Workingman’s Dead: notes on some 17th to 19th century memorials, from the graveyards of Killora and Killogilleen, Craughwell, Co. Galway, Ireland. Part I
Upcoming SlideShare
Loading in...5

Workingman’s Dead: notes on some 17th to 19th century memorials, from the graveyards of Killora and Killogilleen, Craughwell, Co. Galway, Ireland. Part I






Total Views
Views on SlideShare
Embed Views



0 Embeds 0

No embeds


Upload Details

Uploaded via as Adobe PDF

Usage Rights

© All Rights Reserved

Report content

Flagged as inappropriate Flag as inappropriate
Flag as inappropriate

Select your reason for flagging this presentation as inappropriate.

  • Full Name Full Name Comment goes here.
    Are you sure you want to
    Your message goes here
Post Comment
Edit your comment

Workingman’s Dead: notes on some 17th to 19th century memorials, from the graveyards of Killora and Killogilleen, Craughwell, Co. Galway, Ireland. Part I Workingman’s Dead: notes on some 17th to 19th century memorials, from the graveyards of Killora and Killogilleen, Craughwell, Co. Galway, Ireland. Part I Document Transcript

  • Workingman’s Dead: Notes on some 17th to 19th century memorials, from the graveyards of Killora and Killogilleen, Craughwell, Co. Galway, Ireland. Part IOriginally posted online on February 15th 2012 at think I originally started work on this paper around 1996. I certainly remember working on it around2000 to 2001. By that time I felt that the paper was not coming together very well. In part, this was due tomy attempt to shoehorn together some rather traditional concepts of gravestone art with my somewhatmore unusual (read: crazier) take on a statistical approach to the subject (See Chapple 2000). Part of thereason I abandoned this piece was that while I felt that either approach worked well on their own, the twotogether did not quite fit. Attendant to that, I began to wonder what the audience would be for somethinglike this – perhaps a bit too technical for a genealogical or art-focused reader, but a bit too pedestrian for aprofessional archaeological audience. In retrospect, another problem of the piece was its lack of focus.Essentially, I was attempting to pad-out a paper on vocational gravestones with some other memorialsthat interested me from the same corpus. Either on their own would have been too short to make a robustpaper, but together they did not work – at least that was how I felt at the time. I have now slightlyreworked the original text and cut it down to just the vocational stones, though I still hope to post Part IIon some of the other interesting memorials at some date in the future.
  • Fig. 1. Map of south Galway, showing the location of Killora (A) and Killogilleen (B) graveyards. AZoomable version of the map is available: here.IntroductionDuring the period from March 1995 to October 1997, the author was contracted by CraughwellCommunity Council and FÁS to monitor all archaeologically sensitive work conducted in the graveyardsand Medieval churches of Killora and Killogilleen, in the Parish of Craughwell, Co. Galway (Fig. 1). Theaims of this project, carried out under licence from the then Office of Public Works, included the cuttingof overgrowth within the graveyard, and the trimming back of the burden of overhanging ivy from thestanding structures. During this time the opportunity was taken to produce a complete record of thegravestone inscriptions from both sites (Chapple 1995a&b; 1997). In the course of this work a number ofpreviously unrecorded gravestones came to light, adding significantly to the known examples from thelocality. Other gravestones, while visible before the cleaning took place, received their first detailedrecording and archaeological examination. Among the most important of these are a collection of six
