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Indian Leaders
Contents
1 Kalpana Chawla 1
1.1 Early life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ....
ii CONTENTS
3.4.7 Congress politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
3.4.8...
CONTENTS iii
4.3 Prime Minister of India (1947–64) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
...
Chapter 1
Kalpana Chawla
Kalpana Chawla (March 17, 1962[2][lower-alpha 1]
–
February 1, 2003) was the first Indian-American...
2 CHAPTER 1. KALPANA CHAWLA
the crew of STS-107. This mission was repeatedly de-
layed due to scheduling conflicts and tech...
1.7. NOTES 3
twenty-five thousand, a medal, and a certificate is in-
stituted for the best student in the Aeronautical En-
g...
4 CHAPTER 1. KALPANA CHAWLA
[17] Rajghatta, Chidanand (Jul 12, 2004). “NY has Kalpana
Chawla Way”. The Times of India. Ret...
Chapter 2
K. Kamaraj
“Kamaraj” redirects here. For the village in Iran, see
Kamaraj, Iran. For the administrative subdivis...
6 CHAPTER 2. K. KAMARAJ
George Joseph argued on Kamaraj’s behalf and proved
the charges to be baseless. [18]
Kamaraj was c...
2.1. EARLY LIFE 7
under cultivation. 45,000 acres (180 km2
) of land bene-
fited from canals constructed from the Mettur Da...
8 CHAPTER 2. K. KAMARAJ
Kamaraj statue at East Tambaram, Chennai
lal Nehru felt that his services were needed more at the
...
2.1. EARLY LIFE 9
film was released on DVD in 2007.
2.1.5 References
[1] Revised edition of book on Kamaraj to be launched,...
Chapter 3
Mahatma Gandhi
“Gandhi” redirects here. For other uses, see Gandhi
(disambiguation).
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi ...
3.1. EARLY LIFE AND BACKGROUND 11
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi in his earliest known photo,
aged 7, c. 1876
Regent for her s...
12 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI
glish, fair in Arithmetic and weak in Geography; conduct
very good, bad handwriting”.
While a...
3.3. CIVIL RIGHTS ACTIVIST IN SOUTH AFRICA (1893–1914) 13
terest in religion before, he became interested in religious
tho...
14 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI
for burning their registration cards or engaging in other
forms of nonviolent resistance. The...
3.4. STRUGGLE FOR INDIAN INDEPENDENCE (1915–47) 15
responded by imprisoning him and tens of thousands
of Congress leaders....
16 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI
of their religion.[81]
Although Gandhi did not originate
the All-India Muslim Conference,[82]...
3.4. STRUGGLE FOR INDIAN INDEPENDENCE (1915–47) 17
poor, to spend time each day spinning khadi in support
of the independe...
18 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI
Mahadev Desai (left) reading out a letter to Gandhi from the
Viceroy at Birla House, Bombay, ...
3.4. STRUGGLE FOR INDIAN INDEPENDENCE (1915–47) 19
purification and launched a one-year campaign to help
the Harijan moveme...
20 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI
the cause of ultimate freedom.[125]
Gandhi and Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Bombay, 1944
Gandhi and t...
3.6. PRINCIPLES, PRACTICES AND BELIEFS 21
Memorial at the former Birla House, New Delhi, where Gandhi
was assassinated at ...
22 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI
doctrine, a religious outlook, a moral precept, and espe-
cially, a humanitarian world view. ...
3.6. PRINCIPLES, PRACTICES AND BELIEFS 23
Mohandas K. Gandhi and other residents of Tolstoy Farm, South
Africa, 1910
and t...
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  1. 1. Indian Leaders
  2. 2. Contents 1 Kalpana Chawla 1 1.1 Early life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1.2 Career . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1.3 Death . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1.4 Awards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1.5 Memorials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1.6 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 1.7 Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 1.8 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 1.9 Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 1.10 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 2 K. Kamaraj 5 2.1 Early life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 2.1.1 Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 2.1.2 Electoral history . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 2.1.3 Death . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 2.1.4 Popular culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 2.1.5 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 2.1.6 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 3 Mahatma Gandhi 10 3.1 Early life and background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 3.2 English barrister . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 3.3 Civil rights activist in South Africa (1893–1914) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 3.3.1 Gandhi and the Africans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 3.4 Struggle for Indian Independence (1915–47) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 3.4.1 Role in World War I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 3.4.2 Champaran and Kheda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 3.4.3 Khilafat movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 3.4.4 Non-cooperation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 3.4.5 Salt Satyagraha (Salt March) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 3.4.6 Untouchables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 i
  3. 3. ii CONTENTS 3.4.7 Congress politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 3.4.8 World War II and Quit India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 3.4.9 Partition and independence, 1947 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 3.5 Assassination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 3.5.1 Ashes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 3.6 Principles, practices and beliefs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 3.6.1 Influences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 3.6.2 Tolstoy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 3.6.3 Truth and Satyagraha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 3.6.4 Nonviolence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 3.6.5 Vegetarianism, food, and animals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 3.6.6 Fasting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 3.6.7 Brahmacharya, celibacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 3.6.8 Nai Talim, basic education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 3.6.9 Swaraj, self-rule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 3.6.10 Gandhian economics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 3.7 Literary works . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 3.8 Legacy and depictions in popular culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 3.8.1 Followers and international influence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 3.8.2 Global holidays . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 3.8.3 Awards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 3.8.4 Film, theatre and literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 3.8.5 Current impact within India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 3.9 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 3.10 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 3.11 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 3.11.1 Books . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 3.11.2 Primary sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 3.12 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 4 Jawaharlal Nehru 41 4.1 Early life and career (1889–1912) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 4.2 Struggle for Indian Independence (1912–47) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 4.2.1 Home rule movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 4.2.2 Non-cooperation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 4.2.3 Internationalising the struggle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 4.2.4 Republicanism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 4.2.5 Declaration of Independence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 4.2.6 Civil disobedience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 4.2.7 Architect of India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 4.2.8 Electoral politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 4.2.9 World War II and Quit India movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
  4. 4. CONTENTS iii 4.3 Prime Minister of India (1947–64) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 4.3.1 Assassination attempts and security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 4.3.2 Economic policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 4.3.3 Agriculture policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 4.3.4 Domestic policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 4.3.5 Social policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 4.3.6 Foreign policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 4.4 Sino-Indian War of 1962 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 4.5 Death . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 4.6 On Caste system, and Caste based reservations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 4.7 Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 4.7.1 Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 4.7.2 On Cow Protection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 4.7.3 On Spiritualism in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 4.8 Secular State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 4.9 Views on communalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 4.10 Nehru and Science . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 4.11 Personal life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 4.11.1 Nehru as a person . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 4.12 Legacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 4.12.1 Nehru and Patel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 4.12.2 Commemoration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 4.12.3 In popular culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 4.13 Writings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 4.14 Awards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 4.15 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 4.16 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 4.17 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 4.18 Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 4.19 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 4.20 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 4.20.1 Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 4.20.2 Images . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 4.20.3 Content license . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
