Unlike the elections a year earlier where Sinn Féin had been returned unopposed in almost every constituency, this time other parties stood in most constituencies and thus forced elections. A divided Sinn Féin could expect significant losses.To minimise these losses, Éamon de Valera and Michael Collins worked out a pact approved on 20 May 1922. They agreed that the pro-treaty and anti-treaty factions would fight the general election jointly and form a coalition government afterwards. The sitting member would not be opposed by the other faction. This pact prevented voters giving their opinions on the treaty itself, especially in uncontested seats. However, the draft constitution of the Irish Free State was then published on 15 June, and so the anti-treaty Sinn Féin group's 36 seats out of 128 seemed to many to be a democratic endorsement of the pro-treaty Sinn Féin's arrangements. Others[who?] argued that insufficient time was available to understand the draft constitution, but the main arguments and debates had already been made public during and after the Dáil "Treaty Debates" that had ended on 10 January 1922, nearly six months before.From a distance Winston Churchill opposed the Pact as undemocratic, and made a long statement on 31 May. He was responsible at the time for steering the transitional arrangements between the Provisional Government and Britain, in the period between the ratification of the Treaty and the creation of the Irish Free State.Despite the Pact, the election results started the effective division of Sinn Féin into separate parties. The anti-Treaty TDs then boycotted the new Dáil, even though they had requested, negotiated and approved the terms of the Pact. In hindsight it was a tactical ploy. This boycott gave uncontested control to the pro-treaty members of Sinn Féin, and so enabled W. T. Cosgrave to establish the Second Irish Provisional Government and later the First Executive Council of the Irish Free State.
Money shall not be appropriated by vote, resolution or law, unless the purpose of the appropriation has in the same session been recommended by a message from the Representative of the Crown acting on the advice of the Executive Council
Moderate tariffs during Cosgrove administration
He was a Sinn Féincouncillor on Dublin Corporation from 1909 until 1922 and joined the Irish Volunteers in 1913. Cosgrave played an active role in the Easter Rising of 1916 serving under EamonnCeannt at the South Dublin Union. Following the rebellion Cosgrave was sentenced to death, however this was later commuted to penal servitude for life and he was interned in Frongoch, Wales. While in prison Cosgrave won a seat for Sinn Féin in the 1917 Kilkenny by-election.He told the Dáil on 27 September 1922, "although I have always objected to the death penalty, there is no other way that I know of in which ordered conditions can be restored in this country, or any security obtained for our troops, or to give our troops any confidence in us as a government". Cosgrave's position was that a guerrilla war could drag on indefinitely, making the achievement of law and order and establishing the Free State impossible, if harsh action was not taken. His reputation suffered after he ordered the execution without trial of republican prisoners during the civil war. In all 77 republicans were executed by the Free State between November 1922 and the end of the war in May 1923, including Robert Erskine Childers, Liam Mellowes and Rory O'Connor, far more than the 14 IRA Volunteers the British executed in the War of Independence. The Republican side, for their part, attacked pro-Treaty politicians and their homes and families. Cosgrave's family home was burned down by Anti-Treaty fighters and an uncle of his was shot dead.Although Cosgrave and his government accepted dominion status for the Irish Free State, they did not trust the British to respect this new independence. These suspicions would later prove justified. The government embarked on fairly radical foreign initiatives. In 1923 the Irish Free State became a member of the League of Nations. The Free State became the first British Commonwealth country to have a separate or non-British representative in Washington, D.C.. The new state also exchanged diplomats with many other European nations.The Cumann Na nGaedhal government was anxious to vindicate Michael Collins view that the treaty was a stepping-stone to achieving full independence and greater freedom. As part of this approach it was anxious to follow an independent foreign policy from the beginning. The Irish Free State insisted on having the treaty registered as an agreement between two states at the League of Nations in Geneva. In October 1924 the government had sent a representative to the United States. This was a further advance towards full autonomy, as before this the British dominions had depended on the British ambassador in other countries. It then soon sent representatives to France and Germany. By 1932, the Free State government had established diplomatic links with many nations abroad.
Shannon Scheme, the establishment of the Dairy Disposal Company to merge creameries and undertake cattle breeding, bacon curing, and broiler production; The Irish Sugar Company; the Agricultural Credit Corporation; the Medical Registration Council; Dental Board; and Veterinary Council.However, the Electricity Supply Board, with the first national grid in Europe, was established to provide employment and electricity to the new state.
The rate of income tax has been reduced from six shillings in the pound to three shillings. Duties on tea, coffee and cocoa have been abolished, and the duty on sugar considerably reduced. Protective duties have been imposed on boots, clothing, woollens, furniture, butter, soap, candles and certain other goods.