  • „occupational‟ or „vocational‟ gravestones, bearing depictions of the „tools of the trade‟ of the deceased.Recent study has concentrated on viewing the corpus of surviving gravestones as a whole, where thecontimium of memorial erection is perceived as instrumental to an understanding of the broad traditionof commemorative art (Chapple 2000). Such work has advocated a wholly statistical approach in dealingwith a relatively substantial body of remains. This is partly for the perceived objectivity of themethodology where individual monuments are neither favoured nor ignored owing to their possession orlack of eye-catching artistic accomplishments. However, the tone of this paper is decidedly subjective andaims to present and discuss a number of the finest examples of post-Medieval gravestone carving fromthis area. The stones chosen represent some of the more unusual aspects of the local carving traditionwithin the corpus of memorials as a whole. Nonetheless, they are still interpretable within the context ofthe quantifiable trends of symbolic and artistic choice during the 17th to 19th centuries.History and physical remains of the sitesThe sites of Killora and Killogilleen are largely typical of small Medieval churches from all over Ireland. Assuch they represent the two chief, traditional burial grounds for the ecclesiastical parish of Craughwelland Ballymanagh. The church of Killora is located on a low hill and commands good views over thesurrounding landscape, in particular to the south where the land is unwooded. The meaning of the nameKillora may be translated as „Cill Eóra,‟ the church of St. Eora or as „Cill Óthra,‟ the church of prayers(OSNB, 27; O‟Donovan et al. 1839, OSL 183/442; Holt 1909-10, 155.).[i] The earliest recorded reference tothe site notes the death of „Florent Mac Aonglaigh, Archdeacon of Killoran‟ in 1313AD (Connelan &MacDermot 1846, 118.).[ii] The church is also mentioned in a Papal letter of Innocent VIII from 1491,instructing Lawrence Odonchu to transfer control of Killora parish church to Theobald de Burgo of Tuam(Haren 1978, 394-395).Although the standing remains of the church appear to date to the late 15th to early 16th centuries there isevidence for construction and alteration at a number of periods, starting in the late 12th to early 13thcenturies.[iii] An area to the north of the site is noted on the 1st edition Ordnance Survey map (1839) as agleebe containing a souterrain, which raises the possibility of associated settlement from the EarlyChristian period onwards. It is difficult to accurately assess when the church fell from use, though fromthe general dates of the oldest gravestones within the church which appear to be in situ indicateabandonment around the middle of the 17th century (but see discussion below).The church of Killogilleen is situated close to the summit of a low rise in undulating pasture land whichfalls away gently towards a small stream to the south-west. Similar to those relating to Killora, the earliestsurviving references to the church appear to be two Papal letters of Innocent VIII. The documents date to1491 and 1492 and relate to a vacancy in the cannonry at a number of churches, including Killogilleen andthe subsequent dispute over who had the right to benefit from the available revenues (Haren op. cit. 319-329; 414). The Ordnance Survey Letters gives the meaning of the name as „Cill Ó gCillín in Irish, beingdenominated probably from a family name‟ (O‟Donovan et al. 1839; OSL 221/611; Holt 1909-10, 152).Joyce (1912, 1973, 141) is more explicit: „Cill-og-Cillín, the church of the O‟Killeens, or as they now callthemselves, Killeens.‟Also similar to Killora, the majority of the upstanding structure of Killogilleen church appears to be of thelate 15th to early 16th centuries. However, the presence of a single block of masonry in the graveyardbearing fine diagonal tooling, typical of the late 12th to early 13th centuries, may indicate an earlier phaseof church building. Again, the date of abandonment of this church is problematic. While the modern„chapel of ease‟ at Ballymanagh was constructed at some time shortly after 1854, it appears likely thatKillogilleen had been effectively abandoned considerably before this date (Fahy 1893, 423).