  5. 5. Chapter 1 Kalpana Chawla Kalpana Chawla (March 17, 1962[2][lower-alpha 1] – February 1, 2003) was the first Indian-American astronaut[3] and first Indian woman in space.[4] She first flew on Space Shuttle Columbia in 1997 as a mission specialist and primary robotic arm operator. In 2003, Chawla was one of the seven crew members killed in the Space Shuttle Columbia disaster.[5] 1.1 Early life Kalpana Chawla was born on March 17, 1962 in Karnal, Haryana state, India. She completed her earlier schooling at Tagore Baal Niketan Senior Secondary School, Kar- nal and completed her Bachelor of Engineering degree in Aeronautical Engineering at Punjab Engineering College at Chandigarh in 1982. She moved to the United States in 1982 where she obtained a Master of Science degree in aerospace engineering from the University of Texas at Arlington in 1984.[6] Determined to become an astro- naut even in the face of the Challenger disaster, Chawla went on to earn a second Masters in 1986 and a PhD[7] in aerospace engineering in 1988 from the University of Colorado at Boulder.[8] 1.2 Career In 1988, she began working at the NASA Ames Research Center as Vice President of Overset Methods, Inc. where she did Computational fluid dynamics (CFD) research on Vertical/Short Takeoff and Landing concepts.[8] Chawla held a Certificated Flight Instructor rating for airplanes, gliders and Commercial Pilot licenses for single and multi-engine airplanes, seaplanes and gliders.[9] Becoming a naturalized U.S. citizen in April 1991, Chawla applied for the NASA Astronaut Corps.[2] She joined the Corps in March 1995 and was selected for her first flight in 1996. She spoke the following words while traveling in the weightlessness of space, “You are just your intelligence”. She had traveled 10.67 million km, as many as 252 times around the Earth. Her first space mission began on November 19, 1997, as part of the six-astronaut crew that flew the Space Shut- tle Columbia flight STS-87. Chawla was the first Indian- born woman and the second Indian person to fly in space, following cosmonaut Rakesh Sharma who flew in 1984 on the Soyuz T-11. On her first mission, Chawla trav- eled over 10.4 million miles in 252 orbits of the earth, logging more than 372 hours in space.[8] During STS- 87, she was responsible for deploying the Spartan Satel- lite which malfunctioned, necessitating a spacewalk by Winston Scott and Takao Doi to capture the satellite. A five-month NASA investigation fully exonerated Chawla by identifying errors in software interfaces and the de- fined procedures of flight crew and ground control. After the completion of STS-87 post-flight activities, Chawla was assigned to technical positions in the astro- naut office to work on the space station, her performance in which was recognized with a special award from her peers. Chawla in the space shuttle simulator In 2000 she was selected for her second flight as part of 1
  6. 6. 2 CHAPTER 1. KALPANA CHAWLA the crew of STS-107. This mission was repeatedly de- layed due to scheduling conflicts and technical problems such as the July 2002 discovery of cracks in the shut- tle engine flow liners. On January 16, 2003, Chawla fi- nally returned to space aboard Columbia on the ill-fated STS-107 mission. Chawla’s responsibilities included the microgravity experiments, for which the crew conducted nearly 80 experiments studying earth and space science, advanced technology development, and astronaut health and safety. 1.3 Death Main article: Space Shuttle Columbia disaster Chawla died in the Space Shuttle Columbia disaster which occurred on February 1, 2003, when the Space Shuttle disintegrated over Texas during re-entry into the Earth’s atmosphere, with the death of all seven crew members, shortly before it was scheduled to conclude its 28th mission, STS-107.[10] 1.4 Awards Posthumously awarded: • Congressional Space Medal of Honor • NASA Space Flight Medal • NASA Distinguished Service Medal 1.5 Memorials • The girls hostel in NIT Bhopal (Maulana Azad National Institute of Technology) was renamed to Kalpana Chawla Bhavan. • The Kalpana Chawla ISU Scholarship fund was founded by alumni of the International Space University (ISU) in 2010 to support Indian stu- dent participation in international space education programs.[11] • The Kalpana Chawla Memorial Scholarship pro- gram was instituted by the Indian Students As- sociation (ISA) at the University of Texas at El Paso (UTEP) in 2005 for meritorious graduate students.[12] • The Kalpana Chawla Outstanding Recent Alumni Award at the University of Colorado, given since 1983, was renamed for Chawla.[13] • In Karnal, Chawla’s birthplace, at least 30,000 school children and citizens joined hands to make a 36.4-km-long human chain to support the demand for a Kalpana Chawla Government Medical Col- lege in the city, which was announced by Health Minister of India C. P. Thakur and later promised by Prime Minister of India Manmohan Singh. The Kalpana Chawla Medical College Nirman Commit- tee, backed by volunteers and activists of various or- ganizations, supported by students from 34 schools, swarmed the roads and formed a chain along the roads in Karnal to demonstrate that they continued to revere Chawla as an outstanding astronaut.[14] On November 18, 2013, the foundation stone of the col- lege was laid in her memory by the state government. • Asteroid 51826 Kalpanachawla, one of seven named after the Columbia's crew.[15] • On February 5, 2003, India’s prime minister an- nounced that the meteorological series of satellites, MetSat, was to be renamed as “Kalpana”. The first satellite of the series, “MetSat-1”, launched by India on September 12, 2002, is now known as "Kalpana- 1". "Kalpana-2" was expected to be launched by 2007.[16] • 74th Street in Jackson Heights, Queens, New York City has been renamed 74th Street Kalpana Chawla Way in her honor.[17] • The University of Texas at Arlington, where Chawla obtained a Master of Science degree in aerospace engineering in 1984, opened a dormitory named Kalpana Chawla Hall in 2004. [18] Kalpana Chawla Hall, University of Texas Arlington • The Kalpana Chawla Award was instituted by the government of Karnataka in 2004 for young women scientists.[19] • The girls’ hostel at Punjab Engineering College is named after Chawla. In addition, an award of INR
  7. 7. 1.7. NOTES 3 twenty-five thousand, a medal, and a certificate is in- stituted for the best student in the Aeronautical En- gineering department.[20] • NASA has dedicated a supercomputer to Chawla.[21] • One of Florida Institute of Technology's student apartment complexes, Columbia Village Suites, has halls named after each of the astronauts, including Chawla. • The NASA Mars Exploration Rover mission has named seven peaks in a chain of hills, named the Columbia Hills, after each of the seven astronauts lost in the Columbia shuttle disaster. One of them is Chawla Hill, named after Chawla. • Steve Morse from the band Deep Purple created the song “Contact Lost” in memory of the Columbia tragedy along with her interest in the band. The song can be found on the album Bananas.[22] • Novelist Peter David named a shuttlecraft, the Chawla, after the astronaut in his 2007 Star Trek novel, Star Trek: The Next Generation: Before Dis- honor.[23] • The University of Texas at Arlington dedicated the Kalpana Chawla Memorial on May 3, 2010, in Nedderman Hall, one of the primary buildings in the College of Engineering.[24] • The Government of Haryana established the Kalpana Chawla Planetarium in Jyotisar, Kurukshetra.[25] • The Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur, named the Kalpana Chawla Space Technology Cell in her honor.[26][27] • Delhi Technological University named a girls’ hostel after Chawla.[28] • A military housing development at Naval Air Sta- tion Patuxent River, Maryland, has been named Columbia Colony, and includes a street named Chawla Way. • The girls hostel in SIRT Bhopal (Sagar Institute of Research and Technology) is named Kalpana Chawla Hostel.[29] • The girls hostel in Pondicherry Central University is named Kalpana Chawla Hostel. [30] 1.6 See also • List of Asian American astronauts • List of female astronauts 1.7 Notes [1] Though her birth date has sometimes been reported as July 1, 1961, that date entered her official records because it was used to enroll her in school at a younger-than-normal age. 1.8 References [1] “Life facts”. NASA. Retrieved February 27, 2014. [2] Basu, Biman (May 2012). “Book Review: Biography of Kalpana Chawla” (PDF). Science Reporter: pp.40–41. Retrieved 2013-07-06. Born on 17 March 1962 in Kar- nal, Haryana. [3] Salim Rizvi (December 11, 2006). “Indo-US astronaut follows Kalpana’s footsteps”. New York: BBC. Retrieved November 20, 2012. Almost four years after the death of the first Indian-American astronaut Kalpana Chawla in the Columbia space shuttle disaster, Nasa has sent another woman of Indian origin into space. [4] Nola Taylor Redd. “Kalpana Chawla: Biography & Columbia Disaster”. Space.com (Tech Media Network). Retrieved November 20, 2012. [5] “Kalpana Chawla”. Retrieved 2012-05-24. [6] Chawla, Kalpana (1984), MS Thesis Optimization of cross flow fan housing for airplane wing installation., University of Texas at Arlington, p. 97 [7] Chawla, Kalpana (1988), PhD Thesis Computation of dy- namics and control of unsteady vortical flows., University of Colorado at Boulder, p. 147 [8] “Kalpana Chawla (PH.D)". Biographical Data. NASA. Retrieved September 14, 2014. [9] “Kalpana Chawla”. I Love India. Retrieved September 14, 2014. [10] Correspondent, A. “Space Shuttle Explodes, Kalpana Chawla dead”. Rediff. [11] Kalpana Chawla International Space University Scholar- ship [12] “Kalpana Chawla Memorial Scholarship”. UTEP. Re- trieved 2008-06-10. [13] “Kalpana Chawla Award”. University of Colorado. Re- trieved 2012-02-12. [14] "www.tribuneindia.com". The Tribune. India. Retrieved 2010-12-10. [15] “Tribute to the Crew of Columbia”. NASA JPL. Re- trieved 2007-06-10. [16] “ISRO METSAT Satellite Series Named After Columbia Astronaut Kalpana Chawla”. Spaceref.com. Retrieved 2007-06-10.
  8. 8. 4 CHAPTER 1. KALPANA CHAWLA [17] Rajghatta, Chidanand (Jul 12, 2004). “NY has Kalpana Chawla Way”. The Times of India. Retrieved 27 February 2014. [18] “Kalpana Chawla Hall”. University of Texas at Arlington. Retrieved 2013-05-16. [19] “Kalpana Chawla Award instituted”. The Hindu (Chennai, India). 2004-03-23. Retrieved 2007-06-10. [20] “Punjab Engineering College remembers Kalpana”. The Indian Express. Retrieved 2007-06-10. [21] “NASA Names Supercomputer After Columbia Astro- naut”. About.com. Retrieved 2007-06-10. [22] “Space Music – Rock/Pop”. HobbySpace. 2005-08-31. Retrieved 2010-12-10. [23] David, Peter; Star Trek: Next Generation: Before Dis- honor; Page 24. [24] “Kalpana Chawla Display Dedicated at Nedderman Hall”. The University of Texas at Arlington. Retrieved 2013-05- 16. [25] “IBN News”. Ibnlive.in.com. 2010-02-03. Retrieved 2010-12-10. [26] Saxena, Ambuj. “Kalpana Chawla Space Technology Cell | Flickr – Photo Sharing!". Flickr. Retrieved 2010-12-10. [27] “Space Technology Cell”. Kcstc.iitkgp.ernet.in. Re- trieved 2010-12-10. [28] http://hostels.dtu.ac.in/girls-hostels/ kalpana-chawla-hostel/ [29] [30] 1.9 Further reading • Among The Stars-Life and Dreams of Kalpana Chawla by Gurdeep Pandher • India’s 50 Most Illustrious Women (ISBN 81-88086- 19-3) by Indra Gupta • Kalpana Chawla, a life (ISBN 0-14-333586-3) by Anil Padmanabhan • The Edge of Time: The Authoritative Biography of Kalpana Chawla by Jean-Pierre Harrison 1.10 External links • Kalpana Chawla Family Foundation • Celebrating Life of Kalpana Chawla • Kalpana Chawla Excellence Awards 2012 • Kalpana Chawla profile in India Currents 1998
  9. 9. Chapter 2 K. Kamaraj “Kamaraj” redirects here. For the village in Iran, see Kamaraj, Iran. For the administrative subdivision of Iran, see Kamaraj Rural District. For the AIADMK politician, see Dr. K. Kamaraj. In this Indian name, the name Kumarasami is a patronymic, not a family name, and the person should be referred to by the given name, Kamaraj. Kumarasami Kamaraj , better known as K. Kama- raj, (15 July 1903[1] – 2 October 1975[2] ) was an Indian politician from Tamil Nadu widely acknowledged as the “Kingmaker” in Indian politics during the 1960s. He was the chief minister of Tamil Nadu during 1954–1963 and a Member of Parliament during 1952–1954 and 1967– 1975. He was known for his simplicity and integrity.[1][3] He was involved in the Indian independence move- ment.[4] As the president of Indian National Congress, he was instrumental in navigating the party after the death of Jawaharlal Nehru and bringing to power two Prime Ministers namely Lal Bahadur Shastri in 1964 and Indira Gandhi in 1966. In Tamil Nadu, his home state, he is still remembered for bringing school education to millions of the rural poor by introducing free education and the free Midday Meal Scheme during his tenure as chief minis- ter. He was awarded India’s highest civilian honour, the Bharat Ratna, posthumously in 1976.[5] The domestic ter- minal of the Chennai airport is named “Kamaraj Termi- nal”, Chennai’s Beach Road renamed “Kamarajar Salai”, Bangalore's North Parade Road as “K. Kamaraj Rd.” and the Madurai Kamaraj University in his honour.[3][6] 2.1 Early life Kamaraj was born on 15 July 1903 to Kumarasamy Nadar and Sivakami Ammaiar at Virudhunagar in Tamil Nadu. His father Kumarasamy Nadar was a merchant. In 1907, four years after the birth of Kamaraj, his sister Nagammal was born. At age 5 (1907), Kamaraj was admitted to a traditional school and in 1908 he was admitted to Yenadhi Narayana Vidhya Salai. In 1909 Kamaraj was admitted in Virudupatti High School. Kamaraj’s father died when he was six years old and his mother was forced to support her family. In 1914 Kamaraj dropped out of school to support his family.