Relationship between religion and use of modern contracetives among the atyap in kaduna state, nigeria


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Relationship between religion and use of modern contracetives among the atyap in kaduna state, nigeria

  1. 1. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.orgISSN 2222-1719 (Paper) ISSN 2222-2863 (Online)Vol 2, No.8, 2012 Relationship between Religion and Use of Modern Contracetives among the Atyap in Kaduna State, Nigeria Helen N. Avong Faculty of Social and Management Sciences Bauchi State University Gadau, Nigeria E-mail: havong@gmail.comThe survey which provided the data for this paper was funded by the Population Council New York.AbstractThis study is based on 347 currently married women aged 15-49 years. Data used were obtained in 1995 fromrandomly selected dwellings. The data show Christian religious institutions, whose primary concern may be withgoals other than family size limitation, serve to mediate adoption of modern contraception and Catholic women areless likely to use modern contraception than women in Evangelical Churches of Wining All (ECWA). Similarly,religious participation significantly increases the likelihood of use of modern contraception. The studyunderscores the need for intrafaith studies to aid the designing of appropriate strategies for increasingcontraceptive prevalence rate in Nigeria.Key words: religion, contraception, Atyap, Zonzon Nigeria1. IntroductionThe assertion that “religion still wields great power in the modern world” (Parrinder 1954:9-10) is surprisinglyrelevant in studies of low fertility societies (Johnson 1985:30; Brooks & Chandler 1994). Heaton (1986:248)observed, “religion continues to play a role in patterns of childbearing [even] in societies that have achievedreplacement level.” While some religious institutions negatively influence acceptance of modern methods ofcontraception, others positively influence it (see Goldscheider and Mosher 1991; Ntozi & Kabera 1991;Schenker & Rabenou 1993; Verkuyi 1993). The reported differences in fertility regulation in both developed and developing societies (Goldscheider &Mosher 1991; Ntozi & Kabera 1991; Verkuyi 1993), have been attributed to denominational differences intheological tenets or doctrines. The lesser use of effective methods of contraception among Catholics thanProtestants, in low-fertility developed countries, has been attributed to Roman Catholic doctrine, which supportslarge families, responsible parenthood (adequate birth intervals), and rejects the most effective birth controlmethods (Blake 1984; Clegg & Cross1995). In contrast, Protestants, who also consider procreation andresponsible parenthood important, are either believed not to have proscription against contraception and abortion(Johnson 1993) or to have abandoned the tenet of faith for secularism (see Clegg & Cross1995; Kelley et al1993). Prior studies in developed and developing nations have found women’s and community’s religiositynegatively influences the use of contraception (see Neuman & Ziderman 1986; Goldscheider & Mosher 1991;Amin et al. 1996). The US study (Goldscheider and Mosher 1991), for instance, showed that those with moreintense religiosity (measured by frequency of participation in religious activities) were less likely to usecontraception. A similar pattern was observed in a two level analysis of 1989 data for Bangladesh, but thereligious practice of Muslims at the individual level was a weaker predictor of the use of modern contraceptionthan religious practice at the community or district level (Amin et al. 1996). These suggest that religiosity atthe individual and societal level could inversely influence fertility regulation. Caldwell & Caldwell (1987) and Caldwell et al (1992) confirmed this in their assertion that the religiosityof Africans conflicts with reproductive regulation within marriage. Yet, studies of the relationships amongreligious institutions, religiosity, and reproductive behaviour in Nigeria, seem to be lacking. Thus, very little isknown about whether the results above hold in the high-fertility Nigerian society, but I find it reasonable to usethe results from the low-fertility developed societies as my starting point. This study contributes to filling thegap in our knowledge of the influence of Christian religion institutions on the use of modern contraception inSub-Saharan Africa2. Research settingThe Atyap live in Zongon-Kataf Local Government Area (LGA), Kaduna State and like many othercommunities of Nigeria, they are principally a rural population and agriculturalists. However, the introduction ofWestern type education by the Missionaries equipped them with skills for other economic activities and a meansof occupational and social mobilityThe Atyap community is almost entirely Christian and are also intensely religious (Avong 1998). This intense 82
