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Lecture #12  Why do refugees cause us such angst? The immigration question -
 

Lecture #12 Why do refugees cause us such angst? The immigration question -

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    Lecture #12  Why do refugees cause us such angst? The immigration question - Lecture #12 Why do refugees cause us such angst? The immigration question - Presentation Transcript

    • Christian Heritage College, Brisbane, QLD Lecturer: Mr. Richard Leo, B.A., Dip. Ed., M.A.(Hist) David Moore’s iconic photograph from 1966 of Italian Migrants arriving in Sydney
    • How should Australia treat people who want to „call Australia home?‟
    • Key Developments • White Australia Policy to Multiculturalism to Cultural Diversity • 1901, Immigration Restriction Act • „White Australia Policy‟ officially removed under PM Gough Whitlam in 1970s • Multiculturalism introduced in 1980s • 1990s marked by the rise of „Hansonism‟ and debates over the value of „multiculturalism‟ • 2000s sees „cultural diversity‟ • The Australian historian Hsu-Ming Teo writes that: Critical works on „whiteness‟ can certainly open up interesting possibilities for ethnic history. The concept of whiteness can be used to analyse how „white‟ people have been racialised or ethnicised, and how white cultural practices have been propagated and maintained in Australia... [This is] about asking how a particular group of Australians have been represented to themselves and others as „white‟; what this whiteness means at different times; what it was defined or constructed against; who counted as „white‟ and under what circumstances .... The very resilience of whiteness lies in its ability to absorb new influences and be transformed, holding out the possibility of assimilation into white privilege. For example, Italian opera was accepted as „high‟ white culture long before Italians were acceptable as white ethnic migrants. (From H. Teo, 2003, „Multiculturalism and the Problem of Multicultural Histories: an overview of ethnic historiography‟ in Cultural History in
    • „Prime Minster Julia Gillard, her opposition nemesis, Tony Abbott and the public, are confronting what it means to be Australian in an age of turbulence. Issues cutting deep into the national psyche like undocumented refugees are front of mind …. Beyond hard electoral calculation, the question of how to handle boat people gnaws at the core of national identity.‟ [emphasis added] A Clark, „Who on earth do we think we are‟, The Weekend Financial Review: Perspective, July 10 – 11, 2010, p. 28 – 29. Tony Abbott misusing ‘illegal’April 22, 2013, avail at: https://mobile.twitter.com/TonyAbbottMHR/status/3261687865 98248448/photos [retrieved 22 April, 2013]
    • 14 Jesus returned to Galilee in the power of the Spirit, and news about him spread through the whole countryside. 15 He was teaching in their synagogues, and everyone praised him. 16 He went to Nazareth, where he had been brought up, and on the Sabbath day he went into the synagogue, as was his custom. He stood up to read, 17 and the scroll of the prophet Isaiah was handed to him. Unrolling it, he found the place where it is written: 18 “The Spirit of the Lord is on me, because he has anointed me to proclaim good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight for the blind, to set the oppressed free, 19 to proclaim the year of the Lord‟s favour.” 20 Then he rolled up the scroll, gave it back to the attendant and sat down. The eyes of everyone in the synagogue were fastened on him. 21 He began by saying to them, “Today this scripture is fulfilled in your hearing.” Luke 4: 14 – 21 ‘Jesus was a Refugee’ March 8, 2013, avail at: [retrieved from Asylum Seeker Resource Centre (ASRC) Facebook Page, March 8, 2013]
    • „Prime Minster Julia Gillard, her opposition nemesis, Tony Abbott and the public, are confronting what it means to be Australian in an age of turbulence. Issues cutting deep into the national psyche like undocumented refugees are front of mind …. Beyond hard electoral calculation, the question of how to handle boat people gnaws at the core of national identity.‟ [emphasis added] A Clark, „Who on earth do we think we are‟, The Weekend Financial Review: Perspective, July 10 – 11, 2010, p. 28 – 29. ‘Jesus was a Refugee’ March 8, 2013, avail at: [retrieved from Asylum Seeker Resource Centre (ASRC) Facebook Page, March 8, 2013] The phrase ‘comfortable racism’ from M Mullins, ‘Australia’s ‘comfortable racism’’, at http://www.eurekastreet.com.au/article.aspx?aeid=35987#.UavNuNtXv6k