[7] During this time he started joining processions and at- tending public meetings about the Indian Home Rule Movement. Kamaraj developed an interest in prevailing political conditions by reading newspapers daily.[8] The Jallianwala Bagh massacre was the decisive turning point in his life, and at this point he decided his aim was to fight for national freedom and to bring an end to for- eign rule.[9][10] In 1920, at the age of 18, he became active as a political worker and joined Congress as a full-time worker.[10] In 1921 Kamaraj was organising public meet- ings at Virudhunagar for Congress leaders. He was eager to meet Gandhi, and when Gandhi visited Madurai on 21 September 1921 Kamaraj attended Gandhi’s public meet- ing and met him for the first time in person. He visited villages carrying Congress propaganda.[11] In 1922 Congress was boycotting the visit of the Prince of Wales as part of the Non-Cooperation Movement. He came to Madras and took part in this event.[12] He partic- ipated in the famous Vaikom Satyagraha led by George Joseph against the atrocities of the higher caste Hindus against the Harijans.[13] In 1923–25 Kamaraj participated in the Nagpur Flag Satyagraha .[14] In 1927 Kamaraj started the Sword Satyagraha in Madras and was cho- sen to lead the Neil Statue Satyagraha, but this was given up later in view of the Simon Commission boycott.[15] Kamaraj led almost all the agitation and demonstration against British rule.[16] Kamaraj was first jailed in June 1930 for two years in Alipore Jail, Calcutta, for participation in the “Salt Satya- graha” led by Rajagopalachari at Vedaranyam; he was re- leased early in 1931 in consequence of the Gandhi-Irwin Pact before he could serve his full term imprisonment. In 1932 Section 144 was imposed in Madras prohibiting the holding of meetings and organisation of processions against the arrest of Gandhi in Bombay. In Virdhunagar under Kamaraj’s leadership processions and demonstra- tions happened every day. Kamaraj was arrested again in January 1932 and sentenced to 1 year’s imprisonment.[17] In 1933 Kamaraj was falsely implicated in the Virud- hunagar bomb case. Dr. Varadarajulu Naidu and 5
  10. 10. 6 CHAPTER 2. K. KAMARAJ George Joseph argued on Kamaraj’s behalf and proved the charges to be baseless. [18] Kamaraj was conducting a vigorous campaign through- out the State asking people not to contribute to war funds when Sir Arthur Hope the Madras Governor was collect- ing contributions to funds for the Second World War. In December 1940 he was arrested again at Guntur under the 'Defence of India rules’ for speeches opposing contri- butions to the war fund and sent to Vellore Central Prison while he was on his way to Wardha to get Gandhi’s ap- proval for a list of Satyagrahis. While in jail, he was elected as Municipal Councillor of Virudhunagar. He was released 9 months later in Nov 1941 and resigned from this post as he thought he had greater responsibility for the nation. [19][20] His principle was “One should not accept any post to which one could not do full justice”. In 1942 Kamaraj attended the All India Congress Com- mittee in Bombay and returned to spread propaganda ma- terial for the “Quit India Movement” called by Gandhi. The Police issued orders to all the leaders who attended this Bombay session. Kamaraj did not want to get ar- rested before he took the message to all district and local leaders. He decided not to go to Madras and decided to cut short his trip; he saw a large number of policemen waiting for the arrest of Congress leaders in Arakonam but managed to escape from the police and went to Ra- nipet, Tanjore, Trichy and Madurai to inform local lead- ers about the Programme. He reached Virdhunagar after finishing his work and sent a message to the local police that he was ready to be arrested. He was arrested in Au- gust 1942. He was under detention for 3 years and was released in June 1945. This was the last term of his prison life.[13][19][21] Kamaraj was imprisoned six times by the British for his pro-Independence activities, accumulating more than 3,000 days in jail.[22] 2.1.1 Politics On 13 April 1954, Kamaraj became the Chief Minister of Madras Province. To everyone’s surprise, Kamaraj nom- inated C. Subramaniam and M. Bhakthavatsalam, who had contested his leadership, to the newly formed cabi- net. Education As Chief Minister, Kamaraj removed the family vocation based Hereditary Education Policy introduced by Rajaji. The State made immense strides in education and trade. New schools were opened, so that poor rural students had to walk no more than three kilometres to their nearest school. Better facilities were added to existing ones. No village remained without a primary school and no pan- chayat without a high school. Kamaraj strove to eradi- cate illiteracy by introducing free and compulsory edu- cation up to the eleventh standard. He introduced the Midday Meal Scheme to provide at least one meal per day to the lakhs of poor school children ((The Mid-day Meal Scheme, was first introduced in 1920 by the Madras Corporation with the approval of the legislative council, as a breakfast scheme in a corporation school at Thousand Lights, Madras for the first time in the world)) Later it was expanded to four more schools. This was the precursor to the free noon meal schemes introduced by K. Kamaraj in 1960’s and expanded by M. G. Ramachandran in the 1980s.. He introduced free school uniforms to weed out caste, creed and class distinctions among young minds. Kamaraj Statue in Marina Beach, Chennai depicting his contri- bution to education in the state During the British regime the education rate was only 7 per cent. But after Kamaraj’s reforms it reached 37% . Apart from increasing the number of schools, steps were taken to improve standards of education. To improve standards, the number of working days was increased from 180 to 200; unnecessary holidays were reduced; and syllabuses were prepared to give opportunity to vari- ous abilities. Kamaraj and Bishnuram Medhi (Governor) took efforts to establish IIT Madras in 1959. Agriculture Major irrigation schemes were planned in Kamaraj’s pe- riod. Dams and irrigation canals were built across higher Bhavani, Mani Muthar, Aarani, Vaigai, Amaravathi, Sathanur, Krishnagiri, Pullambadi, Parambikulam and Neyyaru among others. The Lower Bhavani Dam in Erode district brought 207,000 acres (840 km2 ) of land
  11. 11. 2.1. EARLY LIFE 7 under cultivation. 45,000 acres (180 km2 ) of land bene- fited from canals constructed from the Mettur Dam. The Vaigai and Sathanur systems facilitated cultivation across thousands of acres of lands in Madurai and North Arcot districts respectively. Rs 30 crores were planned to be spent for Parambikulam River scheme, and 150 lakhs of acres of lands were brought under cultivation; one third of this (i.e. 56 lakhs of acres of land) received a permanent irrigation facility. In 1957–61 1,628 tanks were de-silted under the Small Ir- rigation Scheme, and 2,000 wells were dug with outlets. Long term loans with 25% subsidy were given to farmers. In addition farmers who had dry lands were given oil en- gines and electric pump sets on an instalment basis. He then was caught for a case for selling harmful fertilizers. Commerce and Industry Industries with huge investments in crores of Rupees were started in his period: Neyveli Lignite Corporation, BHEL at Trichy, Manali Oil Refinery, Hindustan raw photo film factory at Ooty, surgical instruments factory at Chennai, and a railway coach factory at Chennai were established. Industries such as paper, sugar, chemicals and cement took off during the period. Kamaraj’s First Cabinet Kamaraj’s council of ministers during his first tenure as Chief Minister (13 April 1954 – 31 March 1957):[23] Changes • Following the States Reorganisation Act of 1956, A. B. Shetty quit the Ministry on 1 March 1956 and his portfolio was shared between the other ministers. Kamaraj’s Second Cabinet Kamaraj’s council of ministers during his second tenure as Chief Minister (1 April 1957 – 1 March 1962):[24] Kamaraj’s Third Cabinet Kamaraj’s council of ministers during his third tenure as Chief Minister (3 March 1962 – 2 October 1963):[24][25][26] Kamaraj Plan Kamaraj remained Chief Minister for three consecutive terms, winning elections in 1957 and 1962. Kamaraj no- ticed that the Congress party was slowly losing its vigour. Kamarajar Statue situated in Tirumangalam PKN Higher Sec- ondary School On Gandhi Jayanti day, 2 October 1963, he resigned from the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Post. He proposed that all senior Congress leaders should resign from their posts and devote all their energy to the re-vitalization of the Congress. In 1963 he suggested to Nehru that senior Congress lead- ers should leave ministerial posts to take up organisational work. This suggestion came to be known as the Kama- raj Plan, which was designed primarily to dispel from the minds of Congressmen the lure of power, creating in its place a dedicated attachment to the objectives and policies of the organisation. Six Union Ministers and six Chief Ministers including Lal Bahadur Shastri, Jagjivan Ram, Morarji Desai, Biju Patnaik and S.K. Patil followed suit and resigned from their posts. Impressed by Kama- raj’s achievements and acumen, Prime Minister Jawahar-
  12. 12. 8 CHAPTER 2. K. KAMARAJ Kamaraj statue at East Tambaram, Chennai lal Nehru felt that his services were needed more at the national level. In a swift move he brought Kamaraj to Delhi as the President of the Indian National Congress. Nehru realized that in addition to wide learning and vi- sion, Kamaraj possessed enormous common sense and pragmatism. Kamaraj was elected President, Indian Na- tional Congress, on 9 October 1963.[27] The King Maker After Nehru’s death in 1964, Kamaraj successfully navi- gated the party through turbulent times. As president of the Indian National Congress, he refused to become the next prime minister himself. Split of Congress When the Congress split in 1969, Kamaraj became the leader of the Indian National Congress (Organisation) in Tamil Nadu. The party failed poorly in the 1971 elections amid allegations of fraud by the opposition parties. He re- mained as the leader of INC(O) till his death in 1975.[28] 2.1.2 Electoral history 2.1.3 Death Kamaraj memorial in Chennai Kamaraj memorial in Chennai Kamaraj died at his home, on Gandhi Jayanti day (2 Oc- tober 1975), which was also the 12th anniversary of his resignation. He was aged 72 and died in his sleep. He was awarded India’s highest civilian honour, the Bharat Ratna posthumously in 1976. 2.1.4 Popular culture In 2004 a Tamil film titled Kamaraj was made based on the life history of Kamaraj. The English version of the
  13. 13. 2.1. EARLY LIFE 9 film was released on DVD in 2007. 2.1.5 References [1] Revised edition of book on Kamaraj to be launched, The Hindu, 8 July 2009 [2] Crusading Congressman, Frontline Magazine, hinduon- net.com. 15–28 September 2001 [3] He raised the bar with simplicity, The Hindu 16 July 2008 [4] The commonsense politician, Frontline Magazine, 17–30 August 2002 [5] “Padma Awards Directory (1954–2007)" (PDF). Ministry of Home Affairs. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 March 2009. Retrieved 7 December 2010. [6] Man of the people, The Tribune, 4 October 1975 [7] Kapur, Raghu Pati (1966). Kamaraj, the iron man. Deepak Associates. p. 12. [8] Kandaswamy, P. (2001). The Political Career of K. Ka- maraj. Concept Publishing Company. p. 23. [9] Kandaswamy, P. (2001). The Political Career of K. Ka- maraj. Concept Publishing Company. p. 24. [10] Freedom Movement In Madras Presidency With Special Reference To The Role Of Kamaraj (1920–1945), Page 1 [11] Early Life of K. Kamaraj. p. 25. [12] Freedom Movement In Madras Presidency With Special Reference To The Role Of Kamaraj (1920–1945), Page 2 [13] Bhatnagar, R. K. “Tributes To Kamaraj”. Asian Tribune. Retrieved 3 February 2014. [14] K.Kamaraj [15] Kandaswamy, P. (2001). The Political Career of K. Ka- maraj. Concept Publishing Company. p. 30. [16] Remembering Our Leaders. p. 145. [17] Freedom Movement In Madras Presidency With Special Reference To The Role Of Kamaraj (1920–1945), Page 3 [18] George Joseph, a true champion of subaltern [19] Remembering Our Leaders. p. 146. [20] Encyclopedia of Bharat Ratnas. p. 88. [21] Encyclopedia of Bharat Ratnas. p. 89. [22] Stepan, Alfred; Linz, Juan J.; Yadav, Yogendra (2011). Crafting State-Nations: India and Other Multinational Democracies. JHU Press. p. 124. ISBN 9780801897238. [23] A Review of the Madras Legislative Assembly (1952– 1957) [24] Kandaswamy, P. (2001). The Political Career of K. Ka- maraj. Concept Publishing Company. pp. 62–64. [25] The Madras Legislative Assembly, Third Assembly I Ses- sion [26] The Madras Legislative Assembly, Third Assembly II Session [27] [28] Gopal, Madan (1990). K.S. Gautam, ed. India through the ages. Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India. p. 164. 2.1.6 External links • Kamarajar Blog From Kamaraj’s Family with rare Photo collection • The official website about Perunthalivar Kamaraj by Congress Party