  • Fig. 2. Recumbent „Donohoe‟ ledger displaying a ringed cross, calvary and the vocational symbols of ablacksmith: tongs, horseshoe, pincers and hammers (Scale 2m ranging rod in 0.5m divisions).The vocational stonesThe term „occupational‟ or „vocational‟ gravestone derives from the fact that these depict theusual implements associated with the profession of the deceased. As such they form a permanent, ifselective record of past trade demographics. This selectivity is common to all aspects of gravestone studiesof this period in that their survival is somewhat more sporadic at the earlier end of the spectrum. Also, astheir use is relatively unusual, their occurrences possess the ability to radically skew perception oftemporal shifts within these occupational demographics.[iv] While these caveats may be seen assubstantial drawbacks, the fact remains that, especially in the absence of alternate records, these stonesallow the ascription of certain trades to defined individuals. The alternative in the rural west of Irelandwould be to presume that the vast majority, if not all, of the commemorated dead must have been farmers.
  • While this is largely true, these stones serve to illustrate part of the range of available professions in thisarea during the 17th to 19th centuries.Fig. 3. Detail of „Donohoe‟ ledger displaying hammer, tongs and horseshoe (Scale 0.5m ranging rod in0.1m divisions).Prior to the commencement of work, only two of these stones had been recorded, bothbearingoccupational marks of blacksmiths. The first of these is a recumbent limestone ledger whichmeasures 1.78m in length, and tapers from 0.54m at the top, to 0.45m at the base (Fig. 2). The slab isdecorated with an incised, ringed cross calvary (i.e. a stepped base), and bordered by two incised lines.The panels formed by the intersection of the arms and the ring are incised, giving the impression of a falserelief decoration. The external edge of the ring breaks at the points where the head and arms should be,but are left uncut. To the left of the shaft is an incised representation of a hammer, while to the right thereis a similarly executed depiction of a tongs and horse-shoe (Fig. 3). The areas within the horse-shoe and
  • between the mouth and handles of the tongs are lowered, giving the impression of a false reliefdecoration, similar to that on the upper portion of the cross. Below the stepped base of the cross is acarving of a pincers and a further hammer (Fig. 4) (Chapple 1995b, 17-18). While the pincers and thehammers are interpretable in a number of vocational frameworks, it is the inclusion of the horse shoewhich bears out the ascription of the stone to a blacksmith.Fig. 4. Detail of „Donohoe‟ ledger displaying pincers and hammer (Scale 0.5m ranging rod in 0.1mdivisions).Although this example bears neither a name nor a year of death, it may be dated by parallel to similarexamples of this form, which span the period from 1630 to 1680, making it the oldest vocational stone inthe localcorpus (Pers. Comm. Mr. J. Higgins). With regard to the former, a local oral tradition asserts thatthis stone is that of a blacksmith who lived in the townland of Carrigeen East, possibly in the area, todayknown in Irish as „Sean Ceárta,‟ or the old forge (OS 6” Sheet No. 104;.Pers. comm. Mr. C. Potter,
  • Craughwell). Griffith‟s Valuation of 1855 lists only one forge in this townland, leased to a Mr. LawrenceDonohoe. This property is given as compromising a forge and land to an area of three acres, three roods,and eighteen perches (3.77 acres), with a total annual valuation of ten shillings for buildings (Griffith1855, 111). Although there is a hiatus of almost two centuries between this record and the approximatedate of the stone, it does not seem improbable that both the valuation and the gravestone relate to thesame family. It appears that this stone originally lay in the western portion of the graveyard enclosure andwas moved inside the church building, possibly during the 1950s (Chapple 1995b, 78; Pers. Comm. Mr. J.Kennedy, Carrigeen East). While this is the only stone of this particular type within the parish to possessvocational symbols, its basic form should not be thought of as in any way unique. Within the twograveyards there are four ledgers which are similar in almost every respect to the „Donohoe‟ stone with theexception of the vocational symbols. At Killora one is a plain ledger without inscription (Fig. 5), while theother two commemorate members of the Hilane or O‟Hilane family. One of these bears the inscription:“Pray for · the / sovle · of / M · Hilane”[v] (Fig. 6) while the other simply reads: “Donel · O · Hilane” (Fig.7). A further uninscribed and undated ledger of this type also survives at Killogilleen graveyard.