    • Yes We Canberra, screened ABC1-TV Aug 4, 2010
    • 'New Australians' statistics - makes the 26,268 media mentions of boat people/asylum seekers in the first week of the 2010 election campaign seem rather out of proportion? - from http://i.imgur.com/DeIlf.png?source=cmailer [retrieved 16 Aug, 2010] "I challenge Julia Gillard to point out to the public that at the current rate of arrivals it would take about 20 years to fill the MCG with boat people.” – Julian Burnside, QC, quoted in PM Julia Gillard’s speech to the Lowy Institute, 6 July 2010, avail at: http://www.pm.gov.au/node/6876 [retrieved 18 Aug, 2010] ‘Myths propagated by politicians on refugees’, Refugee Action Committee, avail at: http://www.refugeeaction.org/policy/myths.htm [retrieved 15 Aug, 2010]
    • To compare with more recent figures: Of course, when we compare ourselves with the rest of the world and not just the wealthy ones………
    • To compare with more recent figures:
    • „What is important about these comments is that they still imagine a base for Australian culture that is British. There is still a belief in these comments that what makes Australia „Australia‟ is a singular culture.‟ C Elder, „Immigration History‟, in Lyons & Russell, Australia’s History: themes and debates, p. 113. A 1928 poster issued by the Australian Government to attract British immigrants, avail at: http://www.immitoaustralia.com/ [retrieved 18 Aug, 2010]
    • • Do our dominant narratives, through Cook (1770), start at Sydney and push west over the Blue Mountains and beyond? • How does an informed integration of indigenous history (eg. inclusion of the 200 year trade in Trepang between China, the Macassans and the Yolgnu) change our understandings of „Australian history‟? 1. Dislodge the idea of „beginnings‟, even if we only use documented history, „Australian‟ history begins pre-1788 and with „feared‟ racial groups 2. Challenge the ideas of an „isolated‟ continent 3. Reframes „black-white‟ thinking in race rhetoric in Australia eg. The Chinese were not late immigrant arrivals but early discoverers and claimants 4. „White Australia‟ becomes a small chapter rather than the greater part of the story ie. Not White Australia  multicultural BUT predominantly Indigenous  predominantly poly-ethnic (1890s)  predominantly white (post-WWII)  reclamation of Indigenous space (1980s) 5. Not a settler society but classic exploitation colony with Indigenous and imported labour 6. New identities: • poly-ethnicities of Broome and Thursday Island are representational, not unique • Religion – on-going engagement with Qur‟anic wisdom, esp amongst Aboriginal descendants of Indonesians
    • • Necessary to acknowledge that Australian (colonial or federated) society has never been „solely‟ British • Attitudes to immigration throughout settler history has been intimately linked with race relations • Immigration in Australia is a story about people from other lands coming to make this land their home E-migration, or, a flight of fair game by Alfred Ducote, 1832
    • „The idea of immigration contains a tension inherent in the idea of dispossession, „re- population‟ and belonging‟ C Elder, „Immigration History‟, in Lyons & Russell, Australia’s History: themes and debates, p. 113. • The logic of non-Indigenous Australian national identity drew upon the concept of terra nullius • Does not preclude acknowledgement of previous occupation BUT denies Indigenous status as owners and shapers of the land and community  no power within the colonial system and treated as a) nuisance or pest b) paternalistic obligation by newly arrived British Illustration from The Child’s Book of Wonder, 1920, showing Capt. Cook’s arrival on the East Coast of Australia, in D Poad (1985), Contact, Heinemann Educational: Melbourne.
    • • 19th century national ideals were built upon a rhetoric of a single people, single language, single culture  in Australia a British-white nation • Similar ideas in Canada, NZ, Southern Africa „A united race means not only that its members can intermarry and associate without degradation on either side, but implies one inspired by the same ideals, and an inspiration towards the same ideals, of a people possessing the same general cast of character, tone of thought, the same constitutional training and traditions - a people qualified to live under this constitution‟ Alfred Deakin 1901, quoted in R Willis et al, Issues in Australian History, p. 67.Map of the removal of wilderness in T. Griffiths, Hunters and Collectors, p. 264, also symbolising the ‘whitening’of ‘black’ Australia?