  2. 2. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.orgISSN 2222-1719 (Paper) ISSN 2222-2863 (Online)Vol 2, No.8, 2012religiosity of the Atyap means that I can only investigate mainly differences between very religious andextremely religious people rather than the full range from extremely secular to extremely religious, which hasbeen investigated in Western societies.3. Research questions1. What is the general attitude of the Atyap towards modern contraception?2. What role do religious denomination and religiosity play in determining the contraception among the Atyap women?4. Research hypotheses1. Catholic women are less likely to regulate birth through artificial modern methods of contraception than Protestant women2. The more frequent the participation in religious activities, the less likely the use of contraception3. The greater the intensity of the religious beliefs, the less likely the use of contraception5. Data and methodologyThe target population for the women survey was women aged 15-49 and the data for this study were obtainedfrom 600 hundred women in this age category including the 347 currently married women used for the analysis.The sample was drawn from 278 randomly selected inhabited dwellings in 10 of 15 villages of Zonzon Atyap,one of the seven administrative units in Atyap homeland. The quantitative data set from the 1995 Zonzon Atyap Women Survey included a wide range of topics butonly the information on factors such as age, education and marital status, religious beliefs and practices, andfertility regulation are used in this study. The questionnaire consisted of replicated questions from the Nigeriannational surveys (1981/82 NFS and 1990 NDHS), and the International Social Survey Programme, ReligionRound 1. The qualitative data set, which helps in the explanation of and giving an insight into the contraceptivebehaviour of the Atyap, contains information from in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. It also helpsto illuminate logical interpretations, to verify quantitative evidence, and to supply evidence of fertility behaviournot available in the quantitative data used for this study. Eligible participants in the qualitative data collectionexercise for this study were grouped into people with specialised information and those who, when takentogether, provided information on views and attitudes common to the entire population under study. Three categories of religious denomination were used in the analyses: Catholic, Other Protestants (Anglicanand Baptist) and Evangelical Churches Winning All (ECWA), a Protestant denomination. Religiosity ismeasured by religious participation, which is an index based on the average of four 100-point scaled items(frequency of prayers, Church service attendance, Bible reading/study, and attendance of other religiousactivities). All analyses are limited to currently married women, and explanatory factors other than religiousdenomination and religiosity are used as control variables in the multivariate logistic regression analysisemployed in this study. The choice of independent variables for inclusion in the regression models as controlfactors was based on the theoretical relevance of predictors in African context, and, generally, the usualstatistical significance of 5 per cent level. The problem of multicolinearity was taken care of in the multivariateanalysis by excluding one of any two variables with a correlation coefficient of, at least, r=0.8 (see Gow 1997). Multivariate analysis, employing logistic regression analysis, is used to explore the effect of religion on theuse of contraception. The logistic regression program is used to estimate the regression parameters of themodels that test the stated hypotheses of this study. The logistic regression program which uses themaximum-likelihood method and the base category approach was employed. Therefore coefficients areinterpreted as the variation in the predicted log odds of the outcome relative to the reference category. Theodds ratio, an exponential of the ß coefficient in logistic regression, is relative to the reference categories. Oddsratio values less or more than unity indicate