  • Fig. 5. Recumbent unnamed and undated ledger displaying a ringed cross, calvary.
  • Fig. 6. Recumbent „M · Hilane‟ ledger displaying a ringed cross, calvary.
  • Fig. 7. Recumbent „Donel · O · Hilane‟ ledger displaying a ringed cross, calvary.Interestingly, the most recent vocational stone in the parish is also that of a blacksmith (Fig. 8). Thisstone, also in Killora, measures 2.02m long, by 0.98m wide and bears incised text which, though worn, islegible as:Erected by /MARY KENNY /alias Connare in memory / of her beloved husband / THOMAS KENNY /who died Decr. 4th 1865 / in the 52nd year of his age / May his Soul rest in peaceThe lower portion of the stone bears an incised roundel with a moulded internal border, inside which arethe false relief carvings of a crossed hammer and pincers (GAS SMR file: Killora 2; Chapple 1995b, 31).The form of decoration on this stone is similar to a one example at Kilmoylan graveyard, near Tuam, Co.Galway (Pers. Comm. Mr. J. Higgins). Although the symbols depicted do not include the obvious indicator
  • of a horseshoe, the hammer and pincers alone may be taken to imply that the deceased was a blacksmith.This assertion is borne out by Griffith‟s Valuation which records this Thomas Kenny as the leasee of ahouse, forge and garden, in the village of Craughwell, from the Marquis of Clanricarde. The whole had atotal area of one rood and fifteen perches (0.34 acres), and a total annual valuation for rateable propertyof £2 (Griffith 1856, 48).Fig. 8. Recumbent Kenny/Connare ledger (1865) displaying the occupational marks of a blacksmith:crossed pincers and hammer (Scale 2m ranging rod in 0.5m divisions).The upper portion of this ledger, above the text, displays a large, rectangular panel cut in false relief. Thepanel bears a moulded internal edge, external to which is a broad border in a stylised foliage motif, carvedin low false relief. At the centre of the panel a large, false relief roundel displays the „IHS‟ monogram.[vi] Across with an expanded terminal at the head, and arms patonce, fitched, springs from the lozenge shapedcross-bar of the „H‟. A winged cherub head appears on either side of the roundel, in the upper corners of
  • the panel; each above a depiction of a draped ciborium (lidded chalice). These choices from the repertoireof decorational motifs are themselves broad indicators which may be used to place the stone within thecontext of the temporal stylistic fashions of the area. For example, the „IHS‟ monogram, in various forms,occurs on some 62% of the Craughwell series of gravestones making it the most popular single motif. Theideogram was introduced into the area during the 1760s and remained popular for the next century,before suffering a decline in the 1870s. The symbol shakily regained popularity until finally peaking in the1930s before falling to the reduced levels seen today. The cherub first entered the Craughwell series as adecorative element during the 1790s, generally increasing in popularity until its apogee in the 1840s. Afterthis time it dwindled in use until finally disappearing after the 1870s. Indeed, during this time its formwas by no means static as a number of versions developed and flourished within the broad trend (Fig. 9).The use of the ciborium followed a similar path: introduced in the 1810s, reaching its peak of popularityduring the 1850s and ceasing to be utilised after the 1870s. When taken together we see a gravestone withsits at the end of a declining tradition in local monumental practice. The interpretation is confirmed bythe statistically generated classification system pioneered by this author where this stone falls in the ClassA group (Chapple 2000). Essentially, this category represents gravestones which are characterised by anumber of common variables and possess and average construction date of 1814, while their core area ofpopularity extends from the 1810s to the 1850s.