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Morphological typology(group2)






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Morphological typology(group2) Morphological typology(group2) Document Transcript

  • Typology Morphology Group 2 Agustina Lestary Ninuk Krismanti Peny Kurniasih Rezqan Noor Farid
  • 1. INTRODUCTIONThe central focus of those who study morphology is how language users understand complexwords and how they create new ones. It is the study of the patterning of morphemes within aword and how morphemes combine to form new complex words. Most linguists agree thatmorphology is the study of the meaningful parts of words, but there have broadly been two waysof looking at the overall role played by these meaningful parts of words in language. One wayhas been to play down the status of the word itself and to look at the role of its parts in theoverall syntax; the other has been to focus on the word as a central unit.Typology is the classification of languages on the basis of shared formal characteristics. Theultimate goals of typology are to ascertain the ways in which languages are similar in structureand to determine just how different human languages can be. It is an approach that one can takein investigating the composition of human languages, an approach that is driven by a method ofcross linguistic comparison and rests on the assumption that structural similarities betweenlanguages disclose fundamental properties of human language more generally.Morphological typology is the study of differences among the world‘s languages relating to theways in which words are formed from smaller meaningful units referred to as ‗morphemes‘.‗Isolating‘ or ‗analytic‘ morphology refers to a system in which each word consists of only asingle morpheme.In contrast to isolating languages, we find ‗synthetic‘ languages, which permit more than onemorpheme to combine to form a word. In one type of synthetic language, namely ‗agglutinating‘languages, the boundaries between the individual morphemes are clearcut. A second kind ofsynthetic language is a ‗fusional‘ language, in which the various morphemes fuse together togive a single, unsegmentable whole.The next type is ‗polysynthetic‘. Characteristic of polysynthetic languages is that typically alarge number of morphemes are combined in a word, i.e. these languages are, as one mightsuspect from their name, very synthetic.
  • 2. TYPES OF MORPHOLOGICAL SYSTEMSThere are three types of morphological systems:1. Isolating (or analytic) language An isolating language is a language in which almost every word consists of a single morpheme. An analytic language conveys grammatical relationships syntactically — that is, via the use of unbound morphemes, which are separate words, rather than via bound morphemes, which are inflectional prefixes, suffixes or infixes. If a language is isolating, with only a single morpheme per word, then by necessity it must convey grammatical relationships analytically. Example:  Vietnamese khi tôi dên nhà ban tôi, chúng tôi bát dâu làm bài. when I come house friend I, Plural I begin past do lesson When I came to my friends house, we began to do lessons.  Chinese ta bu hui yong dao chi fan he no can use knife eat rice He cannot eat rice with a knife2. Inflectional (synthetic) While isolating languages use only independent words for grammatical purposes, synthetic languages often use affixes and internal modifications of roots for those purposes.
  • a. Agglutinating In agglutinative languages, each affix typically represents one unit of meaning (such as "diminutive", "past tense", "plural", etc.), and bound morphemes are expressed by affixes (and not by internal changes of the root of the word, or changes in stress or tone). Additionally, and most importantly, in an agglutinative language affixes do not become fused with others, and do not change form conditioned by others. Agglutinative languages tend to have a high rate of affixes/morphemes per word, and to be very regular. Their words tend to have lots of easily separable morphemes. In agglutinating languages, morphemes are strung together to create complex words. Any number of morphemes can be added in this way. All morphemes have a single meaning and are easily recognizable. Example: Turkish ev → house (nom. sg.) ev-ler → houses (nom. pl.) ev-i → his/her house (sg.+poss.) ev-ler-i → his/her houses (pl.+poss.) ev-den → in front of the house (sg.+abl.) ev-ler-den → in front of the houses (pl.+abl.)b. Fusional Fusional languages combine affixes by "squeezing" them together, often changing them drastically in the process, and joining several meanings in one affix. A fusional affix can carry a single meaning or several, such as person, gender and number. Example:  Spanish word comí "I ate", the suffix -í carries the meanings of indicative mood, active voice, past tense, first person singular subject and perfective aspect).  Latin word bonus "good". The ending -us denotes masculine gender, nominative case, and singular number. Changing any one of these features requires replacing the suffix -us with a different one.