  14. 14. Chapter 3 Mahatma Gandhi “Gandhi” redirects here. For other uses, see Gandhi (disambiguation). Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (/ˈɡɑːndi, ˈɡæn-/;[2] Hindustani: [ˈmoːɦənd̪aːs ˈkərəmtʃənd̪ ˈɡaːnd̪ʱi]; 2 Octo- ber 1869 – 30 January 1948) was the preeminent leader of Indian independence movement in British-ruled In- dia. Employing nonviolent civil disobedience, Gandhi led India to independence and inspired movements for civil rights and freedom across the world. The honorific Mahatma (Sanskrit: “high-souled”, “venerable”)[3] )— applied to him first in 1914 in South Africa,[4] —is now used worldwide. He is also called Bapu (Gujarati: en- dearment for “father”,[5] “papa”[5][6] ) in India. Born and raised in a Hindu merchant caste family in coastal Gujarat, western India, and trained in law at the Inner Temple, London, Gandhi first employed nonvio- lent civil disobedience as an expatriate lawyer in South Africa, in the resident Indian community’s struggle for civil rights. After his return to India in 1915, he set about organising peasants, farmers, and urban labourers to protest against excessive land-tax and discrimination. Assuming leadership of the Indian National Congress in 1921, Gandhi led nationwide campaigns for easing poverty, expanding women’s rights, building religious and ethnic amity, ending untouchability, but above all for achieving Swaraj or self-rule. Gandhi famously led Indians in challenging the British- imposed salt tax with the 400 km (250 mi) Dandi Salt March in 1930, and later in calling for the British to Quit India in 1942. He was imprisoned for many years, upon many occasions, in both South Africa and India. Gandhi attempted to practise nonviolence and truth in all situa- tions, and advocated that others do the same. He lived modestly in a self-sufficient residential community and wore the traditional Indian dhoti and shawl, woven with yarn hand-spun on a charkha. He ate simple vegetarian food, and also undertook long fasts as a means of both self-purification and social protest. Gandhi’s vision of a free India based on religious plu- ralism, however, was challenged in the early 1940s by a new Muslim nationalism which was demanding a sep- arate Muslim homeland carved out of India.[7] Even- tually, in August 1947, Britain granted independence, but the British Indian Empire[7] was partitioned into two dominions, a Hindu-majority India and Muslim Pakistan.[8] As many displaced Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs made their way to their new lands, religious vio- lence broke out, especially in the Punjab and Bengal. Es- chewing the official celebration of independence in Delhi, Gandhi visited the affected areas, attempting to provide solace. In the months following, he undertook several fasts unto death to promote religious harmony. The last of these, undertaken on 12 January 1948 at age 78,[9] also had the indirect goal of pressuring India to pay out some cash assets owed to Pakistan.[9] Some Indians thought Gandhi was too accommodating.[9][10] Nathuram Godse, a Hindu nationalist, assassinated Gandhi on 30 January 1948 by firing three bullets into his chest at point-blank range.[10] Indians widely describe Gandhi as the father of the na- tion.[11][12] His birthday, 2 October, is commemorated as Gandhi Jayanti, a national holiday, and world-wide as the International Day of Nonviolence. 3.1 Early life and background Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi[13] was born on 2 Oc- tober 1869[1] to a Hindu Modh Baniya family[14] in Porbandar (also known as Sudamapuri), a coastal town on the Kathiawar Peninsula and then part of the small princely state of Porbandar in the Kathiawar Agency of the Indian Empire. His father, Karamchand Uttamchand Gandhi (1822–1885), served as the diwan (chief minis- ter) of Porbandar state. The Gandhi family originated from the village of Kutiana in what was then Junagadh State.[15] In the late 17th or early 18th century, one Lalji Gandhi moved to Porban- dar and entered the service of its ruler, the Rana. Suc- cessive generations of the family served as civil servants in the state administration before Uttamchand, Mohan- das’s grandfather, became diwan in the early 19th century under the then Rana of Porbandar, Khimojiraji.[15][16] In 1831, Rana Khimojiraji died suddenly and was suc- ceeded by his 12-year-old only son, Vikmatji.[16] As a re- sult, Rana Khimojirajji’s widow, Rani Rupaliba, became 10
  15. 15. 3.1. EARLY LIFE AND BACKGROUND 11 Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi in his earliest known photo, aged 7, c. 1876 Regent for her son. She soon fell out with Uttamchand and forced him to return to his ancestral village in Juna- gadh. While in Junagadh, Uttamchand appeared before its Nawab and saluted him with his left hand instead of his right, replying that his right hand was pledged to Porban- dar’s service.[15] In 1841, Vikmatji assumed the throne and reinstated Uttamchand as his diwan. In 1847, Rana Vikmatji appointed Uttamchand’s son, Karamchand, as diwan after disagreeing with Uttamc- hand over the state’s maintenance of a British garrison.[15] Although he only had an elementary education and had previously been a clerk in the state administration, Karamchand proved a capable chief minister.[17] During his tenure, Karamchand married four times. His first two wives died young, after each had given birth to a daughter, and his third marriage was childless. In 1857, Karamc- hand sought his third wife’s permission to remarry; that year, he married Putlibai (1844–1891), who also came from Junagadh,[15] and was from a Pranami Vaishnava family.[18][19][20][21] Karamchand and Putlibai had three children over the ensuing decade, a son, Laxmidas (c. 1860 – March 1914), a daughter, Raliatbehn (1862– 1960) and another son, Karsandas (c. 1866–1913).[22][23] On 2 October 1869, Putlibai gave birth to her last child, Mohandas, in a dark, windowless ground-floor room of the Gandhi family residence in Porbandar city. As a child, Gandhi was described by his sister Raliat as “rest- less as mercury...either playing or roaming about. One of his favourite pastimes was twisting dogs’ ears.”[24] The In- dian classics, especially the stories of Shravana and king Harishchandra, had a great impact on Gandhi in his child- hood. In his autobiography, he admits that they left an indelible impression on his mind. He writes: “It haunted me and I must have acted Harishchandra to myself times without number.” Gandhi’s early self-identification with truth and love as supreme values is traceable to these epic characters.[25][26] The family’s religious background was eclectic. Gandhi’s father was Hindu[27] and his mother was from a Pranami Vaishnava family. Religious figures were frequent visi- tors to the home.[28] Gandhi was deeply influenced by his mother Putlibai, an extremely pious lady who “would not think of taking her meals without her daily prayers...she would take the hardest vows and keep them without flinching. To keep two or three consecutive fasts was nothing to her.”[29] In the year of Mohandas’s birth, Rana Vikmatji was ex- iled, stripped of direct administrative power and demoted in rank by the British political agent, after having ordered the brutal executions of a slave and an Arab bodyguard. Possibly as a result, in 1874 Karamchand left Porbandar for the smaller state of Rajkot, where he became a coun- sellor to its ruler, the Thakur Sahib; though Rajkot was a less prestigious state than Porbandar, the British regional political agency was located there, which gave the state’s diwan a measure of security.[30] In 1876, Karamchand became diwan of Rajkot and was succeeded as diwan of Porbandar by his brother Tulsidas. His family then re- joined him in Rajkot.[31] On 21 January 1879, Mohandas entered the local taluk (district) school in Rajkot, not far from his home. At school, he was taught the rudiments of arithmetic, his- tory, the Gujarati language and geography.[31] Despite being only an average student in his year there, in Oc- tober 1880 he sat the entrance examinations for Kathi- awar High School, also in Rajkot. He passed the ex- aminations with a creditable average of 64 percent and was enrolled the following year.[32] During his years at the high school, Mohandas intensively studied the En- glish language for the first time, along with continuing his lessons in arithmetic, Gujarati, history and geography.[32] His attendance and marks remained mediocre to average, possibly due to Karamchand falling ill in 1882 and Mo- handas spending more time at home as a result.[32] Gandhi shone neither in the classroom nor on the playing field. One of the terminal reports rated him as “good at En-
  16. 16. 12 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI glish, fair in Arithmetic and weak in Geography; conduct very good, bad handwriting”. While at high school, Mohandas came into contact with students of other castes and faiths, including several Par- sis and Muslims. A Muslim friend of his elder brother Karsandas, named Sheikh Mehtab, befriended Mohan- das and encouraged the strictly vegetarian boy to try eat- ing meat to improve his stamina. He also took Mohandas to a brothel one day, though Mohandas “was struck blind and dumb in this den of vice,” rebuffed the prostitutes’ ad- vances and was promptly sent out of the brothel. As ex- perimenting with meat-eating and carnal pleasures only brought Mohandas mental anguish, he abandoned both and the company of Mehtab, though they would maintain their association for many years afterwards.[33] In May 1883, the 13-year-old Mohandas was married to 14-year-old Kasturbai Makhanji Kapadia (her first name was usually shortened to “Kasturba”, and affectionately to “Ba”) in an arranged child marriage, according to the custom of the region.[34] In the process, he lost a year at school.[35] Recalling the day of their marriage, he once said, “As we didn't know much about marriage, for us it meant only wearing new clothes, eating sweets and play- ing with relatives.” However, as was prevailing tradition, the adolescent bride was to spend much time at her par- ents’ house, and away from her husband.[36] Writing many years later, Mohandas described with regret the lustful feelings he felt for his young bride, “even at school I used to think of her, and the thought of nightfall and our sub- sequent meeting was ever haunting me.”[37] In late 1885, Karamchand died, on a night when Mohan- das had just left his father to sleep with his wife, despite the fact she was pregnant.[38] The couple’s first child was born shortly after, but survived only a few days. The dou- ble tragedy haunted Mohandas throughout his life, “the shame, to which I have referred in a foregoing chapter, was this of my carnal desire even at the critical hour of my father’s death, which demanded wakeful service. It is a blot I have never been able to efface or forget...I was weighed and found unpardonably wanting because my mind was at the same moment in the grip of lust.[38][39] Mohandas and Kasturba had four more children, all sons: Harilal, born in 1888; Manilal, born in 1892; Ramdas, born in 1897; and Devdas, born in 1900.[34] In November 1887, he sat the regional matriculation ex- ams in Ahmedabad, writing exams in arithmetic, his- tory, geography, natural science, English and Gujarati. He passed with an overall average of 40 percent, ranking 404th of 823 successful matriculates.[40] In January 1888, he enrolled at Samaldas College in Bhavnagar State, then the sole degree-granting institution of higher education in the region. During his first and only term there, he suffered from headaches and strong feelings of home- sickness, did very poorly in his exams in April and with- drew from the college at the end of the term, returning to Porbandar.