[vii]Considering the stone‟s probable construction date asthe 1860s at the earliest, it shows a markedly conservative use of symbolic decoration. However, it may bestretching the evidence to attempt to equate this conservatism in the choice of gravestone with either thepersonal outlook of the stone‟s commissioner or the perception of blacksmithing at this time.Fig. 9. Graph of frequency of „IHS‟ monogram in Killora and Killogilleen graveyards.During the survey of the gravestones a concerted attempt was made to view the stones in as manydifferent lighting and weather conditions as possible with a view to recording their fullest details. As adirect result of this approach, two stones with previously unrecorded occupational marks came to lightwhich would have otherwise gone unnoticed. In both cases the decoration was invisible under normalconditions, only becoming obvious by the rays of the setting sun. The first of these is a recumbentlimestone ledger which measures 2.0m long, by 0.76m wide. The stone has a slightly rounded head and achamfered edge. It bears an incised text and though the right hand edge of the stone is slightly damagedthe inscription is mostly legible (Fig. 8):[viii]JOHN BRODRICK / CAUSED THIS STONE / TO BE ERECTED IN / MEMORY OF HIS SON/ PATRICK BRODRICK / AND FOR THE S[OULS?] / OF HIMSELFAND HIS/ WIFE MARY BRODRICK / OTHERWISE FAHY / AND THEIRPOSTER[I] / TY O LORD HAVE/ MERCY ON THE[IR] / [SO]ULS ANNODOMI[NI] / 1790
  • Fig. 10. Overview of „Brodrick‟ ledger displaying the vocational symbols of a carpenter or wood worker:tennon saw and axe (Scale 2m ranging rod in 0.5m divisions).Its upper portion bears a deeply incised „IHS‟ monogram with a cross patée, fitched, springing from theomega shaped cross-bar of the „H‟ (Fig. 10) (Chapple 1995b, 59). Beneath the cross-bar of the „H‟ is whatappears to be a lightly incised „V‟, or possibly the much worn remains of an incised heart shape. On eitherside of both the cross and the monogram are lightly incised foliage motifs with a broad and shallow,incised band arching over them in a semi-circle. The upper left and right sides of the stone bear an incisedfoliage motif, while the last line of text is flanked on either side by an incised, meandering foliage motif ofa somewhat similar style. The lower portion of the stone bears two incised panels with false reliefdecoration. The right hand panel is an inverted „L‟ shaped and bears a representation of a hafted axe (Fig.11). The left hand panel is larger and bears a false relief carving of a tenon saw in the upper left-handcorner of a rectangular panel. It would appear that this was the gravestone of a carpenter or wood-worker.
  • Fig. 11. Detail of „Brodrick‟ ledger showing saw and axe (Scale 0.5m ranging rod in 0.1m divisions).Close by is another slab whose occupational marks were also discovered by viewing under the light of thesetting sun (Fig. 12). The stone measures 1.69m long, by 0.57m wide, with incised worn, but legible texton its upper portion (Chapple 1995b, 51). The upper left hand corner of the slab is broken, destroyingportions of the text, though not enough to prevent an accurate reconstruction:[PRAY FO]R THESOVLE / [OF PAT]RICK NILAN / [A]ND HIS POSTE / [R]ITY IVNE THE / 1750
  • Fig. 12. Overview of „Nilan‟ ledger displaying the vocational symbol of a plough (Scale 2m ranging rod in0.5m divisions).The portion of the stone above the text bears a somewhat crudely incised cross potent. As with manystones of this type, the occupational marks are confined to the lower portion of the stone, below the text.The decoration gives the overall impression of a stylised plough, presumably the occupational mark of afarmer or ploughman (Fig. 13). It is composed of a large, and crudely incised, representation of a plough-sock, in the form of a rough, inverted triangle to the left. To the right is a further incised element,resembling a stake with a pointed lower end, intended to represent the coulter of the plough. These twoelements of decoration are linked by two incised horizontal lines, now very faint. This use of the plough-sock and coulter as occupational symbols is common west of the Shannon, and there are similar examplesat Claregalway Abbey, and Loughrea (Pers. Comm. Mr. J. Higgins).