  • 3. Polysynthetic Languages where the words tend to be extremely complex in morphological structure are called polysynthetic languages. In many polysynthetic languages a word may contain bound morphemes corresponding to both verb and noun in English. This means that what are subject and predicate in an English sentence will often be expressed by a single word in a polysynthetic language. Here is a Nootka example: inikw-ihl-minih-is-it-a (verb) inikw-ihl-minih-isit-i (noun) fire-in house-plural-small-past ongoing fire-in house-plural-small-past ongoing- several small fires were burning in the the several small fires burning in the house house Polysynthetic languages are characterized by incorporating stems and affixes that form nouns into verbal roots. These long and complex words correspond to complete thoughts, being equivalent to sentences in other languages.3. MORPHOLOGICAL OPERATIONSThere are several ways in which morphological structure of a word can be modified. How aword is modified is often called morphological operation or morphological process. Amorphological process is a means of changing a stem to adjust its meaning to fit its syntacticand communicational context.There are two types of morphological process:1. concatenative morphology: putting morphemes together2. non-concatenative: modifying internal structure of morphemes
  • The scheme below shows types of morphological process: CONCATENATIVE MORPHOLOGY 1. COMPOUNDING English shares with many languages the ability to create new words by combining old words. For instance, blackbird is clearly formed from the adjective black and the noun bird. However, a blackbird is a different thing from a black bird. First, blackbird denotes a particular bird species, not just any old bird which happens to be black. Second, female blackbirds are brown. However a black bird has to be black. The expression blackbird is a type of word, just like thrush or crow, but it happens to consist of two words. It is therefore called a compound word. A blackbird is a type of bird, a windmill is a mill, a coffee table is a table and so on. We say that bird, mill, table are heads, and headed compounds are called endocentric. The other part of the compound is a modifier. Thus, in house is the modifier; while in boat is the modifier. There is no logical (i.e. linguistic) limit to the lengths of such compounds. This possibility of allowing a process to feed itself ad infinitum is called recursion and we say that compounding in English is recursive. This is an important property which makes compounding resemble some sort of syntactic process. We can combine adjectives with nouns, or nouns with nouns (coffee table). We can also combine nouns with adjectives (canary yellow, iron hard), though in that case the stress
  • usually falls on the last, not the first element. We can also form adjective + adjective compounds (dark blue). However, in English it is rare for a verb to participate in compounding. Examples such as swearword (verb + noun) and babysit (noun + verb) are unusual. Not all compounds are headed. Although the word white-collar clearly consists of white and collar, neither word is the head of the compound. An unheaded compound of this sort is called exocentric. Compounds of this type resemble phrases that have been fossilized as words, and this particular type is sometimes called a bahuvrihi compound (from a Sanskrit compound meaning ‗having rice‘ - the Sanskrit grammarians were the first to describe such phenomena). Another type of exocentric compound is represented by examples such as Austria-Hungary, parent-teacher (association), mother-daughter (relationship). Here the compound is just two nouns combined with equal status and they are given the name dvandva (from the Sanskrit meaning ‗two and two‘).2. INCORPORATION Process whereby many words are compounded to a certain base word is incorporation - which literally means a word bringing other words into its body. As retrieved from http://www2.hawaii.edu/~bender/process.html, incorporation is a phenomenon by which a word, usually a verb, forms a kind of compound with, for instance, its direct object (object incorporation) or adverbial modifier, while retaining its original syntactic function. Incorporation is central to many polysynthetic languages such as those found in North America, Siberia and northern Australia, but polysynthesis does not necessarily imply incorporation. Neither does the presence of incorporation in a language imply that that language is polysynthetic. The examples of incorporation in English can be found in the words meat-eat (eat meat) and dish-clean (clean the dishes).