lower or higher likelihood of occurrence of the event beingexamined respectively, while the odds ratio of unity indicate no effect for that category. The model chi-squarecan be viewed as an indicator of the amount of variation in the dependent variable explained by the model. Thelogistic model used is: PIn( ) = bo + b1 X 1 + L + bkXk + e 1− Pwhere P is the probability of the outcome given the array of independent variables, X1 .. Xk; bo is a constant, bI… bk represent a series of unknown coefficients to be estimated using the maximum likelihood method, and e isan error or residual term (Hosmer and Lemeshow 1989)It is more difficult to establish significant relations between variables with small samples than with large ones(Gilbert 1993), thus a variable with an association with the dependent variable at the 10 per cent level wasconsidered to have a significant effect. 83
  3. 3. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.orgISSN 2222-1719 (Paper) ISSN 2222-2863 (Online)Vol 2, No.8, 20126. Findings6.1 Characteristics of the currently married womenThere is similarity in years of schooling among the three religious groups although Catholics have a lowerproportion of currently married women with seven or more years of schooling - 46 per cent compared to 53 percent for Other Protestants and 49 per cent for the ECWA (Table 1). Most of the women (81) had a low materialliving standard (four or less modern consumer goods or household facilities), but the proportion of ECWAwomen with high material living standard is about two times that of Catholics and Other Protestants.6.2 Bivarriate and multivariate analysisAbout 40 per cent of currently married Atyap women had ever used modern methods of contraception (Table 2).Lower proportions of women in the younger age groups, consisting mostly of unmarried women and those juststarting childbearing, have ever used modern contraception. More women with no education, most of who areolder than those with some form of education, have ever used modern contraception. Similarly, a smallerproportion of Catholics than the protestant groups have ever used contraception.Except for the insignificant relationship between husband’s occupation and current use of contraception, all othervariables have significant associations with use of contraception (Table 2). However, while the associations ofthe other variables and use of family planning methods remain statistically significant, when the effects of otherfactors are controlled, that of religious denominations and ever used modern contraception or currently usingfamily planning disappeared (Table 3). The association between years of schooling and current use of familyplanning methods also lost its significance.Although the relationship between religious denomination and contraception is statistically insignificant,Catholic and Other Protestant women were still less likely than ECWA women to have ever used moderncontraception in 1995. The probability of Catholic women ever having used modern contraception was 27 percent compared to 33 per cent for Other Protestants and 36 per cent for ECWA women. Catholic women werealso less likely to be current users of any family planning method than did those in Protestant denominations.As the degree of participation in Church activities increases, the likelihood of ever using modern contraceptionor current use of any method of family planning also increases, and this relationship is statistically significant atthe 5 per cent level. This contrasts with the findings, mentioned earlier, that showed that active participants inreligious activities inversely relates to use of contraception.7. Discussion7.1 GeneralModern contraceptives were first introduced into Nigerian society about few decades ago. This may partlyaccount for low proportions of use of contraception among the Atyap and other rural Nigerian communitieswhere the modern methods were introduced more recently (Makinwa-Adebusoye & Feyisetan 1994). Myqualitative data suggest an absence of adequate medical facilities, in both the ECWA clinics and Zongon-KatafGovernment General Hospital, for taking care of real or purported side effects may be militating against greateruse of modern contraceptives among the Atyap. However, the proportion of currently married Atyap women (40 per cent) which had ever used moderncontraception can be considered relatively high for a rural northern community. It is higher than the 28.9 percent reported for Nigeria in 2008 (NPC and ICF Macro 2009:67). Furthermore, the