  • Fig. 13. Detail of „Nilan‟ ledger displaying the vocational symbol of a plough (Scale 0.5m ranging rod in0.1m divisions).During clearance of undergrowth within the church the edge of a gravestone was discovered protrudingfrom beneath a thin layer of decayed foliage. A decision was made to uncover the stone for the purposes ofrecording. It proved to be a further stone bearing the occupational marks of a plough-sock and coulter.However, unlike the previous example mentioned, the elements of the plough-sock and coulter aredisarticulated and set at angles to each other, and are partially over-carved by the lower portion of the text(Figs. 14&15). This is a recumbent limestone slab with a gabled head, measuring 1.84m long, by 0.55m atthe top, tapering to 0.45m at its base (Chapple 1995b, 17). The upper portion of the stone bears an incised„IHS‟ monogram with a cross with expanded terminals springing from the cross-bar of the „H‟. Below thisthe slab bears the incised, worn but legible text:
  • James Coys / Stone 1779 / Erected by / John Foord / in memory / of his Father / o Lord have / mercy onhimFig. 14. Overview of „Nilan‟ ledger displaying the vocational symbol of a plough (Scale 2m ranging rod in0.5m divisions).
  • Fig. 15. Detail of „Nilan‟ ledger displaying the vocational symbol of a plough (Scale 0.5m ranging rod in0.1m divisions).On close inspection, the inscription appears to be of two periods; the earlier portion comprising the firsttwo lines, while the remainder is incised in a slightly different style. It appears that the first part of theinscription was associated with the incised occupational marks of the plough-sock and coulter. Thesesymbols obviously predate the cutting of the lower portion of the inscription on the stone as the „r‟ of theword „mercy‟ in the eighth line of the text is super-scribed to avoid one of their angles.Only one vocational stone is recorded from the graveyard of Killora. The stone is a rather worn andweathered table tomb, with a rounded head, standing on four ashlar blocks. The upper stonemeasures 0.89m wide x 2.01m long. The upper portion of the stone bears a “JHS” monogram, with a crosswith expanded terminals springing from just above the cross-bar of the „H‟. Below the cross-bar there is asmall false relief roundel which appears to bear a very worn, incised cross potent, presumably arepresentation of an Eucharistic „host‟. The incised letters “IN” and “RI” appear below the arms of thecross and are separated by the shaft. A small area between the letters of the monogram is incised to givethe impression of false relief. To both left and right of the monogram are two, incised, concentric circles,with, perhaps, six incised „spokes‟ radiating from the central circle. Below this, in very worn, but mostlylegible text, the inscription reads:Lord have mercy on the soul/of John Crowe who depart / ed this life April the 12t.h.1837 / Aged 78 YearsErected / by his beloved wife Elen / or Crowe for them and / Their Posterity / Martin [Gan?]et / SculptureIn the area between the main body of text and the mason‟s name are the representations of a shepherd‟scrook lying horizontally, above a pair of shears (Fig. 16). The edges of both implements are incised withthe areas around the crook head and between the blades and spring of the shears incised to give theimpression of false relief. It seems likely that these are the vocational symbols of a shepherd or farmer.
  • Fig. 16. Detail of shears and crook on Crowe table tomb. Illustration by Damien Kavanagh.ConclusionAlthough making up only a small portion of the corpus of surviving memorials in the two graveyards, thesix vocational stones do add to our knowledge of this place in a meaningful way. As I said at thebeginning, in surveying rural west of Ireland gravestones, the default supposition is usually that thosecommemorated were of farming stock. With these stones we can begin to change that assumption andrecreate a fuller understanding of this early modern society. Yes, there were farmers (or ploughmen), butthere were also shepherds, blacksmiths and a carpenter – all occupations that are necessary in such arural community as this.References:Chapple, R.M. 1995a Archaeological report on the graveyards of Ardnamoran, Ballynacreeva, Killora, andKillogilleen, Craughwell, County Galway. Unpublished pre-disturbance report.Chapple, R.M. 1995b The church of prayers: gravestone inscriptions from the graveyard of Killora,Craughwell, Co. Galway. Galway. [Also available: here]Chapple, R.M. 1997 Cillogcollín: gravestone inscriptions from the graveyard of Killogilleen, Craughwell,Co. Galway. Galway. [Also available: here]Chapple, R.M. 2000 A statistical analysis and preliminary classification of gravestones from Craughwell,Co. Galway. Journal of the Galway Archaeological & Historical Society 52, 155-71.Connellan, O & MacDermott, P. 1846 The annals of Ireland, translated from the original Irish of the FourMasters. Dublin.Fahy, V. Rev. J. 1893 The history and antiquities of the Diocese of Kilmacduagh. Dublin.(GAS) Archaeological Survey of Galway, Unpublished Reports. Killora 2.Griffith, R. 1855 General valuation of rateable property in Ireland. Union of Gort. Valuation of the severaltenements compromised in the above-named union situate in the Counties of Galway and Clare. Dublin.
