogelstein 2018). By limiting the spaces in which women are able to voice their opinions, the second condition is not met. For the third condition, holding institutions accountable is an important factor in creating change for women. China has made significant efforts on the policy level to increase women’s participation at the middle and lower levels of politics. However, the political structure of the Chinese government and politics regarding promotion create significant barriers to women’s political participation. In order to rise up the political ladder, the hierarchical structure greatly influences the pool of eligible candidates for promotion. For example, in order to be nominated or elected to the Politburo, candidates must have connections with members of the Central Committee in the NCP or demonstrate years of experience and excellence in a variety of leadership positions. Prior to the 19th Party Congress, out of China’s 31 provincial level administrations, no woman served as provincial or municipal party secretary. This position is considered to be the most important stepping-stone to a Politburo seat. Likewise, only two women served as governors at the time of the elections, making the pool of experienced female candidates incredibly small. The lack of women participating at the lower levels makes it more difficult for women to be present at the higher levels. Furthermore, in order to rise up, extensive years serving in different positions enhances the opportunities for promotion. Yet, the governmental retirement age requirements give men almost 10 more years to serve than women, perpetuating the idea that women may not be as COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 41. 41 capable for a longer period of time. Such policies are examples of how government support can alter the ways in which society perceives working women. Aside from the three conditions, the other potential barriers that women face in participating at the lower levels of politics can be attributed to the discriminatory employment policies for certain positions in government. Though the Party has passed regulation and legislation emphasizing gender equality, its implementation is not as thoroughly enforced in practice. For example, one city in the Guangdong Province stipulated that more than half of its 576 available posts were open to only males in the 2017 civil servant recruitment advertisements. The gender bias for the civil servant recruitment process negatively reinforces the idea that women are not allowed to be in certain positions and perpetuates the belief that women cannot fulfill the same duties and roles as men. Public institutions are already reluctant to hire females due to negative social stereotypes, and these gender-biased policies further exacerbate the perception of women in government. In May 2018, Zhao Donghua, a female member of the 13th National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) submitted a proposal titled “Eliminating Gender Bias in Recruitment of Local Civil Servants” to the top political advisory body. As a civil servant, Donghua recognized the prevalent biases women face in the political arena and is thus able to use her limited power and influence to propose solutions to higher political bodies. Thus, the presence and participation of women must be encouraged by the higher administrations through proactive solutions such as COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 42. 42 eliminating discriminatory policies, implementing potential quotas, and encouraging women to apply to all positions. A vast majority of 86.7% of surveyed people, men and women alike, agree that “gender equality will not be achieved on its own but only through proactive promotion.” Women in Society The rapid economic growth in China has made it one of the most productive and largest economies in the world. Women in China have played a significant role in aspects of socioeconomic activities that have helped propagate the country’s economic success. Chinese women hold one in four senior management roles, and have increasing control over wealth. The 2010 World Bank data indicated that China ranked first in the world for labour force participation by women, demonstrating that the majority of women in China were earning their own living. China’s commonly used euphemism stemming from Chairman Mao, that women are “holding up half the sky,” was used in headlines to demonstrate the power of women in the economy. Likewise, women are thriving in education, as in 2016, 50.6% of postgraduate students were female, and in the same year, 52.5% of college students were women. This was the first time women exceeded men in educational participation, and it indicates a strong trend towards continuing to have women in higher education. Though China encourages women’s participation and contribution to the economy as well as education, there are interesting dynamics that interplay with politics and societal perception. COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 43. 