contraceptive prevalence of23 per cent among currently married Atyap women in 1995 is much higher than the about three per centobserved in the Muslim dominated Northwest region, and about nine per cent reported for rural Nigeria in 2008(NPC & ICF Macro 2009:70). Thus, contraception may have greater reducing effect on the fertility of theAtyap than that of their Hausa-Fulani and Muslim neighbours in the Northwest region or other parts of ruralNigeria. The greater use of modern family planning methods by the Atyap women than their peers in other ruralparts of Nigeria and women in the Northwest region may be partially accounted for by differences in theirapproval of family planning. Of the currently married Atyap women who knew of at least one modern methodof contraception, the proportion (90 per cent) that approved of family planning in 1995 was 23 per cent morethan that of rural women and 36 per cent more than that of women in the Northwest region in 1990 (FOS &IRD/Macro 1992:55). Both religion and Western education may also be contributory factors.7.2 Religious denomination and family planningThe lower likelihood of use of family planning methods by the Catholic women than their Protestant peers,especially the ECWA women (Table 2), was expected since the Catholic clergymen among the Atyap, inaccordance with the stand of the Roman Catholic Church, campaign against the use of artificial methods. Incontrast, the Protestant clergymen in the 1995 Zonzon Atyap Survey, echoing other Protestant leaders in otherparts of the world (see Kollehlon 1994:496), preach in favour of use of all modern methods of family planning,except abortion (Avong 2000). In particular, the ECWA denomination does not only encourage acceptance ofmodern contraception, but also provides family planning services, thereby contributing to the Nigerian 84
  4. 4. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.orgISSN 2222-1719 (Paper) ISSN 2222-2863 (Online)Vol 2, No.8, 2012Government’s effort to legitimise acceptance and use of modern contraception (see Makinwa-Adebusoye &Feyisetan 1994). This may account for the observed similarity in contraceptive behaviour between the twoProtestant categories. Church doctrines have been used by the Protestant Churches to enhance the use of modern family planningmethods. Most Protestant clergymen consider consultation with herbalists or “witch doctors” for traditionalfamily planning methods to be a sin and therefore strongly discourage it. Most Protestant Church members,especially Protestants, also abhor consultation with herbalists for family planning. For example, an ECWAChurch elder considered the use of traditional methods by Christians to be spiritually harmful because themanner they are acquired and used contradicts the teachings of the Bible (Avong 1998). Christians in otherparts of the State have also expressed a similar view (Kisekka & Okeshola 1997). Studies in the 1980s have shown that Ilorin married women (Oni and McCarthy 1986) and Ondo Yorubawives (Caldwell et al. 1992) adopted modern contraception as a substitute for prolonged periods of postpartumsexual abstinence. This behaviour was linked to modernising forces such as Western education and availabilityof modern contraceptives that put strong pressure on the couples to reduce the duration of postpartum abstinence.However, a similar contraceptive behaviour could also result from change in societal institutions that influencefertility regulation and the people’s perception of the methods of family planning rather than just ideationalforces. The 1995 Zonzon Atyap qualitative data reveal that the traditional postpartum abstinence duration of, atleast, two years is considered to be wrong because it is against the biblical injunction that married partnersshould gratify each other’s sexual desires, and could lead to the sin of extra-marital sex. Thus, to the Atyap,guided by their Christian rather than Traditional religious rules on sexual relations, modern family planningmethods seem a welcome innovation that could make achievement of the culturally desirable long birth intervalsas well as observation of the biblical injunction to meet each other’s sexual needs possible. The difference in the use of family planning methods between Catholic and the ECWA (Table 3) seems notto reflect the Catholic Church’s official stand against modern methods of contraception because thedenominational differences are no longer statistically significant when spousal discussion is taken into account.In addition, participation