[41] 3.2 English barrister Gandhi and his wife Kasturba (1902) As the best-educated of his brothers, Gandhi was seen by his family as the best candidate to one day succeed his father and his uncle Tulsidas as diwan.[42] Mavji Dave, a Brahmin priest and family friend, advised Gandhi and his family that he should qualify as a barrister in Lon- don, after which he would be certain to achieve the di- wanship.[43] Initially, Putlibai did not want her youngest son to leave India and travel across the “black waters”, thereby losing his caste. Gandhi’s uncle Tulsidas also tried to dissuade his nephew. Finally, Gandhi made a vow to his mother in the presence of a Jain monk to observe the precepts of sexual abstinence as well as abstinence from meat and alcohol, after which Putlibai gave her per- mission and blessing.[44][45] In July, Kasturba gave birth to the couple’s first surviving son, Harilal.[46] On 10 August, Gandhi left Porbandar for Bombay (Mum- bai). Upon arrival in the port, he was met by the head of the Modh Bania community, who had known Gandhi’s family. Having learned of Gandhi’s plans, he and other elders warned Gandhi that he would be excommunicated if he did not obey their wishes and remain in India. After Gandhi reiterated his intentions to leave for England, the elders declared him an outcast.[47] In London, Gandhi studied law and jurisprudence and en- rolled at the Inner Temple with the intention of becoming a barrister. His time in London was influenced by the vow he had made to his mother. Gandhi tried to adopt “En- glish” customs, including taking dancing lessons. How- ever, he could not appreciate the bland vegetarian food offered by his landlady and was frequently hungry until he found one of London’s few vegetarian restaurants. In- fluenced by Henry Salt’s writing, he joined the Vegetarian Society, was elected to its executive committee,[48] and started a local Bayswater chapter.[20] Some of the vege- tarians he met were members of the Theosophical Soci- ety, which had been founded in 1875 to further univer- sal brotherhood, and which was devoted to the study of Buddhist and Hindu literature. They encouraged Gandhi to join them in reading the Bhagavad Gita both in trans- lation as well as in the original.[48] Not having shown in-
  17. 17. 3.3. CIVIL RIGHTS ACTIVIST IN SOUTH AFRICA (1893–1914) 13 terest in religion before, he became interested in religious thought. Gandhi was called to the bar in June 1891 and then left London for India, where he learned that his mother had died while he was in London and that his family had kept the news from him.[48] His attempts at establishing a law practice in Bombay failed because he was psychologically unable to cross-question witnesses. He returned to Rajkot to make a modest living drafting petitions for litigants, but he was forced to stop when he ran foul of a British officer.[20][48] In 1893, he accepted a year-long contract from Dada Abdulla & Co., an Indian firm, to a post in the Colony of Natal, South Africa, a part of the British Empire.[20] 3.3 Civil rights activist in South Africa (1893–1914) Gandhi in South Africa (1895) Gandhi was 24 when he arrived in South Africa[49] to work as a legal representative for the Muslim Indian Traders based in the city of Pretoria.[50] He spent 21 years in South Africa, where he developed his political views, ethics and political leadership skills. Indians in South Africa were led by wealthy Muslims, who employed Gandhi as a lawyer, and by impoverished Hindu indentured labourers with very limited rights. Gandhi considered them all to be Indians, taking a life- time view that “Indianness” transcended religion and caste. He believed he could bridge historic differences, especially regarding religion, and he took that belief back to India where he tried to implement it. The South African experience exposed handicaps to Gandhi that he had not known about. He realised he was out of contact with the enormous complexities of religious and cultural life in India, and believed he understood India by getting to know and leading Indians in South Africa.[51] In South Africa, Gandhi faced the discrimination directed at all coloured people. He was thrown off a train at Pietermaritzburg after refusing to move from the first- class. He protested and was allowed on first class the next day.[52] Travelling farther on by stagecoach, he was beaten by a driver for refusing to move to make room for a European passenger.[53] He suffered other hardships on the journey as well, including being barred from several hotels. In another incident, the magistrate of a Durban court ordered Gandhi to remove his turban, which he re- fused to do.[54] These events were a turning point in Gandhi’s life and shaped his social activism and awakened him to social in- justice. After witnessing racism, prejudice and injustice against Indians in South Africa, Gandhi began to ques- tion his place in society and his people’s standing in the British Empire.[55] Gandhi with the stretcher-bearers of the Indian Ambulance Corps Gandhi extended his original period of stay in South Africa to assist Indians in opposing a bill to deny them the right to vote. He asked Joseph Chamberlain, the British Colonial Secretary, to reconsider his position on this bill.[50] Though unable to halt the bill’s passage, his campaign was successful in drawing attention to the grievances of Indians in South Africa. He helped found the Natal Indian Congress in 1894,[20][52] and through this organisation, he moulded the Indian community of South Africa into a unified political force. In January 1897, when Gandhi landed in Durban, a mob of white settlers attacked him[56] and he escaped only through the efforts of the wife of the police superintendent. However, he re- fused to press charges against any member of the mob, stating it was one of his principles not to seek redress for a personal wrong in a court of law.[20] In 1906, the Transvaal government promulgated a new Act compelling registration of the colony’s Indian pop- ulation. At a mass protest meeting held in Johannesburg on 11 September that year, Gandhi adopted his still evolv- ing methodology of Satyagraha (devotion to the truth), or nonviolent protest, for the first time.[57] He urged Indians to defy the new law and to suffer the punishments for do- ing so. The community adopted this plan, and during the ensuing seven-year struggle, thousands of Indians were jailed, flogged, or shot for striking, refusing to register,
  18. 18. 14 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI for burning their registration cards or engaging in other forms of nonviolent resistance. The government success- fully repressed the Indian protesters, but the public out- cry over the harsh treatment of peaceful Indian protesters by the South African government forced South African leader Jan Christiaan Smuts, himself a philosopher, to ne- gotiate a compromise with Gandhi. Gandhi’s ideas took shape, and the concept of Satyagraha matured during this struggle. 3.3.1 Gandhi and the Africans Gandhi photographed in South Africa (1909) Gandhi focused his attention on Indians while in South Africa and opposed the idea that Indians should be treated at the same level as native Africans while in South Africa.[58][59][60] He also stated that he believed “that the white race of South Africa should be the predom- inating race.”[61] After several treatments he received from Whites in South Africa, Gandhi began to change his thinking and apparently increased his interest in politics.[62] White rule enforced strict segregation among all races and generated conflict between these communi- ties. Bhana and Vahed argue that Gandhi, at first, shared racial notions prevalent of the times and that his experi- ences in jail sensitised him to the plight of South Africa’s indigenous peoples.[63] During the Boer War, Gandhi volunteered in 1900 to form a group of ambulance drivers. He wanted to dis- prove the British idea that Hindus were not fit for “manly” activities involving danger and exertion. Gandhi raised eleven hundred Indian volunteers. They were trained and medically certified to serve on the front lines. At Spion Kop Gandhi and his bearers had to carry wounded sol- diers for miles to a field hospital because the terrain was too rough for the ambulances. Gandhi was pleased when someone said that European ambulance corpsmen could not make the trip under the heat without food or water. General Redvers Buller mentioned the courage of the In- dians in his dispatch. Gandhi and thirty-seven other In- dians received the War Medal.[64] In 1906, when the British declared war against the Zulu Kingdom in Natal, Gandhi encouraged the British to recruit Indians.[65] He argued that Indians should sup- port the war efforts to legitimise their claims to full citizenship.[65] The British accepted Gandhi’s offer to let a detachment of 20 Indians volunteer as a stretcher-bearer corps to treat wounded British soldiers. This corps was commanded by Gandhi and operated for less than two months.[66] The experience taught him it was hopeless to directly challenge the overwhelming military power of the British army—he decided it could only be resisted in nonviolent fashion by the pure of heart.[67] In 1910, Gandhi established an idealistic community called 'Tolstoy Farm' near Johannesburg, where he nur- tured his policy of peaceful resistance.[68] After blacks gained the right to vote in South Africa, Gandhi was proclaimed a national hero with numerous monuments.[69] 3.4 Struggle for Indian Indepen- dence (1915–47) See also: Indian independence movement At the request of Gokhale, conveyed to him by C.F. An- drews, Gandhi returned to India in 1915. He brought an international reputation as a leading Indian national- ist, theorist and organiser. He joined the Indian National Congress and was introduced to Indian issues, politics and the Indian people primarily by Gopal Krishna Gokhale. Gokhale was a key leader of the Congress Party best known for his restraint and moderation, and his insistence on working inside the system. Gandhi took Gokhale’s lib- eral approach based on British Whiggish traditions and transformed it to make it look wholly Indian.[70] Gandhi took leadership of the Congress in 1920 and be- gan escalating demands until on 26 January 1930 the In- dian National Congress declared the independence of In- dia. The British did not recognise the declaration but negotiations ensued, with the Congress taking a role in provincial government in the late 1930s. Gandhi and the Congress withdrew their support of the Raj when the Viceroy declared war on Germany in September 1939 without consultation. Tensions escalated until Gandhi de- manded immediate independence in 1942 and the British