43 In Age of Ambition, Evan Osnos argues that women in China have been so successful in entrepreneurship because the Communist Party is a “boy’s club” that intentionally excludes women. This leads to women pursuing other areas of interest that can be expressed while seeking total autonomy. Though women have incredibly high participation rates in the economy and are taking over the management positions to become wealthier than before, gender discrimination in the workplace is still a prominent issue. Recognized by both the government and society as an issue that needs to be addressed, women are still in need of aid in the workplace through policy change and political awareness in how policies are implemented and enforced. It is commonplace for employers to ask women about their marital status and plans about childbirth. As such, women are naturally perceived to be more difficult to hire and are more likely to be laid off and unemployed than men are. Likewise, this misogynistic view translates into sexual harassment and abuse that many Chinese women face in both the workplace and in domestic settings. Though women in China are undoubtedly powerful workers for the GDP, the continuous social movements targeting the need for women to be domestic and an emphasis on marriage continues to impact how women are perceived. Government-backed propaganda campaigns that focus on the need for women to marry earlier and have more children further target women who are focused on their careers rather than preserving the household. These campaigns and social concerns are potentially lashbacks against the rise of powerful women in the economy. If women were to participate in politics, COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 44. 44 China currently does not have a legal definition of sexual harassment or specific laws to deal with these cases when they arise. Yet, women are beginning to speak out against forms of sexual violence and harassment that society refuses to acknowledge. As the #MeToo movement has gained traction globally and within China, the pressure for the government to respond to these needs and issues is more tangible. As a result, China is preparing a Draft Civil Code, aimed to require employers in the country to take measures against sexual harassment in the workplace. However, there is no guarantee of how well enforced such policies will be, and local regulations and provincial governments will most likely need to fill the gaps left by national laws. Beijing Yuanzhong Gender Development Center cited that though nearly 40% of women in the workplace claimed to have had experienced sexual harassment, only 34 court verdicts were made on sexual harassment out of nearly 50 million court verdicts between 2010-2017. This signifies either a flaw in the legal system or in the ways women approach legal action for harassment. Sexual assault and harassment are not issues only prominent in China — even the most forward countries have yet to eradicate these cases or provide tangible solutions. Though the lack of women in politics cannot be directly seen as a contributing factor to women’s status in society, it is representative of the broader implications of the continuous need for expanding women’s rights. Literature Review Stanley Rosen, in her published article from 1995, claims that even COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 45. 45 the social response could also be negative due to these domestic concerns and cultural priorities. Though some women may have held political power in the early 1950s, the majority of women holding such positions were restricted to doing solely women’s work, and there were few women who were important enough to be able to be appointed to the Central Committee. Women were the most involved in politics during the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s and 70s, when there was a quota system that enforced a certain number of positions for women at the lower level. However, upon modernization and the removal of the quota system, women were not as visible in the political system. Rosen cites three factors in the drop of women in politics after the Cultural Revolution. First, the implementation of the production responsibility system transformed the management of agriculture from a collective to an individual household economy. This made it more difficult for women to receive recognition, as most began to work within individual communes in factories and workshops. Second, the general weakening of mass organizations such as the Women’s Federation made it more difficult for women to demonstrate their expertise to be rewarded for their work. And lastly, Rosen suggests that the Communist Party had not expended much effort to recruit women, especially as they held a hostile view towards Western feminism and attempted to stem it at all costs. While Rosen provides a comprehensive historical review, the literature was written in 1995, and many other factors have since then influenced the role of women in not only society, but also in politics. The rest of this research will focus on defining these other COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 46. 46 implications in a new, globalized context. Xiajuan Guo and Yongian Zheng produced a briefing series in regards to women’s political participation in China in 2008. Taking into account the changes the Party had undertaken in an attempt to address women’s rights, the brief summarizes the turning points in women’s political participation and its general increase in recent times compared to the past. Most importantly, the key turning point was when China hosted the Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995. The global stage created a more pressing desire for individual rights and more favorable gender policy that swept international norms. In the late 1990s, China reinstated affirmative action policies encouraging more women in political roles, though there were no set quantifiable quotas. The Party implemented institutional reforms to train and select specifically women cadres through the Women’s Federation and actively sought to convey public interest in women’s equality. Yet even with affirmative action policies, Guo and Zheng suggest that the low rates of political participation are due to the fact that the policy wording is intentionally vague in addressing women’s presence in politics. They claim that the unclear standard for women led to ineffective implementation of gender policy and greatly hampered progress to female participation. However, this briefing fails to take into account how women may personally bar themselves from being in politics, even with the existing affirmative action policy. At both the lower and higher levels of politics, women are being impeded in ways that overshadow policy. COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 47. 