  • 3. AFFIXATION Prefixes and Suffixes It is not often recognized that two quite different gestures may be involved in affixation-- especially in suffixation, and quite possibly also in prefixation in some languages--depending on whether the affix is added to the base, or whether it replaces an affix that is already "built into" the base. This is Bloomfields (1933:224-226) distinction between word-inflection and stem-inflection. In the former, "a paradigm consists of an underlying word (itself a member of the paradigm) and some secondary derivatives containing this underlying word . . ." The unaffixed word is itself a member of the paradigm. In the latter, "none of the forms in a paradigm can conveniently be viewed as underlying the others," and none is unaffixed. A bound stem is seen as occurring throughout the paradigm. An English speaker adds a suffix in inflecting the 3rd person singular, whereas a German speaker replaces: I laugh ich lach-e you laugh du lach-st she laugh-s sie lach-t Even the citation form (the infinitive lach-en) must bear an affix in a stem-inflected language such as German. In this type of language, to affix is always to replace--which is actually a subtype of Modification. As such, it constitutes a different gesture from true affixation. I will have little more to say here on these two most common processes, other than to suggest that the difference in the gestures required for each may be greater than often assumed: anticipation vs. perseveration, preposing vs. postposing, etc. Also, their metrical consequences seem quite contrastive, just as do the factors that lead to their origin (and that may account for a languages favoring one over the other or using the two for quite different purposes).
  • InfixesSince it often disturbs the integrity of words at their very roots, interrupting them as it were,infixation seems at first glance a process totally other from the more common types ofaffixation in the performance and perceptual skills it requires, although obviously still wellwithin the range of human capability.Yet as manifest in Austronesian languages it occurs early in the root and alternates undercertain dissimilatory conditions with prefixation. Thus in Tagalog, the verb linisin to cleansomething is inflected for the Perfective Aspect alternatively with an -in- infix or a ni-prefix: lininis or nilinis. (The in suffix on the basic form of the verb disappears from theseinflected variants.)Confixes or CircumfixesIn the field of linguistics, the term ―confix‖ refers to a specific type of affix. Confixes arecomposed of at least one prefix and one suffix, which are placed on either side of a rootword. When a confix is added to a root, a new meaning separate from the meaning of the rootword by itself is created. The term ―circumfix‖ is often used interchangeably with ―confix.‖Confixes are used extensively in Indonesian and Malay, and they appear to varying degreesin many other languages, such as Arabic, German and Japanese, to name a few.―Confix‖ derives from Latin roots; con means ―with‖ and fix means ―attach‖ in this context.Unlike a prefix, which is attached to the front of a root, or a suffix, which is attached to theend, a confix is divided and attached to both ends. The fact that the separate parts of confixesappear on different sides of the root makes confixes discontinuous morphemes. Morphemesare the smallest units of a word that carry meaning. Though confixes are discontinuous, bothof their halves must be present for the meaning to be formed.Students of German often learn to use confixes without realizing that they are doing so. Theperfect and passive participles of regular German verbs are formed by using the confix ge-____-t. For example, to form the passive participle of the verb fragen, which means ―to ask,‖
  • one would attach ge-____-t to the root, frag, to yield gefragt. Dutch employs confixes in a similar way to German. Older forms of the English language also used to employ confixes in forming present participles, but this use is no longer the norm. An archaic English confix was ―a-____-ing.‖ Examples include sentences such as: ―They went a-hunting‖ or the song lyric ―The times they are a-changin," a phrase that was made famous by singer-songwriter Bob Dylan during the 1960s. Indonesian often employs confixes to form verbs from nouns. For example, one meaning of the word hantu is "ghost." When the confix meng-____-i is added, the new word menghantui can be a verb that means ―to frighten or haunt.‖ In a similar way, confixes can be used to form adjectives from verbs, as with lihat and kelihatan, which can mean ―see‖ and ―visible,‖ respectively. As might be apparent from these examples, confixes are extremely versatile. Examples can be found of them being used to form nouns from verbs in Hebrew. Czech and Hungarian employ confixes in certain situations to achieve superlative forms. Japanese employs some honorific confixes, and Berber often uses them to mark the feminine. Confixes also are used in negation in many dialects of Arabic and other languages, such as Guaraní.NON-CONCATENATIVE1. REDUPLICATION This process can be classified according to the amount of a form that is duplicated, whether complete or partial, and if the latter, according to exactly which part. Several such types may function side by side in a given language. So, for example, in Marshallese, one finds at least three types of partial reduplication:
