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Contemporary architecture in the Arab world - Kuwait - العمارة المعاصرة في العالم العربي - الكويت
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Contemporary architecture in the Arab world - Kuwait - العمارة المعاصرة في العالم العربي - الكويت

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Contemporary architecture in the Arab world - Kuwait - العمارة المعاصرة في العالم العربي - الكويت Contemporary architecture in the Arab world - Kuwait - العمارة المعاصرة في العالم العربي - الكويت Document Transcript

  • Contemporary Architecture in the Arab World An END and a BEGINNING: The making of modern Kuwait. Author: Dr. Yasser MahgoubIntroduction Since the beginning of history, human beings have been fascinated with endings – the end of their lives, the end of their seasons, and of the end of the world. … In fact for those of us who study the built environment, endings are also coupled with beginnings, and destruction (creative or otherwise) is sometimes a precondition or prerequisite to construction or reconstruction.(AlSayyad, 2004, p. vi) This chapter is about an END and a BEGINNING: the END of Kuwait as avernacular indigenous settlement overlooking the Arabian Gulf, and the BEGINNINGof Kuwait as a modern city that lies on the crossroads of global interests and conflicts.It focuses on the history of the making of modern Kuwait city between 1950 and1970; a period that witnessed the destruction of the old city and the construction ofthe new city. Kuwait has become at the center of world attention since the middle of the 20thcentury, following the discovery of oil with commercial quantities during the Forties,as a major exporter of oil to industrialized countries. It also became at the center ofattention during the Iran-Iraq war during the Eighties. Its invasion and occupation byIraq- and later liberation by allied forces led by the United States- during the Nineties 1
  • illustrated the new world order after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Again, Kuwaitbecame at the center of the world attention as the only available point of entry to Iraqfor the allied forces led by the United States during the Iraq war in 2002. As one ofthe largest oil reserves of the world, containing 8% of the worlds total oil reserves,Kuwait will be increasingly influenced by global events and affairs. Figure 1. Map of the Gulf. The case of Kuwait represents the impact of globalization on the formation of othercities around the world, especially other Gulf cities that went through similartransformations. It provides important lessons to other world cities currently beinginfluenced by the recent waves of globalization. They are also useful for guiding thefuture development of other cities around the world. The built environment found in Kuwait today is a product of the decisions madeduring its early stages of planning and construction. The modern urbanization inKuwait has passed through significant stages. During each stage a Master Plan, or areview of the master plan, was produced which contributed to the development ofmodern Kuwait (Kuwait Municipality, 1980). These stages were: 1. The First Master Plan: prepared by Monoprio, Spencely and Macfarlane in1952. 2
  • 2. The Municipality Development Plan: Assembly of different planning studiesfor different areas during the period from 1952 and 1967. 3. Colin Buchanan and Partners Developed a Second Master Plan from 1967 to1968. 4. First Review of the 2nd Master Plan by Shankland Cox Partnership in 1977 5. Re-examination of Master Plan by Colin Buchanan and Partners in 1983 6. A proposed Third Master Plan by Kuwait Municipality in 1997 7. In 2003, Kuwait Engineering Group in collaboration with Colin Buchananwere commissioned to develop a new master plan review. This chapter focuses on the formation of modern architecture in Kuwait between1950 and 1970. It traces the origins and means of introducing modern architecture inKuwait. During this period Kuwait was transformed from a vernacular settlementoverlooking the Gulf into a modern city. It was the first stage of globalizing this Gulfcity-state. Kuwait was mostly isolated from external influences until the discovery ofoil during the 1940s. The fast speed of transformation that it went through fromfishing and trading vernacular settlement to a modern planned metropolis was theresult of efforts made by the Kuwaiti’s to utilize the wealth generated by thediscovery of oil to improve their living conditions and join the developed, modernworld. It was not imposed on them by outsiders as much as it was a selection andchoice. The problem was not in choosing to modernise but in the “rushing” towardsmodernization without comprehending its drawbacks. Globalization has unsettled the conventional connection between place and culture. While some saw these dislocations as new traditions in and of themselves, others argue that the spatial basis of tradition is still firmly 3