  19. 19. 3.4. STRUGGLE FOR INDIAN INDEPENDENCE (1915–47) 15 responded by imprisoning him and tens of thousands of Congress leaders. Meanwhile, the Muslim League did co-operate with Britain and moved, against Gandhi’s strong opposition, to demands for a totally separate Mus- lim state of Pakistan. In August 1947 the British parti- tioned the land with India and Pakistan each achieving independence on terms that Gandhi disapproved.[71] 3.4.1 Role in World War I See also: The role of India in World War I In April 1918, during the latter part of World War I, the Viceroy invited Gandhi to a War Conference in Delhi.[72] Perhaps to show his support for the Empire and help his case for India’s independence,[73] Gandhi agreed to ac- tively recruit Indians for the war effort.[74] In contrast to the Zulu War of 1906 and the outbreak of World War I in 1914, when he recruited volunteers for the Ambulance Corps, this time Gandhi attempted to recruit combatants. In a June 1918 leaflet entitled “Appeal for Enlistment”, Gandhi wrote “To bring about such a state of things we should have the ability to defend ourselves, that is, the ability to bear arms and to use them...If we want to learn the use of arms with the greatest possible despatch, it is our duty to enlist ourselves in the army.”[75] He did, how- ever, stipulate in a letter to the Viceroy’s private secretary that he “personally will not kill or injure anybody, friend or foe.”[76] Gandhi’s war recruitment campaign brought into question his consistency on nonviolence. Gandhi’s private secre- tary noted that “The question of the consistency between his creed of 'Ahimsa' (nonviolence) and his recruiting campaign was raised not only then but has been discussed ever since.”[74] 3.4.2 Champaran and Kheda Main article: Champaran and Kheda Satyagraha Gandhi’s first major achievements came in 1918 with the Champaran and Kheda agitations of Bihar and Gu- jarat. The Champaran agitation pitted the local peasantry against their largely British landlords who were backed by the local administration. The peasantry was forced to grow Indigo, a cash crop whose demand had been declin- ing over two decades, and were forced to sell their crops to the planters at a fixed price. Unhappy with this, the peasantry appealed to Gandhi at his ashram in Ahmed- abad. Pursuing a strategy of nonviolent protest, Gandhi took the administration by surprise and won concessions from the authorities.[77] In 1918, Kheda was hit by floods and famine and the peas- antry was demanding relief from taxes. Gandhi moved his headquarters to Nadiad,[78] organising scores of sup- porters and fresh volunteers from the region, the most no- Gandhi in 1918, at the time of the Kheda and Champaran Satya- grahas table being Vallabhbhai Patel.[79] Using non-cooperation as a technique, Gandhi initiated a signature campaign where peasants pledged non-payment of revenue even un- der the threat of confiscation of land. A social boycott of mamlatdars and talatdars (revenue officials within the district) accompanied the agitation. Gandhi worked hard to win public support for the agitation across the country. For five months, the administration refused but finally in end-May 1918, the Government gave way on important provisions and relaxed the conditions of payment of rev- enue tax until the famine ended. In Kheda, Vallabhb- hai Patel represented the farmers in negotiations with the British, who suspended revenue collection and released all the prisoners.[80] 3.4.3 Khilafat movement In 1919, Gandhi, with his weak position in Congress, decided to broaden his political base by increasing his appeal to Muslims. The opportunity came in the form of the Khilafat movement, a worldwide protest by Mus- lims against the collapsing status of the Caliph, the leader of their religion. The Ottoman Empire had lost the First World War and was dismembered, as Muslims feared for the safety of the holy places and the prestige
  20. 20. 16 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI of their religion.[81] Although Gandhi did not originate the All-India Muslim Conference,[82] which directed the movement in India, he soon became its most prominent spokesman and attracted a strong base of Muslim sup- port with local chapters in all Muslim centres in India.[83] As a mark of solidarity with Indian Muslims he returned the medals that had been bestowed on him by the British government for his work in the Boer and Zulu Wars. He believed that the British government was not being hon- est in its dealings with Muslims on the Khilafat issue. His success made him India’s first national leader with a multicultural base and facilitated his rise to power within Congress, which had previously been unable to influence many Indian Muslims. In 1920 Gandhi became a major leader in Congress.[84][85] By the end of 1922 the Khilafat movement had collapsed.[86] Gandhi always fought against “communalism”, which pit- ted Muslims against Hindus in Indian politics, but he could not reverse the rapid growth of communalism after 1922. Deadly religious riots broke out in numerous cities, including 91 in Uttar Pradesh alone.[87][88] At the leader- ship level, the proportion of Muslims among delegates to Congress fell sharply, from 11% in 1921 to under 4% in 1923.[89] 3.4.4 Non-cooperation Main article: Non-cooperation movement In his famous book Hind Swaraj (1909) Gandhi declared Mahatma Gandhi spinning yarn, in the late 1920s that British rule was established in India with the co- operation of Indians and had survived only because of this co-operation. If Indians refused to co-operate, British rule would collapse and swaraj would come.[90] With Congress now behind him in 1920, Gandhi had the base to employ non-cooperation, nonviolence and peace- ful resistance as his “weapons” in the struggle against the British Raj. His wide popularity among both Hindus and Muslims made his leadership possible; he even convinced the extreme faction of Muslims to support peaceful non- cooperation.[83] The spark that ignited a national protest was overwhelming anger at the Jallianwala Bagh massacre (or Amritsar massacre) of hundreds of peaceful civilians by British troops in Punjab. Many Britons celebrated the action as needed to prevent another violent uprising simi- lar to the Rebellion of 1857, an attitude that caused many Indian leaders to decide the Raj was controlled by their enemies. Gandhi criticised both the actions of the British Raj and the retaliatory violence of Indians. He authored the resolution offering condolences to British civilian vic- tims and condemning the riots which, after initial oppo- sition in the party, was accepted following Gandhi’s emo- tional speech advocating his principle that all violence was evil and could not be justified.[91] After the massacre and subsequent violence, Gandhi be- gan to focus on winning complete self-government and control of all Indian government institutions, maturing soon into Swaraj or complete individual, spiritual, politi- cal independence.[92] During this period, Gandhi claimed to be a “highly orthodox Hindu" and in January 1921 during a speech at a temple in Vadtal, he spoke of the relevance of non-cooperation to Hindu Dharma, “At this holy place, I declare, if you want to protect your 'Hindu Dharma', non-cooperation is first as well as the last lesson you must learn up.”[93] Sabarmati Ashram, Gandhi’s home in Gujarat as seen in 2006. In December 1921, Gandhi was invested with executive authority on behalf of the Indian National Congress. Un- der his leadership, the Congress was reorganised with a new constitution, with the goal of Swaraj. Membership in the party was opened to anyone prepared to pay a token fee. A hierarchy of committees was set up to improve discipline, transforming the party from an elite organisa- tion to one of mass national appeal. Gandhi expanded his nonviolence platform to include the swadeshi policy—the boycott of foreign-made goods, especially British goods. Linked to this was his advocacy that khadi (homespun cloth) be worn by all Indians instead of British-made tex- tiles. Gandhi exhorted Indian men and women, rich or
  21. 21. 3.4. STRUGGLE FOR INDIAN INDEPENDENCE (1915–47) 17 poor, to spend time each day spinning khadi in support of the independence movement.[94] Gandhi even invented a small, portable spinning wheel that could be folded into the size of a small typewriter.[95] This was a strategy to inculcate discipline and dedication to weeding out the unwilling and ambitious and to include women in the movement at a time when many thought that such activities were not respectable activities for women. In addition to boycotting British products, Gandhi urged the people to boycott British educational institutions and law courts, to resign from government employment, and to forsake British titles and honours.[96] “Non-cooperation” enjoyed widespread appeal and suc- cess, increasing excitement and participation from all strata of Indian society. Yet, just as the movement reached its apex, it ended abruptly as a result of a violent clash in the town of Chauri Chaura, Uttar Pradesh, in February 1922. Fearing that the movement was about to take a turn towards violence, and convinced that this would be the undoing of all his work, Gandhi called off the campaign of mass civil disobedience.[97] This was the third time that Gandhi had called off a major campaign.[98] Gandhi was arrested on 10 March 1922, tried for sedition, and sentenced to six years’ imprison- ment. He began his sentence on 18 March 1922. He was released in February 1924 for an appendicitis operation, having served only two years.[99] Without Gandhi’s unifying personality, the Indian Na- tional Congress began to splinter during his years in prison, splitting into two factions, one led by Chitta Ran- jan Das and Motilal Nehru favouring party participa- tion in the legislatures, and the other led by Chakravarti Rajagopalachari and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, oppos- ing this move. Furthermore, co-operation among Hindus and Muslims, which had been strong at the height of the nonviolence campaign, was breaking down. Gandhi at- tempted to bridge these differences through many means, including a three-week fast in the autumn of 1924, but with limited success.[100] In this year, Gandhi was per- suaded to preside over the Congress session to be held in Belgaum. Gandhi agreed to become president of the session on one condition: that Congressmen should take to wearing homespun khadi. In his long political career, this was the only time when he presided over a Congress session.[101] 3.4.5 Salt Satyagraha (Salt March) Main article: Salt Satyagraha Gandhi stayed out of active politics and, as such, the limelight for most of the 1920s. He focused instead on resolving the wedge between the Swaraj Party and the In- dian National Congress, and expanding initiatives against untouchability, alcoholism, ignorance, and poverty. He returned to the fore in 1928. In the preceding year, the British government had appointed a new constitu- Original footage of Gandhi and his followers marching to Dandi in the Salt Satyagraha tional reform commission under Sir John Simon, which did not include any Indian as its member. The result was a boycott of the commission by Indian political par- ties. Gandhi pushed through a resolution at the Calcutta Congress in December 1928 calling on the British gov- ernment to grant India dominion status or face a new cam- paign of non-cooperation with complete independence for the country as its goal. Gandhi had not only moder- ated the views of younger men like Subhas Chandra Bose and Jawaharlal Nehru, who sought a demand for imme- diate independence, but also reduced his own call to a one-year wait, instead of two.[102] The British did not respond. On 31 December 1929, the flag of India was unfurled in Lahore. 26 January 1930 was celebrated as India’s Independence Day by the Indian National Congress meeting in Lahore. This day was com- memorated by almost every other Indian organisation. Gandhi then launched a new Satyagraha against the tax on salt in March 1930. This was highlighted by the famous Salt March to Dandi from 12 March to 6 April, where he marched 388 kilometres (241 mi) from Ahmedabad to Dandi, Gujarat to make salt himself. Thousands of Indi- ans joined him on this march to the sea. This campaign was one of his most successful at upsetting British hold on India; Britain responded by imprisoning over 60,000 people.[103] Women Gandhi strongly favoured the emancipation of women, and he went so far as to say that “the women have come to look upon me as one of themselves.” He opposed purdah, child marriage, untouchability, and the extreme oppres- sion of Hindu widows, up to and including sati. He espe- cially recruited women to participate in the salt tax cam- paigns and the boycott of foreign products.[104] Sarma concludes that Gandhi’s success in enlisting women in his campaigns, including the salt tax campaign, the anti- untouchability campaign and the peasant movement, gave