in religious activities, which is expected to make the women more responsive to thedistinctive teachings of the faith, was controlled. This suggests that the reason for the significant difference isnot so much differences in Church teachings about modern contraception as differences in marital interactionpatterns, perhaps reflecting the Catholic Church’s greater emphasis on hierarchical authority (Kollehlon1994:496). The emphasis on authority by the Catholic Church may militate against openness in family interaction sinceit gives husbands of Catholic women greater autocratic control of women. Spousal communication, which issignificantly associated with use of family planning methods, is considered to be “a good measure of familyinteraction patterns - “…the extent to which a close conjugal relationship exists and whether women have anyinput into family decisionmaking” (Kritz & Gurak, 1991:100). The 1995 Zonzon Atyap Survey data show thatCatholic women and other Protestants are less likely to discuss family planning with their spouses than ECWAwomen, after controlling for age, years of schooling, socioeconomic status and religious belief and participation(not shown). Thus, family interaction patterns tend to have significant consequences for contraceptivebehaviour of the Atyap wives, thereby requiring greater attention in future studies on use of contraception amongthe Atyap as well as Christian religious denominations in Sub-Saharan Africa.7.3 Religiosity and fertility regulationThe result in Table 3 indicates that regardless of religious denomination, more religious women are more likelyto regulate their fertility than less religious women thereby contrasting with the hypothesis that high religiositymilitates against the use family planning methods. Heaton (1986) argued that participation in religiousactivities gives the religious group or institution greater power to shape the behaviour of its members throughsocialisation regarding its social norms or normative expectations. Thus, active participation in Church relatedactivities, besides exposing the women to information about family planning methods, sets the agenda of whatgets considered and approved by the women, and either keep them behaving in the way most acceptable by thegroup or limit the scope of their behaviour. My qualitative data indicate that both Catholics and Protestant Churches support a consideration of smallerfamily sizes by couples (after consultation with God). They were therefore both actively involved incampaigning for the use of family planning methods, although the methods approved for use differed, and theProtestant Churches used Christian doctrines on marital relations to support their stance. Thus, thecontraceptive behaviour of the religiously more active Protestant women is not unexpected since it can beassumed to have been positively influenced by their religious institutions and leaders. However, the use of modern contraception by Catholic women who actively participate in religiousactivities has no straightforward explanation. The 1995 Zonzon Atyap Women Survey data indicate thatCatholic women have an ideal duration of postpartum abstinence that is shorter than that of the Protestantwomen, but their ideal or desired family size does not differ from that of the Protestants (not shown). Thus the 85
  5. 5. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.orgISSN 2222-1719 (Paper) ISSN 2222-2863 (Online)Vol 2, No.8, 2012desire to space births in an environment of reduced desired family size and preference for a shorter duration ofpostpartum abstinence may make the religiously active Catholics defy the official position of the RomanCatholic Church.8. ConclusionThis study suggests that Christian religious institutions of the rural Atyap ethnic group have enhancedacceptance of modern contraception, making their contraceptive behaviour different from that reported forMuslim dominated Northwest region of Nigeria. This suggests the need for studies among the various Nigerianethnic and religious groups, if we are to gain greater insight into the factors that influence contraceptivebehaviour for policy purposes. Modern contraception is widely viewed by the Atyap, especially the Protestants, as a legitimate means ofchild-spacing: a modern means supported by local religious leaders as serving both religious and traditionalgoals. This suggests that rather than acceptance of modern contraception being a consequence of an“abandonment of a tenet of faith” (Clegg & Cross 1995:80), it could result