  • grounded. The fervent revival of some place-based traditions marked the urban landscapes of much of the world at the end of the millennium.(AlSayyad, 2004, p. vi) The case of Kuwait illustrates the impact of early waves of globalization onarchitecture durng the middle of the 20th century. AlSayyad (2004, p.10) proposedfour historic phases regarding the production of space: 1. Insular Period: characterized by indigenous vernacular, architectural production was largely determined by local forces, 2. Colonial Period: characterized by “hybridity” of core and peripheral styles, 3. Independence and Nation Building: characterized by the modern and sudo-modern (invented traditions), and 4. Globalization: characterized by homogenized settlements, yet their inhabitants are likely to demonstrate rising levels of awareness of the ethnic, religious, and racial associations of the subcommunities within which they exist. This paper argues that the period between 1950 and 1970 in Kuwait witnessed theend of an old tradition and the beginning of a new tradition. The built environment ofthe old city carried imbedded traditions and way of life that was transmitted fromgeneration to generation. This tradition has disappeared and was replaced by amodern built environment carrying another way of life. The old tradition was replacedby a new tradition introduced by the urban environment. The transformation occurredwithin less than 10 years and was witnessed by many inhabitants, some of whom arestill living today. 4
  • What is tradition? What are its elements? Henry Glassie stated that “allarchitecture is the embodiment of cultural norms that pre-exist individual buildings.”(AlSayyad, 2004, p.8)Yi-Fu Tuan identified the primary component of tradition asconstraint. Tuan suggested that traditional societies had limited number of choices,that were imposed on them by religious custom, available resources, local climate,etc. He explained that, “a space of constraint is a space bounded by a neatly definedculture and ecology.” (AlSayyad, 2004, p.7) Paul Oliver suggests that tradition is aprocess and that we should “concentrate on the actual process of transmission, bothoral and other in our study of these traditional environments.” (AlSayyad, 2004, p.7) This chapter adopts the definition proposed by AlSayyad that considers traditionas “a foil for exploring the contested subjectivities involved in producing and/oroccupying space. Thus, the tangible products of tradition are those processes by whichidentities are defined and refined.” (AlSayyad, 2004, p. 6) It focuses on the elementsthat contributed to the making of new tradition in Kuwait. This chapter utilizes the model proposed by (Ibrahim, 1985) to discuss theformation of modern architecture in Kuwait. Ibrahim argued that: The industrial revolution had gradually influenced and contained Western architecture during its early technological and scientific development until it became a natural outcome of this revolution. Yet, the impact of the industrial revolution on the Arabian architecture was sudden and external that made it not able to absorb. (Ibrahim, 1985) He suggested that there were two venues that permitted the new styles of architecture to enter the Gulf area after the discovery of oil: 5
  • 1. The first venue was large projects of monumental architecture that weredesigned and constructed by Western architects without any economic or technicallimitations in designing these projects, i.e. banks, hotels, public buildings servicebuildings, etc., to the point that the Gulf area was described by Western critics as the"playground of architecture" for foreign architects. The role of the local architects wasvery limited due to their limited experience in studying, evaluating and managinglarge projects. 2. The second venue was domestic architecture built by individuals in the formof private houses or apartment buildings, which were mostly designed and constructedby local or Arab architects. They were influenced by economic, cultural and socialrequirements of the owner who usually imposed his views on the architect in order toreflect his social and cultural status. Many architects from neighboring countries, suchas Syria, Egypt, Iraq, India, Iran, etc. were attracted to the region along with manyconstruction workers and labors. They brought with them their ideas, understandingsand styles of architecture. Kuwait Before 1950 The Arab-Gulf state of Kuwait is located on the northwestern tip the Arabian Gulf.It occupies an area of approximately 18,000 square kilometers, shaping a triangle withits base on the Gulf and tip pointing towards the West while the northern border isfacing Iraq and the southern border is facing Saudi Arabia. 6
  • Figure 2. Map of Kuwait. 7
  • Figure 3. Map of old Kuwait. Figure 4. The traditional urban environment found in old Kuwait. Kuwait was mostly isolated from external influences until the discovery of oilduring the 1940s. It was a vernacular settlement overlooking the Arabian Gulfcomposed of courtyard houses built using mud brick along narrow alleys called farrij 8