  • Griffith, R. 1856 General valuation of rateable property in Ireland, County of Galway. Union of Loughrea.Valuation of the several tenements compromised in the above-named union. Dublin.Haren, M.J. (ed.) 1978 Calendar of enters in the Papal registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland.Lateran Registers 1484-1492. Vol. XV: Papal letters of Innocent VIII. Dublin.Holt, E.W.L. 1909-10 An abridged transcript of the Ordnance Survey Letters relating to parishes in, orpartly in, the Barony of Dunkellin, Co. Galway. Journal of the Galway Archaeological & HistoricalSociety 6, 123-69.Joyce, P.W. 1912, 1973 The origin and history of Irish names of places. Vol. 2. Wakefield.Kelly, S. 1975 Topography of Craughwell (2) The Blazer 3, 25-6.O‟Donovan, J. (et al.) 1839, O‟Flanagan, M. (ed.) 1928 Ordnance Survey Letters: letters containinginformation relevant to the antiquities of the county of Galway collected during the progress of theOrdnance Survey in 1839. Vol. 1. Bray.O‟Donovan, J. (ed.) 1856, 1900 The annals of the Kingdom of Ireland: from the earliest times to the year1616 by the four masters. 3rd edn., Vol. 3. Dublin.(OSNB) Ordnance Survey Name Book 1839 Parish of Killora, Co. Galway. Microfilm copy.Walton, J.C. 1980 Pictorial depiction on east Waterford tombstones. Decies 14, 67-83.Acknowledgements:I would like to take this opportunity to express my thanks to the following who have given generously oftheir time and knowledge: Mr. P.J. Callanan, Secretary, Craughwell Parish Council; The librarians andstaff of The James Hardiman Library, NUIG; Galway County Library; and Island House, Galway CountyLibrary Headquarters; Professor E. Rynne; and Mr. Jim Higgins. No amount of thanks can repay my wife,Jeanne, for the hours she has spent standing in cold, windswept graveyards; for time spent advising andproofreading and especially for her understanding when it may appear that my devotion to her ismomentarily eclipsed by gravestones.Notes[i] See also Kelly (1975, 25) for alternative versions of the name.[ii] However, O‟Donovan (1856, 1990, 550-551) suggests that the church referred to in this passage is toKillery in the Barony of Tirerril, Co. Sligo.[iii] See Chapple (1995b, 6-10) for a review of the structural evidence.[iv] The occupational stones represent a mere 2% of the surviving corpus.[v] In so far as possible the style of the inscribed text has been accurately reproduced, though to conservespace line-breaks are here indicated by a slash mark, thus: /.[vi] The monogram may be interpreted in a variety of ways, including an orthographical derivation of thefirst three letters from the Greek Iesous. Among the most popular explanations is that it derives from InHoc Signo [Vince] (In this sign, conquer). However, Walton (1980, 70) argues that although themonogram may ultimately stem from the Greek, by the beginning of the 17th century it would have beengenerally understood as standing for Iesus Hominum Salvator (Jesus, saviour of mankind).[vii] Class B stones are characterised by a reduced set of potential rubrics and decorational variables. Ingeneral these stones are of a later period, with an average construction date of 1929 (their core periodranges from the 1900s to the 1950s). Class AB is characterised as a semi-distinct, intermediate stylisticgrouping, with an average construction date of 1875. Gravestones of this rank possess elements commonto both previous groupings and are considered as representing a stylistic nexus between the other Classes(See Chapple Ibid.).[viii] Illegible portions of the text, where possible, have been tentatively reconstructed and are enclosedin square brackets, thus: [ ].