    • • In Australia the areas where complex narratives and issues of national identity are found is exploring the divide between „white‟ immigrants (=Br / N. Euro) and those who are „non-white‟ (=everyone else)  the place of „non-whites‟ is seen as different to that of the exemplary citizen of British origin
    • • Attitudes to immigration have been influenced by: • Gov‟t of the day (colonial, federal, protectionist, free- trade, Labor, Liberal) • Economic issues (eg un/employment) • Shifting worries about security • Concerns about pop‟n growth • Changing attitudes to the idea of a homogenous population Left: a map of the ‘Communist threat’ from the Cold War, published, 1950 (http://www.johndclare.n et/cold_war10.htm ) is mirrored in Liberal Party 2010 election campaign material (http://www.youtube.com /watch?v=XjDWbFm7S0 8&feature=related) , right [both images retrieved 18 Aug, 2010] ‘Tony Abbott has a new TV ad which, among other things, calls for 'real action to stop illegal immigration'. The graphic behind him shows a map of Australia surrounded by red arrows from the northwest labelled Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan and Sri Lanka. Curiously, one arrow is labelled 'Indonesia', despite the fact that Indonesians are not significant in the number of asylum seekers arriving by boat. The arrows remind me of the old 'reds under the beds' hysteria of the 1950s and '60s.’ K Murphy, ‘Abbott's immigration paranoia’, Eureka Street, 17 May, 2010 avail at: http://www.eurekastreet.com.au/article.aspx?aeid=21272
    • The idea of Australia being under threat from invasion from the north was a common recurring theme of the Australian racial attitude in this Imperial period. Some dissenting voices had tried to make the new Australia aware of the irrationality of its fear. In the first defence debate of the new Parliament, King O‟Malley, an American-born Tasmanian Labor Member of the House of Representatives decried that:For 30 years I heard the same cry in the United States. ‘We are going to have an invasion.’ When I lived in Mexico, I heard the same cry that I hear now in Australia, ‘Somebody is going to invade us. We cannot tell which nation it is, but surely some nation is coming.’ Ever since I have been in Australia … I have heard the same cry of ‘an invasion,’ but the only invasions that I ever read of are invasions of rabbits’ 7 August 1901 in N. Meaney, Australia and the World, p. 129.
    • • Six stages in immigration history: 1. Convicts and immigrants 2. The Gold Rushes 3. Immigration and National Identity 4. Immigration restriction and enticement 5. Post-war immigration boom 6. Post-white Australian jitters
    • • Colony(ies) became „dumping grounds‟ • Majority of arrivals for first 50 yrs were convicts • Free settler arrivals first outnumber convicts in • NSW: 1837 • VDL: 1850s • Two types of free settlers 1. Adventurers (minority) – young men of capital, willing to take a risk in the colonies 2. Assisted migrants from the displaced and poor of Britain (majority) • Assisted migration schemes funded by land sales  further encouraged dispossession of Indigenous population • Convictism  heavily masculine society • 1830 – 1850s two-thirds of assisted migrants were women • Australian society began to „mirror‟ a mini-Britain by 1850
    • • Nature of social and economic landscape changed radically • Pop‟n increase from 405,000  1,145,600 (1850s) • Mostly men and unassisted • Mainly to Victoria • Racial hatred emerged on goldfields especially towards the Chinese (eg. Lambing Flats Riots, 1861) • Why? • Cultural distinctiveness • Emerging „scientific‟ ideas on race and progress  easy targets • By 1870s, the idea of keeping „them out‟ had gripped the colonies
    • • Emerging Federation nationalists • Of the British Empire but still separate • Of the non-British influence – „small tributaries‟ • Two types of migrants in this period: 1. Economic migrants – attracted by gold 2. Indentured labour – Kanakas • Cultural influences included Germans to SA; Afghans and Turks to the outback, Italians to Northern NSW and QLD, Greeks to Melbourne and Sydney • Key concern economic: cheap labour will drive wages down
    • • Mid-1870s, fear of Chinese migrants ruining the Australian- British „way of life‟  variety of colonial legislation to regulate arrival • Immigration Restriction Act (1901) • Exclusion was the dictation test – often in a European language the „undesirable‟ did not know • New nation framed in terms of strident racialised nationalism that „provided[d] a camouflage for … an aggression directed both to an external and internal Other‟ - J Rutherford in C Elder, „Immigration History‟• External Other = the ‘coloured immigrant’ or ‘Asian hordes’ • Internal Other = Indigenous peoples – continued to unsettle the notion of ‘white’ ownership of the land From http://museumvic toria.com.au/disc overycentre/webs ites- mini/immigration -timeline/1910s/ [retrieved 18 Aug, 2010]
    • • Fears over the „empty north‟ – inspired by WWII threat of invasion • End of WWII saw a desire to move Australia from an agricultural idyll to an industrial powerhouse • Rhetoric to ‘fill’ the country and increase a pop’n of 7.3 million • ‘Populate or perish’ became the mantra Excerpt from 100 Years: the Australian Story, screened on ABC-TV, 2001
    • • Arthur Calwell (ALP) committed to a „white Australia‟ famously declared that for every „foreign‟ migrant there would be ten migrants from Britain • First group of non-British immigrants were from the Baltic region to reflect these political realities ‘Baltic Beauties’ from http://www1.curriculum.edu.au/dd units/guide/g2e_who.htm [retrieved 18 Aug, 2010]
    • • From 1948 – 1957 only one-third of all migrants were British • Migrants targeted were single young men • Gov‟t costs kept to a minimum (eg. Education, pensions) and could be sent to remote places (eg hydro-electric schemes in the Snowy Mountains or Tasmania) • From 1947 – 1966 – pop‟n increased by 5 million • Social disquiet about newcomers taking jobs surfaced • Different response to 1880s: instead of exclusion (vilification of Chinese), migration of single women and families encouraged • Family reunion became a significant feature of the immigration program • Key philosophy was assimilation
    • • The 1970s and 1980s saw introduction of the policy of multiculturalism • Multiculturalism urged four guiding principles: „All members of our society must have equal opportunity to realise their full potential and must have equal access to programs and services; every person should be able to maintain his or her culture without prejudice or disadvantage and should be encouraged to understand and embrace other cultures‟ Quoted in J Jupp, „Immigration and National Identity‟ in G Stokes, The Politics of Identity in Australia, p. 135.