  • or harat. The traditional houses lined along narrow streets, looking inward intocourtyards suitable for climatic conditions and social needs. The city was surroundedby semi-circular defensive wall with several gates called dirwazas. The Wall wasconstructed in 1918, in two months, to protect the city from tribal attacks. Theinhabitants referred to their city as ad-Dira reflecting its oval shaped plan. Figure 5. The old Kuwait Wall. Figure 6. The Gates of old Kuwait Wall. 9
  • While Kuwait was considered part of the Ottoman Empire, it was not subject todirect occupation by the Ottoman forces. According to Slot, “for few decades in thesixteen century, the territory which is now Kuwait may have been theoretically part ofthe Ottoman Empire, although there never was real presence outside the strongholdsof Qatif and Basra. The territory in which the present State of Kuwait is situated wascalled in Ottoman legal language the ‘Land of the Tribes’, the wilderness outside thelimits of the ‘Well-protected Empire.’”(Slot, 1998, p.10) Kuwait 1950s Urbanization is an economic, political, and socio-cultural complexity, and so is its interaction with cityscapes. It is obvious that economic transitions would determine the quality and volume of the built environment. Municipal and state decision making further shape the nature of urban spaces, and socio-cultural transformations influence perceived notions of the lived space and, in turn, reshape the physical landscape itself. (Yacobi, and Shechter, 2005, p.499) The first discoveries of oil in Kuwait occurred in 1938 but remained unexploitedduring the Second World War. Income from oil generated a sudden wealth andinitiated an economic boom in all the Gulf countries. The goal was to use this wealthto improve quality of life for the inhabitants. The improved economic conditionsrequired large number of labor force in the oil, construction and services sectors. Thelabor market and high pay attracted workers and experts from neighboring Arab,Asian and other countries to work in Kuwait. There were about 90,000 people livingin Kuwait before 1950. The population increased from 152,000 in 1950 to 278,000 in1960, to one million in 1975 and more than 2 million in 1990. Currently the estimated 10
  • population of Kuwait is three million inhabitants; one million are citizens and theremaining two million are expatriates. The rapid change of the composition of thepopulation indicates a change from a single culture to multiple cultures society. Thisclose contact with other cultures and ease of transportation and travel to differentparts of the world increased the speed of cultural change through cultural exchange. One of the major forces that contributed to the need to plan the city was theintroduction of the automobile during the 1940s in Kuwait. As a major producer ofgasoline, Kuwaitis were eager to own and use cars in their travels and businesses. Thecar became a symbol of wealth and social status- and continues to be today. Thetraditional city with its narrow zigzagged streets was not able to sustain large numbersof cars and automobiles. As Shiber remarked, “the car has been the dominant factor ofplanning the city.” (Shiber, 1964, p. 75) Figure 7. The Car in Kuwait. The First Master Plan 11
  • Architecture has a role in expressing political goals. Several studies has proved that the contemporary Arab city was formed as a result of political decisions followed by the Arab States during the 20th century. … The symbolic expression of national identity – architecturally – was tied to gigantic projects that institute this national identity. (Al Naim and Al Mansouri, 2006) After the discovery of oil with economic quantities during the Thirties and itsexportation during the Forties and the immediate wealth generated by its sales, therulers of the country appointed the British firm Minoprio & Spencely and P. W.Macfarlane to propose a “Plan” for the development of the city of Kuwait. The mainobjective of the master plan was to transform the vernacular settlement of Kuwait intoa modern town according to the standards of modern town planning at that time. Asstated by the planners, “Our main objectives are to illustrate and describe theimprovements which we consider necessary for the development of Kuwait inaccordance with the highest standards of modern town planning.” (Minoprio et al,1951, p. 2) The matters which Minoprio et al regarded as being of “primary importance” in thereplanning of the town were as follows: (a) the provision of a modern road systemappropriate to the traffic conditions in Kuwait, (b) the location of suitable zones forpublic buildings, industry, commerce, schools, and other purposes, (c) the choice ofzones for new houses and other buildings needed in residential areas, both inside andoutside the town wall, (d) the selection of sites for parks, sports ground, schoolplaying fields and other open spaces, (c) the creation of a beautiful and dignified towncentre, (f) the planting of trees and shrubs along the principal roads and at other 12