  • Initial C: liw Lliw scold someone be angry Initial CVC: yetal Yetyetal go walk Final CVC: takin Takinkin socks wear socks Combination: kijdik Kkijdikdik rat be infested with ratsIt is not uncommon to find that more variation is tolerated in the output of reduplication thanof other morphological processes, such as affixation. For example, the plurals of certainstative verbs in Marshallese have the initial C of the verb stem reduplicated, but there arevariants in which the next consonant, or both, are reduplicated (ye- is the 3S subject marker,re- 3P): Singular Plural ye-maniy re-mmaniy re-mmanniy re-manniy it is thin they are thin ye-kadiw re-kkadiw re-kkaddiw re-kaddiw it is short they are shortExamples such as these give rise to the analogy with "playing a tune" used in the discussionof gesture above. Reduplication especially, with output such as these in contrast with the
  • usual precision of affixation, can be seen as a special kind of gesture that one plays upon a form. It matters little whether the force and timing of the gesture are such as to affect a given segment or its neighbor, or both. Another example of the tolerance of reduplication for variation in output can be seen in Tagalog verbs that include either the pag- or ka- prefix in their formation. The initial CV of either the prefix or the verb root may be reduplicated in inflecting for the Contemplated Aspect. The same variation occurs in the Imperfective Aspect where -in- infixation occurs as well: CONTEMPLATED IMPERFECTIVE BASIC FORM ASPECT ASPECT Pagaralan papagaralan pinapagaralan pagaaralan Pinagaaralan study X will study X is/are studying X Ipaglinis ipapaglinis ipinapaglinis ipaglilinis ipinaglilinis clean for will clean for is/are cleaning for2. INTERNAL MODIFICATION Although technically every process constitutes a modification, the term is usually reserved for changes in the phonetic substance that leave one form with no more and no less than the otherfor changes in which the number of segments remains constant.
  • a. Vowel Modification A morphological process may consist of the substitution of one vowel quantity for another, or a particular vowel quality for one or more others. In the latter instance, especially when several qualities are substituted for, the substitute vowel can be seen as the "target" of the gesture. Latin perfect verb-stem formation, for example, involved several processes, singly or in combination. Included among them, in addition to suffixation (of -s or -u/v) and initial CV reduplication, were both the lengthening of vowels of every quality, and the substitution of long e: for either a or i. To examine these processes is to develop a feel for the complex of gestures whereby one made a verb perfect in its aspect.b. Ablaut and Umlaut These two terms are of German origin. Ablaut was first used by German linguists to refer to vowel alternations (also called gradations) of the sing-sang-sung variety inherited from Indo- European, which from their origins have been grammatical signaling devices and thus constitute pure examples of vowel modification as a morphological process. Umlaut, on the other hand, although today largely indistinguishable from ablaut, had its origins in Germanic languages as a phonological process, whereby root vowels assimilated to a high-front suffix vowel. When the suffix vowel was later lost, the root vowels became the sole remaining marks of the morphological property originally signaled by the suffix. Thus the mouse-mice alternation, an example of umlaut, can be explained schematically as follows: Singular Plural Germanic [mu:s] [mu:s-i] Assimilation -- [my:s-i] loss of suffix -- [my:s] Old English -- [my:s] Middle English [mu:s] [mi:s] Great Vowel Shift [maws] [mays] Modern English mouse mice
  • The alternations of man-men, tooth-teeth, and foot-feet have similar histories, which although they can be reconstructed, are today lost to the everyday language user. Thus the results of umlaut are largely indistinguishable from those of ablaut. It may be that a contrast is still felt in English between the largely front-back or high-low alternations of ablaut and those of umlaut, which are back-front, but this would be the only legacy of the separate origins.c. Vowel Reversal Whereas ablaut and umlaut associate a given vowel quality with a given grammatical feature, the Romance languages in their formation of the Subjunctive in contrast with the Indicative exhibit a type of vowel modification in which either of two qualities (front (i or e) or low back (a)) may be associated with either the Subjunctive or the Indicative. What is important is that they be reversed one from the other. Which quality is associated with which grammatical category depends on the verb class, and is opposite for the two classes. Here is an example from Spanish: buy Indicative Subjunctive 1S compro Compre 2S compras Compres 3S compra Compre 1P compramos Compremos 2P comprais compreis 3P compran Compren Here it is impossible to identify a conventional subjunctive morpheme. In answer to the question as to which vowel quality correlates with the subjunctive, the answer must be neither or both, or better yet, that the wrong question is being asked. Comparison with a toggle switch, or with the jump-ball arrow of college basketball, may be in order. The initial state is arbitrary: either quality may occur in the indicative, depending on the verb class; there are occasions when a switch to the other state is called for: the subjunctive is formed by going to the other quality.