47 Analysis Does the lack of women in politics indicate national oppression of women? Or is the oppression of women perhaps a reason for the lack of women in politics? Examining the participation of women in other fields strongly indicates that the latter is more likely. Legally, women are of the same stature as men and are allowed to pursue the same passions and careers. Yet, due to the lasting impacts of societal values and the lack of benefits for women in public service, women most likely are not encouraged to run for political positions. While China does not have a single political female leader advocating for the issues and problems women are facing, there are many grassroots organizations and women looking to provide solutions and urge the Party to further enforce existing policies. Thus, these social movements may be more persuasive for women to join than public office, where they will most likely be passed up for promotion or neglected in pursuing their personal agendas. The relationship between the status of women and political representation may be a cyclical one. If a woman were the President or a member of the Standing Committee, women’s rights would not necessarily be immediately addressed, though it could be argued that the failure to address these issues is due to the lack of representation. While men run the Party and the government, they cannot be completely negligent of women’s issues. In fact, many of the policies on gender discrimination and harassment are spearheaded by males — they must be, in order to preserve public satisfaction. Xi Jinping likewise is aware of the need for greater COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 48. 48 action to address these movements and has promised that future legislation would be passed to target the issues of discrimination and harassment. However, no visible movement towards protecting women through policy has been made public as of yet (Emily Rauhala 2017). If women believed their interests could be addressed or at the very least prioritized by female representation, there would theoretically be a movement pushing for more of it. The lack of such a movement indicates that women are not convinced that having representation will necessarily solve societal issues. Therefore, women are prioritizing activism and social movements to convince the Party to listen and enact change. Comparative Analysis In order to assess how significant certain aspects of China are to the women’s lack of political participation, South Korea and the United States will be used in a comparative analysis. South Korea has an incredibly similar historical background and cultural perception of gender ideology to that of China. As Asian countries that relied upon Confucianism for social construction and perceiving gender roles, many of the issues women face today are similar in both China and South Korea. Granted this similarity and holding women’s perception and gender ideology constant, their main difference is in political structure. South Korea’s democratic system is drastically different from the one-party system in China. As South Korea serves as the middleground comparison, the United States will then serve as the polar opposite of China in terms of both gender ideology and electoral system. As a country that is COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 49. 49 predominantly known for publicly leading the feminist movements and a fundamental belief in equality for gender roles, the perception of women in society in America is quite different compared to that of either China or South Korea. In theory, if China’s cultural aspects or political structure are the barriers to women’s representation, the comparative analysis will yield conclusions about what factors may influence the participation rate of women. South Korea South Korea’s government is structured much like that of the United States, with a separation of powers amongst its political branches and a representative democracy. President Geun Hye Park was the first woman to be elected President in 2013 and the National Assembly (the general legislative body) consists of 299 seats--51 of which are occupied by women. The proportion is at 17%, which is the highest it has ever been in Korean history. The seats are elected by proportional representation, and up until the year 2000, the number of women in office was significantly lower. Quotas implemented since then have increased women’s participation by requiring parties to have a certain number of women on the tickets, even if they were unwinnable. While women are seemingly politically encouraged to run for office, the democratic system depends on individuals initially choosing to run in order to take office. In a study organized by a group of former and current women politicians, it was found that only 10.5% of the 934 nominated candidates who chose to run were COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 50. 