  • important points in the town, and (g) the provision of improved main roads linkingKuwait with the adjoining towns and villages. (Minoprio et al, 1951) Figure 8. The First Master Plan for Kuwait for the old city. Figure 9. The First Master Plan for Kuwait new suburbs. 13
  • The “Plan” led to the demolition of the walled city and its traditional houses toprovide land for economic and public facilities and the establishment of western styleneighborhoods surrounded by modern highways for cars and vehicles. This suddenchange from a vernacular settlement to a modern urban environment had a dramaticimpact on the quality of urban life. As proclaimed by the late Kuwaiti architect HudaAl-Bahr in 1985, “the changes in architecture experienced by Kuwait over the lastthirty years or so, are almost beyond imagination.” (Al-Bahr, 1985, p.63) Figure 10. Demolition of the old Wall of Kuwait. The late Fifties and early Sixties witnessed the implementation of the first masterplan by the Ministry of Public Works under the supervision of the KuwaitDevelopment Board established in 1950, headed by the Amir of Kuwait himself. Thedemolition of the wall and old houses in residential areas inside it to clear land for theconstruction of new public buildings paralleled the construction of new roads andresidential neighborhoods south of it in the desert. The neighborhoods were selfsufficient entities with schools, shops, mosques and other services. As Gardiner put, 14
  • “there was no need to come into the city except for work because every thing wasthere.” (Gardiner, 1983) Figure 11. New Kuwait downtown (left) and public housing projects (right). Kuwait 1960s In June 1960, Saba George Shiber assumed a planning post at the Public WorksDepartment, now the Kuwait Ministry of Public Works. He realized that what he waswitnessing was not a “routine or every-day occurrence on the Arab urban scene.”(Shiber, 1964, p.1) He endeavored to document the “phenomenal urbanization ofKuwait” in his massive detailed account titled “The Kuwait Urbanization:Documentation Analysis Critique” published in 1964. Shiber was not onlydocumenting, but he was also commenting and criticizing the events that took placearound him. 15
  • Figure 12. Self portrait by Saba George Shiber. As an Arab and a planner, I was both proud of and perturbed by much that Iwitnessed happening with lightening speed on the arena of urbanization inKuwait. I was proud because here, in Kuwait, the Arab was building somethingsignificant from both the social and physical points-of-view. I was particularlyproud of the social contents and connotations of the Kuwaiti buildup: low-income housing, hospitals, schools, social centers, to mention but a few of themany tangible manifestations of the socially oriented philosophy propellingKuwaiti development onward and which were rare incidents on other urbanstages. On the other hand, as a planner I was perturbed by the manyvicissitudes of engineering, architectural and planning deviations andaberrations, as well as by a general disregard of the economic outlook in theengineering of things. Both bride and perturbance prompted me to record myobservations and opinions. (Shiber, 1964, p.1) 16
  • As part of the government’s policy for the distribution of wealth, low incomefamilies were given public houses built by the government while rich families werecompensated with plots of land and money for their demolished houses and land.Building regulations proposed by the Plan required the construction of individual“villas” on these plots of land. Buildings and houses erected during the 50’s and 60’sreflected the modern style of architecture that dominated this era. Figure 13. Examples of villas built during the late 1950s and 1960s. As the processes of loosening up the old city gained crescendo, the procedures for the new city gained momentum. All large family occupying a small building in the old city of Kuwait, through a social and physical process, or type, of ‘family-fission,’ set off a chain reaction of building many large houses, or ‘villas,’ in the newly-developing sections of the new city of Kuwait from Shuwaikh to Salmyya. (Shiber, 1964, p. 93) As thoroughly documented by Saba George Shiber, planning and construction ofthe modern city-state of Kuwait fifty years ago was a “dramatic urban revolution thatswept over Kuwait as a hurricane, leaving one dizzied and dazzled in its wake.Kuwait literally exploded from a small village to a fast-urbanizing regional metropolisin just over twelve years” (Shiber, 1964). He illustrated in his detailed account the fastspeed of transformation that Kuwait went through from fishing and trading vernacularsettlement to a modern, planned metropolis. As Kultermann pointed out, Shiber 17