  22. 22. 18 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI Mahadev Desai (left) reading out a letter to Gandhi from the Viceroy at Birla House, Bombay, 7 April 1939 many women a new self-confidence and dignity in the mainstream of Indian public life.[105] Gandhi as folk hero Congress in the 1920s appealed to peasants by portray- ing Gandhi as a sort of messiah, a strategy that succeeded in incorporating radical forces within the peasantry into the nonviolent resistance movement. In thousands of vil- lages plays were performed that presented Gandhi as the reincarnation of earlier Indian nationalist leaders, or even as a demigod. The plays built support among illiterate peasants steeped in traditional Hindu culture. Similar messianic imagery appeared in popular songs and poems, and in Congress-sponsored religious pageants and cele- brations. The result was that Gandhi became not only a folk hero but the Congress was widely seen in the villages as his sacred instrument.[106] Negotiations The government, represented by Lord Edward Irwin, de- cided to negotiate with Gandhi. The Gandhi–Irwin Pact was signed in March 1931. The British Government agreed to free all political prisoners, in return for the sus- pension of the civil disobedience movement. Also as a result of the pact, Gandhi was invited to attend the Round Table Conference in London as the sole representative of the Indian National Congress. The conference was a dis- appointment to Gandhi and the nationalists, because it fo- A 1932 cartoon; Lord Willingdon goes on hunger strike to force Mr. Gandhi to admit the new constitution as “touchable” cused on the Indian princes and Indian minorities rather than on a transfer of power. Lord Irwin’s successor, Lord Willingdon, taking a hard line against nationalism, began a new campaign of controlling and subduing the nation- alist movement. Gandhi was again arrested, and the gov- ernment tried and failed to negate his influence by com- pletely isolating him from his followers.[107] In Britain, Winston Churchill, a prominent Conservative politician who was then out of office, became a vigorous and articulate critic of Gandhi and opponent of his long- term plans. Churchill often ridiculed Gandhi, saying in a widely reported 1931 speech: It is alarming and also nauseating to see Mr Gandhi, a seditious Middle Temple lawyer, now posing as a fakir of a type well known in the East, striding half-naked up the steps of the Vice-regal palace....to parley on equal terms with the representative of the King- Emperor.[108] 3.4.6 Untouchables In 1932, through the campaigning of the Dalit leader B. R. Ambedkar, the government granted untouchables sep- arate electorates under the new constitution, known as the Communal Award. In protest, Gandhi embarked on a six-day fast on 20 September 1932, while he was impris- oned at the Yerwada Jail, Pune.[109] The resulting pub- lic outcry successfully forced the government to adopt an equitable arrangement (Poona Pact) through negotiations mediated by Palwankar Baloo.[109] This was the start of a new campaign by Gandhi to improve the lives of the untouchables, whom he named Harijans, the children of God.[110] On 8 September 1931, Gandhi who was sailing on SS Rajputana, to the second Round Table Conference in London, met Meher Baba in his cabin on board the ship, and discussed issues of untouchables, politics, state Independence and spirituality[111] On 8 May 1933, Gandhi began a 21-day fast of self-
  23. 23. 3.4. STRUGGLE FOR INDIAN INDEPENDENCE (1915–47) 19 purification and launched a one-year campaign to help the Harijan movement.[112] This new campaign was not universally embraced within the Dalit community, as Ambedkar condemned Gandhi’s use of the term Hari- jans as saying that Dalits were socially immature, and that privileged caste Indians played a paternalistic role. Ambedkar and his allies also felt Gandhi was undermin- ing Dalit political rights. Gandhi had also refused to sup- port the untouchables in 1924–25 when they were cam- paigning for the right to pray in temples. Because of Gandhi’s actions, Ambedkar described him as “devious and untrustworthy”.[98] Gandhi, although born into the Vaishya caste, insisted that he was able to speak on be- half of Dalits, despite the presence of Dalit activists such as Ambedkar.[113] Gandhi and Ambedkar often clashed because Ambedkar sought to remove the Dalits out of the Hindu community, while Gandhi tried to save Hinduism by exorcising untouchability. Ambedkar complained that Gandhi moved too slowly, while Hindu traditionalists said Gandhi was a dangerous radical who rejected scripture. Guha noted in 2012 that, “Ideologues have carried these old rivalries into the present, with the demonization of Gandhi now common among politicians who presume to speak in Ambedkar’s name.”[114] 3.4.7 Congress politics In 1934 Gandhi resigned from Congress party mem- bership. He did not disagree with the party’s position but felt that if he resigned, his popularity with Indians would cease to stifle the party’s membership, which actu- ally varied, including communists, socialists, trade union- ists, students, religious conservatives, and those with pro- business convictions, and that these various voices would get a chance to make themselves heard. Gandhi also wanted to avoid being a target for Raj propaganda by lead- ing a party that had temporarily accepted political accom- modation with the Raj.[115] Gandhi returned to active politics again in 1936, with the Nehru presidency and the Lucknow session of the Congress. Although Gandhi wanted a total focus on the task of winning independence and not speculation about India’s future, he did not restrain the Congress from adopting socialism as its goal. Gandhi had a clash with Subhas Chandra Bose, who had been elected president in 1938, and who had previously expressed a lack of faith in nonviolence as a means of protest.[116] Despite Gandhi’s opposition, Bose won a second term as Congress Pres- ident, against Gandhi’s nominee, Dr. Pattabhi Sitara- mayya; but left the Congress when the All-India lead- ers resigned en masse in protest of his abandonment of the principles introduced by Gandhi.[117][118] Gandhi de- clared that Sitaramayya’s defeat was his defeat.[119] 3.4.8 World War II and Quit India Main article: Quit India Movement Gandhi initially favoured offering “nonviolent moral sup- Gandhi and Nehru in 1942 port” to the British effort when World War II broke out in 1939, but the Congressional leaders were offended by the unilateral inclusion of India in the war without consulta- tion of the people’s representatives. All Congressmen re- signed from office.[120] After long deliberations, Gandhi declared that India could not be party to a war ostensi- bly being fought for democratic freedom while that free- dom was denied to India itself. As the war progressed, Gandhi intensified his demand for independence, calling for the British to Quit India in a speech at Gowalia Tank Maidan. This was Gandhi’s and the Congress Party’s most definitive revolt aimed at securing the British exit from India.[121] Gandhi was criticised by some Congress party members and other Indian political groups, both pro-British and anti-British. Some felt that not supporting Britain more in its struggle against Nazi Germany was unethical. Oth- ers felt that Gandhi’s refusal for India to participate in the war was insufficient and more direct opposition should be taken, while Britain fought against Nazism, it continued to refuse to grant India Independence. Quit India became the most forceful movement in the history of the strug- gle, with mass arrests and violence on an unprecedented scale.[122] In 1942, although still committed in his efforts to “launch a nonviolent movement”, Gandhi clarified that the move- ment would not be stopped by individual acts of violence, saying that the “ordered anarchy” of “the present system of administration” was “worse than real anarchy.”[123][124] He called on all Congressmen and Indians to maintain discipline via ahimsa, and Karo ya maro (“Do or die”) in
  24. 24. 20 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI the cause of ultimate freedom.[125] Gandhi and Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Bombay, 1944 Gandhi and the entire Congress Working Committee were arrested in Bombay by the British on 9 August 1942. Gandhi was held for two years in the Aga Khan Palace in Pune. It was here that Gandhi suffered two terrible blows in his personal life. His 50-year-old secretary Ma- hadev Desai died of a heart attack 6 days later and his wife Kasturba died after 18 months’ imprisonment on 22 February 1944; six weeks later Gandhi suffered a severe malaria attack. He was released before the end of the war on 6 May 1944 because of his failing health and neces- sary surgery; the Raj did not want him to die in prison and enrage the nation. He came out of detention to an altered political scene—the Muslim League for example, which a few years earlier had appeared marginal, “now occu- pied the centre of the political stage”[126] and the topic of Muhammad Ali Jinnah's campaign for Pakistan was a major talking point. Gandhi met Jinnah in September 1944 in Bombay but Jinnah rejected, on the grounds that it fell short of a fully independent Pakistan, his proposal of the right of Muslim provinces to opt out of substantial parts of the forthcoming political union.[127][128] While the leaders of Congress languished in jail, the other parties supported the war and gained organizational strength. Underground publications flailed at the ruth- less suppression of Congress, but it had little control over events.[129] At the end of the war, the British gave clear in- dications that power would be transferred to Indian hands. At this point Gandhi called off the struggle, and around 100,000 political prisoners were released, including the Congress’s leadership.[130] 3.4.9 Partition and independence, 1947 See also: Partition of India As a rule, Gandhi was opposed to the concept of partition as it contradicted his vision of religious unity.[131] Con- cerning the partition of India to create Pakistan, while the Indian National Congress and Gandhi called for the British to quit India, the Muslim League passed a reso- lution for them to divide and quit, in 1943.[132] Gandhi suggested an agreement which required the Congress and Gandhi in 1947, with Lord Louis Mountbatten, Britain’s last Viceroy of India, and his wife Vicereine Edwina Mountbatten. Muslim League to co-operate and attain independence under a provisional government, thereafter, the question of partition could be resolved by a plebiscite in the dis- tricts with a Muslim majority.[133] When Jinnah called for Direct Action, on 16 August 1946, Gandhi was infuri- ated and personally visited the most riot-prone areas to stop the massacres.[134] He made strong efforts to unite the Indian Hindus, Muslims, and Christians and strug- gled for the emancipation of the "untouchables" in Hindu society.[135] India’s partition and independence were accompanied by more than half a million killed in riots as 10–12 million Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims crossed the borders dividing India and Pakistan.[136] Gandhi, having vowed to spend the day of independence fasting and spinning, was in Cal- cutta on August 15, 1947 where he prayed, confronted rioters and worked with Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy to stop the communal killing.[137] But for his teachings, the efforts of his followers, and his own presence, there per- haps could have been much more bloodshed during the partition, according to prominent Norwegian historian, Jens Arup Seip.[138] Stanley Wolpert has argued, the “plan to carve up British India was never approved of or accepted by Gandhi...who realised too late that his closest comrades and disciples were more interested in power than principle, and that his own vision had long been clouded by the illusion that the struggle he led for India’s independence was a nonviolent one.”[139] 3.5 Assassination See also: Assassination of Mahatma Gandhi Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was assassinated in the garden of the former Birla House (now Gandhi Smriti) at 5:17 pm on 30 January 1948. Accompanied by his grandnieces, Gandhi was on his way to address a prayer meeting, when his assassin, Nathuram Godse, fired three