from observance of a tenet of faith.It also suggests that it is important to examine the effect of religious institutions on fertility behaviour, within theconfines of the cultural environment of the population under study. Although this study cannot be generalised to cover the entire Kaduna State, or Nigeria, it provides insightinto the beliefs and attitudes of the Atyap towards fertility regulation and possibly reflects those of the numerouspredominantly Christian ethnic groups of the Middle Belt of Nigeria where the Atyap are located. This studygenerally underscores the importance of institutional approach in exploring fertility determinants in anyparticular social group, and the need for maximising rather than minimising the religious subdivisions andcoding categories in demographic studies in Nigeria.ReferencesAmin, S., Diamond, I. & Steele, F. (1996), Contraception and Religious Practice in Bangladesh, The PopulationCouncil Working Papers, 83.Avong, H.N. (1998), “The impact on fertility of an evangelical Mission in Nigeria”, Paper presented at the NinthNational Conference, Australian Population Association, University of Queensland, Brisbane, September 29 –October 2.Avong, H.N. (2000), Perception and attitudes toward the Nigerian Federal Population Policy, family planningprogram and family planning in Kaduna State,Nigeria, African Journal of Reproductive Health 4(1), 66-70.Blake, J. (1984), “Catholicism and fertility, on attitudes of young Americans,” Population and DevelopmentReview, 10(2), 329-339.Brooks, L.A. and Chandler, T. (1994), “American religious groups and population policy”, in L.A. Mazur (ed.),Beyond the Numbers, Island Press, Washington DC , 303-09.Caldwell, J.C, and Caldwell, P. (1987), “The cultural context of high fertility in Sub-Saharan Africa”,Population and Development Review, 13(3), 409-37.Caldwell, J.C., Orubuloye, I.O. & Caldwell, P. (1992), “Fertility decline in Africa: a new type of transition?”Population and Development Review, 18(2), 211-42.Clegg, E,J. & Cross, J.F. (1995), “Religion and fertility in the outer Hebrides”, Journal of Biosocial Science,27(1), 79-94.Federal Office of Statistics and IRD/Macro International, 1992. Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey1990, IRD/Macro International, Columbia, Maryland.Gilbert, N. 1993. Analyzing Tabular Data: Loglinear and Logistic Models for Social Researchers, UCL Press,London.Goldscheider, C. & Mosher, W.D. (1991), “Patterns of contraceptive use in the United States: the importance ofreligious factors”, Studies in Family Planning, 22(2), 102-15.Gow, D.J. (1997), Fundamentals of Multiple Regression Analysis, Lecture Notes of ACSPRI SummerProgramme, 15 January, Australian National University, CanberraHeaton, T.B., 1986. “How does religion influence fertility?: the case of the Mormons”, Journal of ScientificStudy of Religion, 25(2), 248-58.Hosmer D.H. and Lemeshow, S., 1989. Applied Logistic Regression, John Wiley and Sons, New York.Johnson, B., 1985. “Religion and Politics in America: the last twenty years”, in P.E. Hammond (ed.), TheSacred in a Secular Age: Towards Revision in the Scientific Study of Religion, University of California Press,Berkeley, 301-16.Johnson, N.E., 1993. “Hindu and Christian fertility in India: a test of three hypotheses”, Social Biology,40(1-2), 87-105.Kelley, J., Evans, M.D.R. & Headey, B. (1993), “Moral reasoning and political conflict: the abortioncontroversy”, British Journal of Sociology, 44(4), 589-612. 86
  6. 6. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.orgISSN 2222-1719 (Paper) ISSN 2222-2863 (Online)Vol 2, No.8, 2012Kisekka, M.N. & Okeshola, F.B., 1997. “Who wants family planning? Three areas of Kaduna State,Nigeria”, in A. Hardon and E. Hayes (eds.), Reproductive Rights in Practice: A Feminist Report on Quality ofCare, Zed Books, London, 34-58.Kollehlon, K.T. (1994), “Religious affiliation and fertility in Liberia”, Journal of Biosocial Science, 26(4),493-507.Kritz, M.M. & Gurak, D.T. (1991), “Women’s economic independence and fertility among the Yoruba”,Demographic and Health Surveys World Conference, Proceedings, I, Washington, DC, 89-111.Makinwa-Adebusoye, P.K. & Feyisetan, B.J. (1994), “The quantum and tempo of fertility in Nigeria”, in DHSRegional Analysis Workshop for Anglophone Africa: Fertility Trends and Determinants in Six African Countries,Macro International Inc., Calverton, Maryland, 41-86.National Population Ccommission 2002. Sentinel Survey of the National Population Programme: BaselineReport, 2000, National Population Commission, Abuja.National Population Commission (NPC) [Nigeria] & ICF Macro 2009. Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey(2008), National Population Commission and ICF Macro, Abuja, Nigeria.Neuman, S. & Ziderman, A. (1986), “How does fertility relate to religiosity: survey evidence from Israel”,Sociology and Social Research, 70(2), 178-80.Ntozi, J.P.M. & Kabera, J.B. (1991), “Family planning in rural Uganda: knowledge and use of modern andtraditional methods in Ankole”, Studies in Family Planning, 22(2), 116-23.Oni, G.A. & McCarthy, J. (1986), “Use of contraceptives for birth spacing in a Nigerian city”, Studies in FamilyPlanning, 17(4), 165-71.Parrinder, E.G., (1954), African Traditional Religion, Hutchinson House, London.Verkuyi, D.A.A. (1993), “The world religions and family planning”, Lancet, 342(8869), 473-5.The authorHelen N. Avong, was born in Kaduna State, Nigeria. She obtained her educational degrees as listed below withDemography being her major area of study. Degree Field Institution City/State/Country Year ObtainedBSc SOCIOLOGY Bayero University Kano, Kano State, Nigeria 1982MSc SOCIOLOGY Bayero University Kano, Kano State, Nigeria 1989PhD Demography Australian National Canberra, Australia 1999 University 87
  7. 7. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.orgISSN 2222-1719 (Paper) ISSN 2222-2863 (Online)Vol 2, No.8, 2012Table 1: Per cent distribution of currently married women aged 15-49 according to selected characteristics, by religious denomination, Zonzon Atyap, 1995 Catholic Other Protestants ECWA All nAge group 15-24 25.3 22.2 22.3 23.1 80 25-39 30.8 37.5 31.4 32.7 113 40-49 44.0 40.0 46.3 44.2 153Years of schooling None 25.3 26.3 28.0 26.9 93 1-6 28.6 21.3 23.4 24.3 84 7+ 46.2 52.5 48.6 48.8 169Socioeconomic status Low 90.1 87.5 77.7 83.2 288 High 9.9 12.5 22.3 16.8 58Type of marriage Monogamous 70.3 73.8 76.6 74.3 257 Polygynous 29.7 26.3 23.4 25.7 89Marital stability Marriage never disrupted 83.5 80.0 90.3 86.1 298 Marriage ever disrupted 16.5 20.0 9.7 13.9 48All ever married women 26.3 23.1 50.6 100.0 346Number of cases 91 80 175 346Source: Zonzon Atyap Women Survey, 1995 Note: Numbers do not add to total due to missing casesTable 2: Percentage of currently married women aged 15-49 who ever used modern family planning methods,and those currently using family planning by selected characteristics, Zonzon Atyap, 1995Characteristics Ever used modern methods Current users nAge group 15-24 17.3 3.7 81 25-39 39.8 15.0 113 40-49 52.9 38.6 153 2 X p<.000 p<.000Religious denomination Catholic 27.5 14.3 91 Other Protestants 40.0 23.8 80 ECWA 47.4 26.9 175 X2 p<.007 p<.067Years of schooling None 53.8 40.9 93 6 29.8 19.0 84 7+ 38.2 14.7 170 X2 p<.003 p<.000Ideal family size <5 52.0 32.4 102 5+ 37.6 20.1 194 X2 p<.018 p<.020Discussion of family planning with spouse Twice or less 18.1 8.4 155 More often 58.3 34.4 192 X2 p<.000 p<.000Occupation of husband Non-agriculture 54.0 25.2 139 Agriculture 31.3 21.2 208 X2 p<.000 p<.381All 40.3 22.8 347Source:Zonzon Atyap Women Survey, 1995 Notes:Number may not add to total cases due to missing cases 88
  8. 8. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.orgISSN 2222-1719 (Paper) ISSN 2222-2863 (Online)Vol 2, No.8, 2012Table 3: Logistic regression estimates of the likelihood of currently married women, aged 15-49, having ever used modern methods of family planning and current use of family planning, Zonzon Atyap, 1995 B S.E Odds ratio nPanel A: Ever used modern methodsReligious denomination Catholic -0.407 0.337 0.67 91 Other Protestants -0.120 0.325 0.89 80 ECWA (RC) 1.00 175Religious participation 0.035* 0.015 1.04 346Years of schooling 0.079* 0.039 1.08 346Age 0.105** 0.021 1.11 346Discussion of family planning with husband Twice or less -1.625* 0.283 0.20 154 More often 1.00 192Husband’s occupation Non-agriculture 0.686* 0.290 1.98 139 Agriculture (RC) 1.000 207Constant -6.356** 1.293Reduction of X2 116.602**d.f. 7Panel B: Currently using family planningReligious denomination Catholic -0.423 0.396 0.66 91 Other Protestants 0.027 0.361 1.03 80 ECWA (RC) 1.00 175Religious participation 0.031* 0.018 1.03 346Years of schooling 0.033 0.037 1.03 346Age 0.119** 0.025 1.13 346Discussion of family planning with spouse** Twice or less -1.623* 0.357 0.20 154 More often 1.00 192Constant -7.242** 1.556Reduction of X2 85.448**d.f. 6Source: Zonzon Atyap Women Survey, 1995 *Notes: RC= Reference category; p<.05; ** p<.01 or p<.001 89
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