  • “warned against the loss of identity that too-rapid modern transformation wouldprecipitate.” (Kultermann, 1999, p. 167) Yet we, Arabs, go unmindfully about, thinking of the great glass walls, the discordant colors, the anti-architecture, the absence of art and design in our new environment as the ‘real things’, as progress, as civilization, as culture. Well, it may be civilization if civilization is measured by silica, iron, aluminum, paint or colors. This, however, is not culture. (Shiber, 1964, p. 35) In 1968 a Second Master Plan was developed by Colin Buchanan and Partners thatcontinued the First Master Plan and stretched the city north and south along the Gulfshores. It also called for the dissemination of the city centre by creating new centres toovercome the growing traffic congestion problems. A committee headed by theKuwaiti Prime Minister was formed from the British Leslie Martin, the Italian FrancoAlbini, the Egyptian Dr. Omar Azzam and the Kuwaiti Hamid Shuaib. The committeedecided to invite “four firms of architects from different countries to study theplanning of the new city of Kuwait. They were Candilis, Josie and Woods of France,Belgoigose (BBPR) of Italy, Smithson of England and Pietila of Finland.” (Gardiner,1983, p.66) It was an attempt to develop an “architectural” plan. As Gardiner put it,“it was a far too interesting, creative and flexible conception to call it a Master Plan.”(Gardiner, 1983, p.67) In spite of the fact that most of the plans were not accepted, the exercise wasilluminating and led to another more fruitful endeavor where several architects fromdifferent parts of the world were commissioned to design and build severalarchitectural landmarks in Kuwait. The Japanese architect Kenzo Tange wascommissioned to design Kuwait International Airport, Jorn Utzon, the architect of 18
  • Sydney Opera House, won an international competition for the Parliament building,that became a national symbol for the country, the Swedish architect Sune Lindstroemand the Danish Malene Bjoern were commissioned to design the award winningprojects of the Water Towers, Arne Jacobsen was commissioned to design the CentralBank and Michel Ecochard was commissioned to design the National Museum. It wasa remarkable phase in the history of modern architecture in Kuwait that brought thecountry to the frontage of the world architecture. It also facilitated the disseminationof global trends into the urban environment in Kuwait. Beside Tange, Utzon, Pietila, Jacobsen and BBPR, you find names like the late Marcel Breuer, the Architect’s Collaborative, Skidmore, Owings and Merrill, I.M.Pei, Lindstrom, Egnell and Bjorn. Arthur Erickson on the list – an astonishing contrast to the names you would have found during the Fifties and Sixties. (Gardiner, 1983, p.77) With the rise of oil prices after the 1973 Middle East War, the country was able toacquire enough income to support its ambitious plans. In 1977 the British planningfirm Shankland Cox proposed the establishment of two new cities. During the eightiesseveral remarkable buildings, designed by internationally recognised architects, wereconstructed in Kuwait. 19
  • Figure 14. Kuwait International Airport by Kenzo Tange. Figure 15. Kuwait Parliament by Jorn Utzon. 20
  • Figure 16. Kuwait Water Towers by Malene Bjoern. Figure 17. Al Ahli Bank by SOM.Conclusions 21
  • The rapid urban growth of Kuwait City over the last thirty years has been almost unparalleled in the history of urbanism. And the city’s “building boom,” richly nourished by the country’s oil revenues, has had dramatic effects on the existing historic urban fabric. The speedy architectural and urban developments have indiscriminately disintegrated the anatomy and identity of the traditional city, eliminating most of its charming traditional architecture. (Al-Bahar, 1984, p. 70) This chapter traced the origin and development of the urban environment inKuwait during the Fifties and Sixties. It was not meant to be a comprehensive accountof all the transformations and changes that took place in Kuwait. It was an attempt tohighlight significant stages in the development of Kuwait from a vernacular to amodern city. That period witnessed the death of the old city and the birth of the newcity. It also witnessed the birth of a new tradition that replaced the old and vanishingtradition. The Kuwaitis used to refer to the old city as “ad-Dira” – or place of living.In the new tradition they refer to the place of living as “ad-Dahia” or theneighborhood. The traditional narrow alleys called “farrej” that were used by peoplewere replaced by wide streets for cars. The inhabitants became dependent on the carfor transportation and movement. The traditional inward looking courtyard houseswere replaced by western outward looking villas. City planning in the region was largely taken as positivistic tool that modern societies use to organize space, distribute resources, and balance different interests for the benefit of a given society. This was expressed in the notion of zoning and the creation of open public spaces that resulted from universal (and obviously Western) planning knowledge, itself based on assumptions concerning 22