In 1917, the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union set up three branches in Limerick. Within a year the union had successfully recruited the Cleeve workforce as members. In 1919, the short-lived Limerick Soviet brought the company's headquarters at Lansdowne to a standstill. Even though normal business resumed at the factory, the stoppage was a turning point in the Cleeves' fortunes. Over the course of the next three years, the company faced an unprecedented array of challenges which threatened the continued viability of the business.Following the resumption of peace in Europe, the price of milk fell dramatically affecting company profits. On top of that, the War of Independence led to considerable damage being inflicted on many of the company's factories and creameries. Some of this damage was caused by Crown forces, despite the Cleeves being staunch Unionists. Other instances were seemingly the work of Irish Nationalists who saw the Condensed Milk Company as a symbol of British rule. The third challenge faced by the company lay in the radicalisation of sections of its workforce.For instance, in May 1920 at Knocklong, County Limerick, the workers decided to escalate a pay dispute by taking over the company's creamery in the town. They hoisted a red flag over the premises and erected a banner across the entrance which read "Knocklong Soviet Creamery, we make butter not profits." The Cleeves conceded defeat after five days and granted retrospective wage increases to the workers. The success of the workers at Knocklong precipitated similar disputes at other Cleeve factories.By November 1923, the directors decided they could not continue and announced that the company was going into liquidation. Frederick Cleeve had stepped down as managing director several years earlier and was replaced by Sir Thomas Cleeve's son, Francis. The company was bought as a going concern by a syndicate of local businessmen led by Andrew O'Shaughnessy, a member of DáilÉireann. Francis Cleeve remained on as managing director for another year to facilitate the transition.
In 1924-25 the new Irish Free State's Minister for Industry and Commerce Patrick McGilligan commissioned the engineer Dr. Thomas McLoughlin to submit proposals. DrMcLoughlin had started working for Siemens-Schuckert, a large German engineering firm, in late 1922, and produced a scheme that would cost £5.2m. This caused considerable political controversy as the new state's entire budget in 1925 was £25m, but it was accepted. The Siemens report drew on earlier hydrological work of John Chaloner-Smith an engineer with the Commissioners of Public Works. Built The idea of a nation-wide electricity supply for Ireland was conceived in the early 1920's by a young electrical engineer, T. A. McLaughlin, then employed in Germany by the electrical-engineering firm of Siemens- Schuckert. The Shannon Scheme was officially opened at Parteen Weir on 22 July 1929. One of the largest engineering projects of its day, it was successfully executed by Siemens to harness the Shannon River. It subsequently served as a model for large-scale electrification projects worldwide. Operated by the Electricity Supply Board of Ireland, it had an immediate impact on the social, economic and industrial development of Ireland and continues to supply significant power in the 21st century
In Belfast the new parliament faced serious economic problems as the world trade slump hit the industries of Belfast particularly hard, despite the prosperity of the region before the war the Belfast government was soon dependent on subsidies from London.Northern Ireland’s constitutional position within the UK did have economic consequences, with Westminster retaining control over much of the province’s revenue. The fact that Northern Ireland’s economy was effectively integrated with that of Great Britain, further reduced the ability of the government to formulate an independent economic policy. Moreover, Northern Ireland’s specific needs were in the main ignored by Westminster, with one historian claiming that in 1934-5 only 110 minutes were devoted to matters connected with the Province. On the other hand, decisions made at Westminster could affect Northern Ireland, for example the return to the Gold Standard in 1925, an issue on which the Northern Ireland government were not consulted; damaged Belfast’s export industries and increased unemployment. Despite these problems, even when it did have the freedom to go its own way, the Stormont government felt it had to follow British legislation to demonstrate the unity of the two constitutions.The problem was that income was falling and expenditure rising in the inter-war depression years, and the policy of matching British developments became increasingly dependent on subventions from Westminster. This, argued the Northern Ireland Government, was only fair for the province was part of the United Kingdom, and as such had a right to expect central funds if needed. The British Treasury, not surprisingly, did not share this view and were antagonised by Prime Minister Craig’s rather cavalier attitude towards expenditure. This could have been ignored if Belfast was paying the bill, but as Westminster was paying an ever-increasing proportion, criticism mounted. Craig kept the increasing dependence of Northern Ireland’ Government on Westminster grants a secret from the rank and file of his followers, who felt resentment at what was seen as unjustified interference in domestic issues. Relations were not good and were deteriorating as the inter-war period progressed, but neither side seriously suggested that the relationship should be ended.