  25. 25. 3.6. PRINCIPLES, PRACTICES AND BELIEFS 21 Memorial at the former Birla House, New Delhi, where Gandhi was assassinated at 5:17 pm on 30 January 1948 on his way to a prayer meeting. Stylised footsteps are shown leading to the memorial. bullets from a Beretta 9 mm pistol into his chest at point-blank range.[140] Godse was a Hindu nationalist with links to the extremist Hindu Mahasabha, who held Gandhi guilty of favouring Pakistan and strongly op- posed the doctrine of nonviolence.[141] Godse and his co- conspirator were tried and executed in 1949. Gandhi’s memorial (or Samādhi) at Rāj Ghāt, New Delhi, bears the epigraph “Hē Ram” (Devanagari: ! or, He Rām), which may be translated as “Oh God”. These are widely believed to be Gandhi’s last words after he was shot, though the veracity of this statement has been disputed.[142] Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru ad- dressed the nation through radio:[143] Friends and comrades, the light has gone out of our lives, and there is darkness every- where, and I do not quite know what to tell you or how to say it. Our beloved leader, Bapu as we called him, the father of the nation, is no more. Perhaps I am wrong to say that; never- theless, we will not see him again, as we have seen him for these many years, we will not run to him for advice or seek solace from him, and that is a terrible blow, not only for me, but for millions and millions in this country.— Jawaharlal Nehru’s address to Gandhi[144] Gandhi’s death was mourned nationwide. Over two mil- lion people joined the five-mile long funeral procession that took over five hours to reach Raj Ghat from Birla house, where he was assassinated. Gandhi’s body was transported on a weapons carrier, whose chassis was dis- mantled overnight to allow a high-floor to be installed so that people could catch a glimpse of his body. The en- gine of the vehicle was not used, instead four drag-ropes manned by 50 people each pulled the vehicle.[145] All Indian-owned establishments in London remained closed in mourning as thousands of people from all faiths and de- nominations and Indians from all over Britain converged at India House in London.[146] While India mourned and communal (inter-religious) vi- olence escalated, there were calls for retaliation, and even an invasion of Pakistan by the Indian army. Nehru and Patel, the two strongest figures in the government and in Congress, had been pulling in opposite directions; the as- sassination pushed them together. They agreed the first objective must be to calm the hysteria.[147] They called on Indians to honour Gandhi’s memory and even more his ideals.[148] They used the assassination to consolidate the authority of the new Indian state. The government made sure everyone knew the guilty party was not a Mus- lim. Congress tightly controlled the epic public displays of grief over a two-week period—the funeral, mortuary rituals and distribution of the martyr’s ashes—as millions participated and hundreds of millions watched. The goal was to assert the power of the government and legitimise the Congress Party’s control. This move built upon the massive outpouring of Hindu expressions of grief. The government suppressed the RSS, the Muslim National Guards, and the Khaksars, with some 200,000 arrests. Gandhi’s death and funeral linked the distant state with the Indian people and made more understand why reli- gious parties were being suppressed during the transition to independence for the Indian people.[149] 3.5.1 Ashes By Hindu tradition the ashes were to be spread on a river. Gandhi’s ashes were poured into urns which were sent across India for memorial services.[150] Most were immersed at the Sangam at Allahabad on 12 February 1948, but some were secretly taken away. In 1997, Tushar Gandhi immersed the contents of one urn, found in a bank vault and reclaimed through the courts, at the Sangam at Allahabad.[151][152] Some of Gandhi’s ashes were scattered at the source of the Nile River near Jinja, Uganda, and a memorial plaque marks the event. On 30 January 2008, the contents of another urn were immersed at Girgaum Chowpatty. Another urn is at the palace of the Aga Khan in Pune[151] (where Gandhi had been im- prisoned from 1942 to 1944) and another in the Self- Realization Fellowship Lake Shrine in Los Angeles.[153] 3.6 Principles, practices and beliefs Main article: Gandhism Gandhism designates the ideas and principles Gandhi promoted. Of central importance is nonviolent resis- tance. A Gandhian can mean either an individual who follows, or a specific philosophy which is attributed to, Gandhism.[77] M. M. Sankhdher argues that Gandhism is not a systematic position in metaphysics or in political philosophy. Rather, it is a political creed, an economic
  26. 26. 22 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI doctrine, a religious outlook, a moral precept, and espe- cially, a humanitarian world view. It is an effort not to systematise wisdom but to transform society and is based on an undying faith in the goodness of human nature.[154] However Gandhi himself did not approve of the notion of “Gandhism”, as he explained in 1936: There is no such thing as “Gandhism”, and I do not want to leave any sect after me. I do not claim to have originated any new principle or doctrine. I have simply tried in my own way to apply the eternal truths to our daily life and problems...The opinions I have formed and the conclusions I have arrived at are not final. I may change them tomorrow. I have nothing new to teach the world. Truth and nonviolence are as old as the hills.[155] 3.6.1 Influences Gandhi with famous poet Rabindranath Tagore, 1940 Historian R.B. Cribb argues that Gandhi’s thought evolved over time, with his early ideas becoming the core or scaffolding for his mature philosophy. In London he committed himself to truthfulness, temperance, chastity, and vegetarianism. His return to India to work as a lawyer was a failure, so he went to South Africa for a quarter cen- tury, where he absorbed ideas from many sources, most of them non-Indian.[156] Gandhi grew up in an eclectic religious atmosphere and throughout his life searched for insights from many religious traditions.[157] He was ex- posed to Jain ideas through his mother who was in con- tact with Jain monks. Themes from Jainism that Gandhi absorbed included asceticism; compassion for all forms of life; the importance of vows for self-discipline; veg- etarianism; fasting for self-purification; mutual tolerance among people of different creeds; and “syadvad”, the idea that all views of truth are partial, a doctrine that lies at the root of Satyagraha.[158] He received much of his influence from Jainism particularly during his younger years.[159] Gandhi’s London experience provided a solid philosoph- ical base focused on truthfulness, temperance, chastity, and vegetarianism. When he returned to India in 1891, his outlook was parochial and he could not make a liv- ing as a lawyer. This challenged his belief that practi- cality and morality necessarily coincided. By moving in 1893 to South Africa he found a solution to this prob- lem and developed the central concepts of his mature philosophy.[160] N. A. Toothi[161] felt that Gandhi was in- fluenced by the reforms and teachings of Swaminarayan, stating “Close parallels do exist in programs of social reform based on to nonviolence, truth-telling, clean- liness, temperance and upliftment of the masses.”[162] Vallabhbhai Patel, who grew up in a Swaminarayan household was attracted to Gandhi due to this aspect of Gandhi’s doctrine.[163] Gandhi’s ethical thinking was heavily influenced by a handful of books, which he repeatedly meditated upon. They included especially Plato's Apology and John Ruskin's Unto this Last (1862) (both of which he trans- lated into his native Gujarati); William Salter’s Ethical Religion (1889); Henry David Thoreau's On the Duty of Civil Disobedience (1849); and Leo Tolstoy's The King- dom of God Is Within You (1894). Ruskin inspired his decision to live an austere life on a commune, at first on the Phoenix Farm in Natal and then on the Tolstoy Farm just outside Johannesburg, South Africa.[51] Balkrishna Gokhale argues that Gandhi took his philoso- phy of history from Hinduism and Jainism, supplemented by selected Christian traditions and ideas of Tolstoy and Ruskin. Hinduism provided central concepts of God’s role in history, of man as the battleground of forces of virtue and sin, and of the potential of love as an histori- cal force. From Jainism, Gandhi took the idea of apply- ing nonviolence to human situations and the theory that Absolute Reality can be comprehended only relatively in human affairs.[164] Historian Howard Spodek argues for the importance of the culture of Gujarat in shaping Gandhi’s methods. Spodek finds that some of Gandhi’s most effective meth- ods such as fasting, non-cooperation and appeals to the justice and compassion of the rulers were learned as a youth in Gujarat. Later on, the financial, cultural, or- ganizational and geographical support needed to bring his campaigns to a national audience were drawn from Ahmedabad and Gujarat, his Indian residence 1915– 1930.[165] 3.6.2 Tolstoy Along with the book mentioned above, in 1908 Leo Tol- stoy wrote A Letter to a Hindu, which said that only by us- ing love as a weapon through passive resistance could the Indian people overthrow colonial rule. In 1909, Gandhi wrote to Tolstoy seeking advice and permission to repub- lish A Letter to a Hindu in Gujarati. Tolstoy responded
  27. 27. 3.6. PRINCIPLES, PRACTICES AND BELIEFS 23 Mohandas K. Gandhi and other residents of Tolstoy Farm, South Africa, 1910 and the two continued a correspondence until Tolstoy’s death in 1910 (Tolstoy’s last letter was to Gandhi).[166] The letters concern practical and theological applications of nonviolence.[167] Gandhi saw himself a disciple of Tol- stoy, for they agreed regarding opposition to state author- ity and colonialism; both hated violence and preached non-resistance. However, they differed sharply on po- litical strategy. Gandhi called for political involvement; he was a nationalist and was prepared to use nonviolent force. He was also willing to compromise.[168] It was at Tolstoy Farm where Gandhi and Hermann Kallenbach systematically trained their disciples in the philosophy of nonviolence.[169] 3.6.3 Truth and Satyagraha “God is truth. The way to truth lies through ahimsa (nonviolence)"—Sabarmati 13 March 1927 Gandhi dedicated his life to the wider purpose of discov- ering truth, or Satya. He tried to achieve this by learning from his own mistakes and conducting experiments on himself. He called his autobiography The Story of My Experiments with Truth.[170] Bruce Watson argues that Gandhi based Satyagraha on the Vedantic ideal of self-realization, and notes it also contains Jain and Buddhist notions of nonviolence, veg- etarianism, the avoidance of killing, and 'agape' (univer- sal love). Gandhi also borrowed Christian-Islamic ideas of equality, the brotherhood of man, and the concept of turning the other cheek.[171] Gandhi stated that the most important battle to fight was overcoming his own demons, fears, and insecurities. Gandhi summarised his beliefs first when he said “God is Truth”. He would later change this statement to “Truth is God”. Thus, satya (truth) in Gandhi’s philosophy is “God”.[172] The essence of Satyagraha (a name Gandhi invented meaning “adherence to truth”[173] ) is that it seeks to elim- inate antagonisms without harming the antagonists them- selves and seeks to transform or “purify” it to a higher level. A euphemism sometimes used for Satyagraha is that it is a “silent force” or a “soul force” (a term also used by Martin Luther King Jr. during his famous "I Have a Dream" speech). It arms the individual with moral power rather than physical power. Satyagraha is also termed a “universal force”, as it essentially “makes no distinction between kinsmen and strangers, young and old, man and woman, friend and foe.”[174] Gandhi wrote: “There must be no impatience, no bar- barity, no insolence, no undue pressure. If we want to cultivate a true spirit of democracy, we cannot afford to be intolerant. Intolerance betrays want of faith in one’s cause.”[175] Civil disobedience and non-cooperation as practised under Satyagraha are based on the “law of suffering”,[176] a doctrine that the endurance of suffering is a means to an end. This end usually implies a moral upliftment or progress of an individual or society. There- fore, non-cooperation in Satyagraha is in fact a means to secure the co-operation of the opponent consistently with truth and justice.[177] 3.6.4 Nonviolence Although Gandhi was not the originator of the principle of nonviolence, he was the first to apply it in the politi- cal field on a large scale.[178] The concept of nonviolence (ahimsa) and nonresistance has a long history in Indian religious thought. Gandhi explains his philosophy and way of life in his autobiography The Story of My Experi- ments with Truth. Gandhi realised later that this level of nonviolence required incredible faith and courage, which he believed everyone did not possess. He therefore ad- vised that everyone need not keep to nonviolence, espe- cially if it were used as a cover for cowardice, saying, “where there is only a choice between cowardice and vi- olence, I would advise violence.”[179][180] Gandhi thus came under some political fire for his crit- icism of those who attempted to achieve independence through more violent means. His refusal to protest against the hanging of Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev, Udham Singh and Rajguru were sources of condemnation among some parties.[181][182]

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