  • the cultural use of space (eg. housing typologies and open public spaces), which were not always applicable to the culturally different communities who lived in Middle Eastern cities. (Yacobi, and Shechter, 2005, p. 506) Architecture is the product of economic and cultural conditions and changes. It isaffected by multi-factors and not a single factor. Some of the factors can be changedrapidly while other factors change gradually. In the case of Kuwait, the constraints ofthe old tradition were all suddenly removed and there was no transmission or handingdown of practices or customs in building. If we simply focus on globalization as a modern strategy for power, we will miss its historical and social depths. Indeed the origins of globalization lie in interconnections that have slowly enveloped humans since the earliest of times as they globalized themselves. In this sense, globalization as a human dynamic has always been with us, even if we have been unaware of its embrace until recently (Robertson, 2003) Globalization has created a new tradition that replaced the old one. The newtradition was introduced through urban planning schemes, building regulations andnew materials and construction systems. It was also introduced through new buildingtypes, i.e. shopping centers, fast food chains, office buildings, internet cafes, etc. Yet,globalization failed to eradicate the old tradition completely. We are currentlywitnessing the resurrection of the old tradition in different facets of culture as a trendtowards localism and regionalism. This chapter attempted to illustrate how a new tradition was created in Kuwaitduring the Fifties and Sixties following the implementation of its First Master Plan. 23
  • While the old tradition in Kuwait was the product of blend of culture, environmentand available resources through gradual, the new tradition was the product ofdeliberate planning and sudden change. The new tradition conditioned the way of lifeand view of the world especially of the new generations of Kuwaitis. The problem ofarchitecture and buildings is that they are tangible, static and lasting more than otherproducts of culture. They freeze moments of cultural process as products of certaintime and era. Baudrillard calls it “architecture’s cultural omnipresence.” (Baudrillard,2003) While cultures change rapidly their architectural products remain unchangedexpressing moments of cultural change and development References Al Naim, M. and Muhammad Bin Jaka Al Mansouri (2006) The Formation of TheModern City and the Construction of The National Identity: A Study of theRelationship Between Politics and Architecture in the United Arab Emirates. Alam AlFikr. Vol. 34 No. 4 April-June 2006 pp. 273-305. Al-Bahar, H. (1984) Traditional Kuwaiti Houses. In MIMAR 13: Architecture inDevelopment. Singapore: Concept Media Ltd. Al-Bahr, H. (1985) Contemporary Kuwaiti Houses, MIMAR: 15 Al-Mutawa, S. (1994) History of Architecture in Old Kuwait City. Kuwait: Al-Khat. AlSayyad, N. ed. (2004) The End of Tradition? Routledge: Taylor & FrancisGroup. London and new York. 24
  • Baudrillard, J. and J. Nouvel (2003) The Singular Objects of Architecture.University of Minnesota Press. Erickson, A. (1980) Projects in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. In Places of PublicGathering in Islam. Linda Safran (ed). Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award forArchitecture. Freeth, Z. (1972) A New Look at Kuwait, Allen & Unwin. Pp. 87- 92 Gardiner, S. (1983) Kuwait: The Making of a City. Longman. Ibrahim, A. (1985) Factors Affecting the Formation of Arab Architecture in theArabian East. Khattab, O. (2001). Globalization Versus Localization: Contemporary Architectureand the Arab City. CTBUH REVIEW / VOL. 1, NO. 3: FALL 2001. Kultermann, U. (1999) Contemporary Architecture in the Arab States. McGraw-Hill. Mahgoub, Y. (2004). Globalization and the Built Environment in Kuwait, HabitatInternational, Volume 28, Issue 4, pp. 505-519. Minoprio & Spencely and P. W. Macfarlane (1951). Plan for the Town of Kuwait:Report to His Highness Shaikh Abdulla Assalim Assubah, C.I.E. The Amir ofKuwait, November 1951. Robertson, R. (2003) The Three Waves of Globalization: A History of aDeveloping Global Consciousness. London: Zed Books. 25
  • Shiber, S. G. (1964) The Kuwait Urbanization: Being and Urbanization Case-Study of a Developing Country. Al-Madianah Al-Kuwaitiyyah. Kuwait, 1964. Slot, B. J. (1998) The Origins of Kuwait. Center for Research and Studies onKuwait. Kuwait. Vale, L. (1992) Architecture, Power, and National Identity. New Haven andLondon: Yale University Press. Yacobi, H. and Relli Shechter (2005) Rethinking cities in the Middle East:Political Economy, planning, and the Lived Space. The Journal of Architecture. Vol.10 No. 5 pp. 499-515. 26