Farmers allied with Cumann n nGaedhealLabour with Fianna FailNew elections held after no confidence vote failed by only one vote
Academy of Christian Art was set up in 1929 toregenerate Catholic art and architecture, but it failed to address the challenge of Modernism. A debatebetween eclectic and modern form was most acute in architecture, where the Hiberno-Romanesque and theneo-Classical were favoured by lay and cleric alike. Stained glass was the one form where Modernism wasinfluential. The culmination of populist Catholicism and its visual representation was the EucharisticCongress of 1932 with its temporary public altars and massive spectacle : a manifestation of Irish nationalidentity.Plaster statues ofOur Lady of Lourdes, Our Lady of Fatima, St Anne, The Infant of Prague,images of the Sacred Heart, the Immaculate Heart of Mary, framed papalblessings, rosary beads, reproductions of canonical Italian religious paintings,prayer books, pious medals and leaflets were in virtually all Catholic homesand schools. Its Marian dimension was of majorimportance for Church dedications, statues and rosaries, and is a subject initself
The varied material culture of the Congress is highly significant, including a number of large temporary structures erected for it—elaborate shrines created mainly in tenement areas of the city, and many souvenir objects. The event saw the use of cutting-edge technology, such as spectacular lighting effects, skywriting, and the largest personal-address (PA) system in the world. The scale of the International Congresses and the design of the crowd, have often been likened to European fascist spectacles of the 1930s, such as the Nuremburg rallies.Political historians have studied the relationship between the Irish political class and the authorities of the Catholic Church in Rome. Certain strands in 20th century Irish political history have argued that successive Irish governments have loyally followed the wishes of the Catholic Church across a variety of matters, up to and including the content of legislation in parliament. Many commentators have argued that 1930’s Ireland was less a republican democracy than a clerically dominated theocracy. Examination of the relationship between Church and State in independent Ireland has come naturally to focus on the Eucharistic Congress, given the demonstrably close relationship between the Catholic hierarchy and the two governments who organised this event, i.e. the Cosgrave and de Valera administrations.The Eucharistic Congress gave Catholic intellectuals and scholars an unparalleled opportunity to voice their opinions on a variety of matters. The fact that the vast majority of the Irish political and economic elite of this time were devout Catholics helped give many political projects a distinctly Catholic edge. The events of the Congress ensured that the Irish State would be defined in large part according to the religious loyalties of the vast majority of its citizens. The Constitution of the Irish Free State (as stipulated by the 1921 Treaty) expressly forbid the new Irish Government from giving precedence to any one faith over the other, particularly as regards legislation. The Eucharistic Congress can be seen as an important mark on the road that would lead to the new Irish Constitution, as enacted by the people in 1937. Echoing the sentiments of the hundreds of bishops who thronged Irish churches during this event, that document sought to make Catholic social and political thought the very basis of all legislative action in the state.
Mass on O’Connell BridgeMany came from rural areas to Dublin.
construction of the High Altar for the 1932 Eucharistic Congress at the Phoenix Park, Dublin. Almost a million worshippers attend the Pontifical Mass in the Phoenix Park in the final ceremony of the Eucharistic Congress.Historians have seen more than self confidence in the proceedings of the Congress in Ireland. Some have come to see the activities and sentiments of this week as aggressive and dismissive of those that might hold different views. Indeed the form of Catholicism most favoured in Ireland by 1932 has been classed as an anomalous one in many ways. Ireland’s particularly virulent form of High Tridentine Catholicism had become obsessed with issues of sexual morality and the perils of personal indulgence of all sorts. This virulence was often at variance practice in other Catholic communities. Press reports of the proceedings over the course of the week contain many references to the Catholic Church being ‘the one and only true Church’, references that cannot have been very welcome to other faiths in the country. Indeed the very emphasis on the Blessed Sacrament during the Congress could have created tensions with Ireland’s Protestant community, given the fact that the dispute over whether Christ is actually present at the Consecration was in large part responsible for the Reformation and the birth of European Protestantism.The events of the Congress illustrated with a vengeance the great gap of understanding that existed between the two parts of Ireland. A study of the Congress can go some way to explaining why Ireland was partitioned in the first place. It shows the obvious religious differences, not to mention animosities on the island. Far more damaging to harmonious relations between the two religious communities in Ireland were the political differences that arose out of religious identity. Protestant ‘Ulster’ cherished, at least notionally, the freedom of the individual to decide all things for himself. Salvation came in the form of a personal, individual relationship between man and God. This had important political consequences, in that Protestant politics tended to favour a form of liberalism that gave maximum freedom to the individual citizen. The Eucharistic Congress in Dublin showed the Catholic Ireland looked on the world in very different terms. Salvation came through membership of a ‘community of the faithful’ and through loyal service to the Holy Father and his bishops. Individualism and liberalism in political terms tended to be seen as bankrupt and immoral, leading to vices and temptations of all sortsNothing could have been more repugnant to northern Protestant identity. Catholic stress on the infallibility of the Pope on all matters affecting conscience was another bone in the Protestant throat, since this doctrine conflicted sharply with their historic regard for the conscience of the individual. Reports at the time of 1932 argued that Ireland had never been more united than it was during these six extraordinary days. When looked at through the lens of the north-eastern Protestant, June 1932 was evidence, if any was needed, why a border was needed in the first place. The sectarian attacks on convoys of Catholic pilgrims coming from Northern Ireland to Dublin for the High Mass can be seen in the context of this formidable religious and political split that had disfigured Ireland’s two states since their birth.