  • d. Consonant Modification In English, voicing of final fricatives is used to convert certain nouns to verbs (sometimes with accompanying vowel modification): Noun Verb Belief believe Breath breathee. Tonal Modification A number of African languages use tonal modification for verb inflection, according to Matthews. He cites the following example from Lumasaaba (a Bantu language from East Africa), in which "a morphological distinction may regularly be carried by tone alone": he saw Near Past Perfect _ ^ ^ [a:Bo:ne] ^ _ [a:Bo:ne] (where ^ = high tone, _ = low tone, = falling tone, and B is an implosive bilabial stop)f. Stress Modification Here again English furnishes an example in disyllabic noun-verb pairs, sometimes with accompanying vowel modification: Noun Verb Primary stress First Second on: syllable syllable récord Record
  • cóntrast Contrastg. Suppletion Suppletion is also called total modification that shows irregular relation between the words. go – went good – better3. CONVERSION Although we often form new lexemes by affixation or compounding, in English it is also possible to form new lexemes merely by shifting the category or part of speech of an already existing lexeme without adding an affix. This means of word formation is often referred to as conversion or functional shift. Look at these examples: English table to table bread to bread fish  to fish English is, of course, not the only language with conversion. Noun to verb conversion occurs frequently in German and Dutch as well, as the examples in show, and verb to noun conversion is said to occur in French, as the examples in show: German antwort (answer)  antwort-en (to answer) holz (wood)  holz-en (to fell, cut wood) Dutch fiets (bicycle) fiets-en (to bicycle)
  • hamer (hammer)  hamer-en (to hammer) French gard-er (to guard)  garde (guard) visit-er (to visit)  visite (visit) Morphologists argue that conversion is different from affixation, and treat it simply as change of category with no accompanying change of form. With this analysis, converted verbs like to fish would not have any internal structure, but would simply be regarded as having been relisted or recategorized in our mental lexicons.4. BACK DERIVIATION/BACK-FORMATION Back-formation is the word formation process in which an actual or supposed derivational affix detaches from the base form of a word to create a new word. For example, the following list provides examples of some common back-formations in English: Original – Back-formation a. babysitter – babysit b. donation – donate c. gambler – gamble d. hazy – haze e. moonlighter – moonlight f. obsessive – obsess g. procession – process h. resurrection – resurrect i. sassy – sass j. television – televise Back-formation is often the result of an overgeneralization of derivation suffixes. For example, the noun back-formation entered the English lexicon first, but the assumption that
  • the -(at)ion on the end of the word is the -ion derivational suffix results in the creation of the verb back-form. Back-formation, therefore, is the opposite of derivation.4. WORD MEANING Dari referensi buku – buku linguistic, word meaning mengacu pada arti atau makna untuk yang bias ditemukan pada kamus umum, kamus antar bahasa misalnya bahasa Inggris ke bahasa Indonesia, ataupun ensiklopedia. Kata itu sendiri berdiri sendiri yang merupakan unsur bahasa yg diucapkan atau dituliskan yang perwujudan kesatuan perasaan dan pikiran yg dapat digunakan dl berbahasa; atau suatu ujaran bunyi terkecil, atau juga dalam linguistic a morfem atau kombinasi morfem dianggap sebagai satuan terkecil yg dapat diujarkan sebagai bentuk yang bebas; satuan bahasa yg dapat berdiri sendiri, terjadi dari morfem tunggal (misal batu, rumah, datang) atau gabungan morfem (misal pejuang, pancasila, mahakuasa). Kata leksikal merupakan bentuk ajektif yang diturunkan dari nomina leksikon. Leksikon merupakan bentuk jamak. Adapun satuannya adalah leksem. Leksikon dapat disamakan dengan kosakata atau perbendaharaan kata. Adapun leksem dapat disamakan dengan kata. Perhatikan contoh berikut ini: a. rumah b. berumah Kata bentuk - suara fonologi atau ortografi atau penampilan dari sebuah kata yang dapat digunakan untuk menggambarkan atau mengidentifikasi sesuatu. Kata - akar kata - (linguistik) bentuk kata setelah semua afiks yang dihilangkan. linguistik - studi ilmiah bahasa deskriptor, bentuk, penanda, bentuk kata - suara fonologi atau ortografi atau penampilan dari sebuah kata yang dapat digunakan untuk menggambarkan atau mengidentifikasi sesuatu. Makna leksikal dapat diartikan sebagai makna dasar yang terdapat pada setiap kata atau leksikon. Maksudnya, makna leksikal adalah makna yang sesuai dengan acuan atau referennya atau kamus. Soedjito (1986) menjelaskan bahwa makna leksikal ialah makna kata secara lepas, tanpa kaitan dengan kata yang lain dalam sebuah konstruksi.