50 women. Though the ruling and opposition parties had pledged to allocate 30% of the nominations to women due to quota standards, they were never forcefully implemented. The study cites that women in rural areas are even less likely to run, perhaps due to lack of resources and programs designed for aspiring women politicians. Another study found that 69.5% of surveyed participants agreed that women were not participating enough in politics, even after the presidential election. When asked for the reason why women are not participating, the largest portion of respondents at 26.6% cited that, “Koreans don’t feel comfortable with women politicians,” while 24.4% cited that “male politicians are seen to be more capable than their female counterparts.” This reiterates the idea that culturally, women are not yet seen as being as competent as males in political affairs or to be public figures. In society, having a woman president spurred conversations on how women’s rights might be better addressed. In fact, during her campaign, President Park promised a “women’s revolution,” to provide support for child care, increased opportunities for promotion, and salary equity. Yet by the end of her term, South Korea was still ranked the lowest of all OECD countries in “Glass-ceiling index” of friendliness towards working women. Furthermore, the women’s employment rate is only rising in service industries or in “pink collar jobs,” such as secretaries or clerks, indicating a lack of women in senior positions or executive leadership. The gender wage gap is also at 36.3%, the worst of all Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) nations. In conclusion, having a female president and a quota COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 51. 51 system did little to outweigh the lack of women in parliament in addressing women’s needs. The potential for reform does not necessarily increase with a woman being the head of the state. Rather, the local and middle levels of politics would have to prioritize policies that would aid women in enacting change. The women in Korea are actively seeking reform in society, though interestingly not pursuing a movement for more political representation as a mechanism to achieve those goals. On June 9, 2018, 22,000 South Korean women marched to protest the violation of women’s privacy and to raise awareness regarding the fact that the government was not taking these issues seriously. In a survey by the Korean Institute of Criminology nearly 80% of males claimed they previously physically or psychologically abused their girlfriends, and 78% of victims do not seek recourse. Abortion is also illegal except in cases of rape or incest, and even so, women need the permission of the spouses for an abortion or face fines and jail time. While abortion can be seen as a partisan issue, it is one indicator that can be used to measure the progressiveness of the society towards women’s autonomy. Furthermore, 9 out of 10 women in South Korea think that women are not treated equally to men, while 93% of respondents think that Korea is not a gender-equal country. Women in South Korea are arguably in need of more governmental support in society to help combat the prevalent issues of discrimination and negative social perception. Comparison Though President Park was able to achieve the highest position in COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 52. 52 South Korea, she is also deemed an anomaly, only favored due to her father’s extensive support network as a previous president. Having a woman in the highest possible office did not improve the status of women in South Korea, indicating that political representation does not necessarily correlate to the expansion of women’s rights. Furthermore, though the political structures of China and South Korea are vastly different, it was not a factor that contributed to one country having more women in politics than the other. In fact, the democratic system of South Korea yielded less representation for women than the single party state. By international standards, China exceeds South Korea in many aspects of women’s equality. For example, South Korea ranks 116th out of 144 countries in degree of gender equality, while China is at 110th according to the index by the World Economic Forum that compares the ratio differences between men and women for economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment. Though the difference between the countries is slight, China overall fares better than South Korea in gender equality in society. South Korea is also ranked 122nd out of 193 countries for representation of women in parliament, while China is at a comfortable 70th out of 193. This indicates that having a democracy does not necessarily yield more women in politics, nor does it improve the quality of life for women. Women in South Korea are arguably more restricted in the governmental support they receive and societal treatment. For example, abortion in China is legal and is a government service COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 53. 53 available on request for women, perhaps due to the one-child policy’s usage of this procedure. The lack of choice in South Korea’s abortion policies indicates an area where government can impact women’s lives directly. In both China and South Korea, however, there is a common movement towards eradicating sexual harassment and general abuse against women even without a solidified coalition of women in government working on such issues. It is thus more likely that the common ground of culture and social expectations are the main reasons why women are choosing to not participate at a higher rate in politics. Women in both countries are thus focusing on social movements rather than political engagement, even with the difference in political structure. United States The United States is a federal republic and a representative democracy. While citizens elect representatives to national, state, and local governments, the candidates are generally limited to a two party system. Though the U.S. has never had a female president, many prominent women are active in the political arena. Speaker of the House for the Democratic Party Nancy Pelosi and previous Secretary of State Hillary Clinton are prominent examples of women politicians. These female politicians are not, however, representative of the general popularity of women in politics. In 2018, Congress currently had 20.2% of the seats held by women, 23% in the Senate and 19.5% in the House of Representatives. However, in the wake of the current COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 54. 