O’casey declined membershipthe fact remains that the Literary Revival had been largely the creation of Irish Protestants with an upper-middle-class or “county” background—Yeats, Lady Gregory, George Moore, Synge. Anglo-Ireland, however, went into slow decline after 1923, for reasons which were social and economic rather than political or cultural. A new, raw, often socially insecure Ireland was succeeding them, even in professions which previously they had dominated such as business, medicine and the law. Much so-called Irish nationalism, in fact, was really a class struggle, and after independence a new “native” middle class quite rapidly emerged, most of them the children of rural smallholders or of small-town shopkeepers and tradesmen.
In 1917, he moved to Dublin. From around 1920, he developed a much more Expressionist style, moving from illustration to symbolism.
Sympathetic to but not active in the Irish Republican movement, he began to produce emotional, yet realistic, paintings of urban and rural life in Ireland. At the same time, he started using a wider and brighter range of colours - often applied very thickly with implements other than a paint-brush - along with free and loose brushstrokes.Yeats claimed that his landscapes were based on childhood memories ofSligo.4Their representation decades later might be seen as an attempt to maintaina kind of experiential link with his own but also with Ireland's traditional and rural past. Like many, but not all, Anglo-Irish, Yeats regarded himself as belonging to Ireland and he was firmly republican. There is little reference in Yeats's western landscapes of the 1930s±50s toeither cultivation or residence. They are wild and grand; the land and sky arerepresented as cataclysmic, and the figures are generally animated. Executed inkaleidoscopic and impastoedcolour, they are precise in certain details, with acartoonist's economy,23but also unfinished and unformed, without a sense ofclosure. A working with brush and palette knife is evident over the entiresurface: according to modernist convention, this ostentatious painterlinesssignifies spontaneity, vigour and, of course, artifice. TYeats's horses, like the landscapes they occupy, are `wild' ±usually riderless, `running free', or ridden bareback
10..S Free State
Free State<br />
Treaty Election<br />Senate elected and appointed members includes:<br />Yeats, “Buck Mulligan,” Ellen Cuffe (first Jewish member) <br />
Constitution of 1922<br />Universal suffrage over age 21<br />Governor general - Irish<br />Power of referendum<br /> on demand of 40% of Dáil<br />Initiate laws and amendments<br />
Women in Government<br />Nine in the Dáil(125)<br />Five in the Seanad (60)<br />Constance Markievicz, Minister of Labour<br />
Accomplishments <br />Civil Service System<br />Reform of local governments – City and County managers<br />Shannon Scheme & National Grid<br />Dairy Disposal Company: The Irish Sugar Company; the Agricultural Credit Corporation; the Medical Registration Council; Dental Board; and Veterinary Council.<br />
Protestant Minorities in the Free State<br />Projection – No Protestants by ~2040<br />
Irish Academy of Letters<br />Founded 1932 by Yeats<br />Edith Somerville, George Bernard Shaw <br />New short story writers: SeánÓFaoláin, Liam O’Flaherty and Frank O’Connor<br />Poets: Austin Clarke, F. R. Higgins, Padraic Colum, Seamus O’Sullivan<br />Playwrights: Lennox Robinson, T. C. Murray, and Sir John Ervine<br />
Jack Yeats - 1923<br />In the Tram<br />Liffey Swim<br />
Jack Yeats<br />A Race in Hy-Brazil, 1937<br />Two Travellers, 1942<br />
1931 Statute of Westminster<br />Gave independent legislative powers to dominions (S. Africa, Canada, Newfoundland, Australia, New Zealand and Ireland)<br />Gave dominions a vote on changes in laws on Succession <br />