  • Contoh yang pertama (a) merupakan kata dasar yang belum mengalami perubahan.Berdasarkan kamus KBBI makna kata ―rumah‖ adalah bangunan untuk tempat tinggal.Sedangkan contoh kedua (b) merupakan kata turunan. Contoh yang kedua (b) mempunyaiarti yang berbeda dengan makna yang pertama (a) meskipun kata dasarnya sama, yaiturumah. Penambahan prefiks atau awalan pada kata ―rumah‖ membuat makna ―rumah‖berubah tidak sekedar bangunan untuk tempat tinggal tetapi menjadi memiliki bangunanuntuk tempat tinggal. Contoh yang kedua inilah yang dinamakan dengan makna gramatikaPersepsi lain mengenai arti juga terdapat pada beberapa istilah seperti:Arti harfiah, makna harfiah atau arti/makna literal adalah arti kata secara leksikal atau artiyang paling mendasar. Bukan arti turunan (derivatif)kata makna - makna yang diterima dari arti word word - arti diterima kataKata akal, akseptasi atau keterbeterimaan, menandakan, akal - arti sebuah kata atauungkapan, cara di mana sebuah kata atau ungkapan atau situasi dapat diartikan, "kamusmemberikan beberapa arti untuk kata", "penanda ini terkait dengan signified ".Lexical SemantikSebuah teori linguistik yang meneliti makna kata. Teori ini memahami bahwa arti katasepenuhnya tercermin konteksnya. Di sini, makna kata didasari oleh hubungankontekstualnya. [15] Oleh karena itu, perbedaan antara tingkat partisipasi serta modepartisipasi dibuat. [15] Dalam rangka untuk mencapai perbedaan ini setiap bagian darikalimat yang beruang arti dan menggabungkan dengan makna konstituen lainnya diberi labelsebagai konstituen semantik. Konstituen semantik yang tidak dapat dipecah menjadikonstituen dasar lebih dicap sebagai konstituen semantik minimalKamus adalah bagian utama dari deskripsi bahasa apapun. Sebuah kamus rumah tangga yangbaik biasa biasanya memberikan (setidaknya) tiga jenis informasi tentang kata-kata,informasi fonologis tentang bagaimana kata tersebut diucapkan, tata bahasa (sintaksis danmorfologi) informasi tentang perusahaan pidato bagian od seperti kata benda, kata kerja, dan
  • infleksi nomor contoh plural atau tegang dan semantik informasi masa lalu tentang maknakata ituKamus, yaitu keterkaitan, penggunaan istilah teknis atau teoritis tertentu dan perangkat danpresisi, menunjukkan titik-titik kesamaan dan perbedaan antara pendekatan dari biasa kamus-penulis dan ahli ilmu semantik linguistik teoritis. Approah semantik lingustic ini ditandaidengan desakan ketat menjelaskan hanya properti-properti dari sebuah kata yangberhubungan dengan artiArti adalah denotasi. Sedangkan makna adalah konotasi. Kadang-kadang "makna" itu selarasdengan "arti" dan kadang tidak selaras. Apabila makna sesuatu itu sama dengan arti sesuatuitu, maka makna tersebut disebut Makna Laras (Explicit Meaning). Apabila maknanya tidakselaras dengan "arti", maka sesuatu itu disebut memiliki Makna Kandungan (ImplicitMeaning) atau Makna Lazim (Necessary Meaning).