54 administration, there has been a drastic uptick of women interested in being involved in politics. Emily’s List, an organization that works to elect pro-choice Democratic women in politics, has reported being contacted by more than 26,000 women who were interested in running for office, compared to 920 during the 2016 election cycle. Overall, about one fourth of all elected positions in the United States are held by women, with their numbers being the highest in states that vote Democrat. The main reason for the lack of women in office is credited to the initial lack of women running in the first place, as the rate of winning an election is roughly the same for women and men. Thus, the electoral process and political structure does not seem to be interfering with the choice of women to run for office. Granted that more women this year have decided to be involved in politics, this indicates a belief that running for office can change the status quo and perhaps bring about policy change that impacts women. The causal factor in producing more women active in politics can thus be attributed to the societal belief that women in politics can enact change in ways that the male incumbents perhaps could not. In the international community, the United States is considered a mobilized country, with women spearheading the #MeToo movement and spreading awareness about women’s issues through social media, public protests, and representation. Though women are legally and socially equal to men, they face similar sexist and discriminatory attitudes that women in Asia do. COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 55. 55 Comparison The United States is often cited as the country leading the forefront for gender equality and women’s rights. In reality, the United States is ranked 49th out of 144 in gender equality—while China is ranked 110th out of 144. Social treatment of women can thus be said to be significantly better in the United States. Even so, the United States currently ranks 104th out of 193 countries in parliamentary representation of women, while China is at 70th. Though women may have more expansive rights in society in the United States, this has not necessarily led to more political representation in the past. Granted that both the culture and political structure are different when comparing the United States and China, this indicates that neither are necessary conditions that lead to more women in politics. The United States relies upon elected representatives to push for policies, as the state as an entity does not have an agenda on its own. However, China’s Communist Party is able to unilaterally respond to the needs of women without having women necessarily be leading the charge. As more awareness of women’s issues spread, the Party will most likely respond more substantially to such needs, as seen already with Xi Jinping’s response to the #MeToo movement. Though similar pressure may be mounting in American politics, the direct response to meet those needs is not immediate. Conclusion Does women’s representation matter? Regardless of political structure or cultural values, studies find that women’s overall COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 56. 56 participation in politics correlates to an increase in policy making that emphasizes quality of life and reflects the priorities of families, women, and racial minorities. Though not every woman elected to political office will place women’s issues or rights at the top of her priorities, representation is a critical factor for the development of more transparent policymaking and influential in shifting how society views women in power. The United States currently has many women in positions of power who are publicly viewed and known for their policies. Yet, women in America are still facing the same types of discrimination and harassment as other women worldwide. This demonstrates that political representation may not necessarily yield a direct enhancement of the quality of life for women, though it may significantly increase the possibility of it. As seen with the recent elections, the belief that representation will change the status quo is an indicator of a factor that may influence women’s decision to run. In South Korea, women are neither seeking political positions nor seeing an active government working to address such issues. China may have more barriers for political representation for women, but it is also most likely to respond to women’s issues without such representation. While society must gradually alter its gender stereotypes on its own, implementing policies and penalties against those who are structurally oppressing women is also necessary. If the government leads by example, institutions, businesses, and society may follow. With the comparative analysis, it can be assumed that neither political structure nor societal values have a direct impact on how much women participate in society. China, as a unified one-party COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 57. 57 state depends more on the way the Party chooses to address the needs of the people. Electing more women in China would perhaps not be as effective as it would be in the United States for creating change in society. Many factors contribute to the lack of engagement of women in political leadership roles across the world. A combination of the cultural values and the inherent hierarchical structure of China’s political system makes it difficult for women to change the landscape of participation. While women at the very top leadership positions may help in producing role models for other women to achieve the same, the broader participation of women in politics at the local level is more important and fundamental to how society is shaped at large. Having a lack of women at the lower tiers of politics cannot support an increase in women’s representation at the higher levels. In China specifically, women’s concerns must be more directly expressed in order for the government to respond to them. Though China’s censorship and repression of advocacy may hinder public expressions, China is a rapidly developing society with the technology for creating spaces for its citizens to collaborate and deliberate. Given the Party’s invested interest in sustaining its legitimacy, the people must be heard and the government needs to react accordingly. With continued pressure on social awareness of women’s issues and rights, more women are bound to be mobilized to engage in fields there were previously barriers to. It is only a matter of time before women will be more actively involved in areas their physical, mental, and emotional state of beings rely upon. COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 58. 58 Works Cited Adam, Karla. (2018, October 5). Has #MeToo become a global movement? Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/a-year-after-it-began-has -metoo-become-a-globa l-movement/2018/10/05/1fc0929e-c71a-11e8-9c0f-2ffaf6d422aa_st ory.html?utm_term=. 75b24bcc8c4 Asia News. (2018, March 12). MeToo movement turns South Korea against sexual abuse. Retrieved from http://www.asianews.it/news-en/MeToo-movement-turns-South-K orea-against-sexual-abuse-43333.html Barr, Heather. (2018, June 14). South Korean Women are Fed Up with Inequality. R etrieved from https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/06/14/south-korean-women-are-f ed-inequality Cameron, Darla & Soffen, Kim. (2018, February 7). For every woman in political office in the United States, there are three men. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2018/politics/women-r unning-for-office/?nore direct=on&utm_term=.06afb53aa09b Fan, Wenjun. (2018, March 22). CPPCC Member: Eliminate Gender Bias in Local Civil Servant Recruitment. Retrieved from COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 59. 59 http://www.womenofchina.cn/womenofchina/html1/features/politi cs/1803/3947-1.htm Guo Xiajuan, Zheng Yongnian. (2008) “Women’s Political Participation in China”. China Policy Institute of University of Nottingham. Hagen, Lisa. (2018). Emily’s List sees female candidate boom in Trump era. https://www.emilyslist.org/news/entry/emilys-list-sees-female-can didate-boom Hong, Leta. (2014, May 12). China’s growing gender gap: women are not just leftover, but left out. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2014/may/12/china-left over-women-property-boom Hsu, Arnold. (2015, December 17). UN Women Official Praises ACWF’s Efforts in Enhancing Women’s Political Participation. Retrieved from http://www.womenofchina.cn/womenofchina/html1/special/2016n pc/1602/1172-1.htm Lee, Claire. (2017). Women’s presence in politics still limited in South Korea. Retrieved from http://iknowpolitics.org/en/news/world-news/women%E2%80%99s COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 60. 60 -presence-politics-stil l-limited-south-korea Li, Cheng (2016). Chinese Politics in the Xi Jinping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership. Brookings Institution Press. Li, Cheng. (2017, March 30). Status of China’s women leaders on the eve of 19th Party Congress. Retrieved from https://www.brookings.edu/opinions/status-of-chinas-women-lead ers-on-the-eve-of-19th-party-congress/ Mobrand, Erik. (2018, September 10). Gender Quota Politics in South Korea’s Mixed Electoral System. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10357823.2018.1512 554?journalCode=casr20 Oster, Shai & Wang, Selina. (2016, September 19). How Women Won a Leading Role in China’s Venture Capital Industry. Retrieved from https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2016-09-19/how-wome n-won-a-leading-role-in-china-s-venture-capital-industry Parker, Kim & Funk, Cary. (2017, December 14). Gender discrimination comes in many forms for today’ s working women. Retrieved from http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/12/14/gender-discrimi nation-comes-in-many -forms-for-todays-working-women/ COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
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  • 62. 62 to combat sexual harassment? Retrieved from https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/china-finally-impleme nt-laws-combat-sexual-harassment-180912091630482.html Zeng, B. (2014, Febuary). Women’s Political Participation in China: Improved or Not? Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/260287920_Women's_Pol itical_Participation_i n_China_Improved_or_Not COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS
  • 63. Swing Like a Girl Victoria Morgan | University of Southern California COLUMBIA WOMEN IN LAW AND POLITICS Abstract Within the professional sports industry, the difference in pay between men and women is overwhelming and begins to tell a story of deep seeded discrimination. This paper employs golf as its main case study as it depicts the overall problem of gender discrimination in sports and the myths that often surround and exacerbate the problem. Lastly, in an effort to shed light on potential remedies, the paper compares the plight of female golfers to African Americans golfers who faced similar adversity in the past. “Sports get a separate section in every major daily newspaper; they fill stadiums and arenas around the world on a regular basis as people root, often maniacally, for their home teams… they occupy hours and hours of weekly commercial radio and television air time with accompanying astronomical advertising revenues; and they are increasingly the object of public policy” (Washington 188). - Dr. Robert Washington and Dr. David Karen explain the sociology of sports by mapping out its crucial place in society. As a microcosm of society, the sports industry and issues within it should be treated with the utmost attention. 63