    • • Major shift in definition occurred in the 1980s as a reaction to concerns raised by John Howard (then leader of the Liberal Party Opposition) • Concerns essentially were over dual loyalties and the persistence of activities and beliefs deemed incompatible with Australian values • Howard favoured: „An Australian society that respects our cultural diversity and acknowledges that we are drawn from many parts of the world, but requires of all of us a loyalty to Australia at all times and to her institutions and her values and her traditions which transcends loyalty to any other set of values anywhere in the world‟ Quoted in J Jupp, „Immigration and National Identity‟ in G Stokes, The Politics of Identity in Australia, p. 135.
    • • This shift had occurred in response to increasing arrivals of Vietnamese refugees after Australia had withdrawn from the Vietnam War in the mid-1970s • By the time of their arrival, all mention of race or ethnicity („White Australia Policy‟) had been removed from legislation governing migration to Australia ‘Boat People arriving from Vietnam’, avail at http://www.naa.gov.au/Images/11403409-650_tcm2- 9538.jpg [retrieved 18 Aug, 2010]
    • • This shift had occurred in response to increasing arrivals of Vietnamese refugees after Australia had withdrawn from the Vietnam War in the mid-1970s • By the time of their arrival, all mention of race or ethnicity („White Australia Policy‟) had been removed from legislation governing migration to Australia • Assimilation  multiculturalism had begun on an official level • Not mirrored in Australian society at large • Arrivals re-ignited old fears and prejudices that had existed towards Asian immigration in the 19th century
    • • Though the reactions in 1970s resembled the 1880s there were differences • Key difference was the understanding of „race‟ and racism • 1975 – Racial Discrimination Act had been passed • Holocaust in WWII had shown the end result of arguments based on racial superiority • Yet the representations of the new group of immigrants drew on similar ideas (or „tropes‟)
    • Yet the representations of the new group of immigrants drew on similar ideas (or „tropes‟) • Holocaust in WWII had shown the end result of arguments based on racial superiority
    • • Geoffrey Blainey ignited debate with his comments about multiculturalism in the 1980s „People need to feel they belong to their country. … the people who are hardest hit by a depression, who feel that their children will suffer, look for loyalty from the rest of the community and the government. The present immigration programme, in its indifference to the feelings of the old Australians [meaning „white‟], erodes those loyalties. The multicultural policy, and its emphasis on what is different and on the rights of the new minority rather than the old majority, gnaws at that sense of solidarity that many people crave for.‟ G Blainey, in J Jupp, „Immigration and National Identity‟ in G Stokes, The Politics of Identity in Australia, p. 136.
    • • Pauline Hanson MP, continued this argument in the 1990s: From http://www.nicho lsoncartoons.com .au/cartoon_169. html [retrieved 18 Aug, 2010]
    • • Pauline Hanson MP, continued this argument in the 1990s: Excerpt from 100 Years: the Australian Story, screened on ABC-TV, 2001
    • • Why this harkening for reclamation of culture? • The influence of post-colonial immigration on Europe, can help explain the sense of dislocation that occurs in the host culture undergoing generational change through immigration. „Now post/colonial encounters take place “at home” in the metropolitan centers [sic], with profound effects for the imagining of national identity. [The] re-enactment of the primal colonial encounter between black and white … force[s] the members of the declining nation to imagine themselves, in a new way, as white. … [The legacies of colonial rule] have made “visible” the racial nature of the old national identity and the multicultural ruptures of the new‟. Gisela Brinker-Gabler and Sidonie Smith (eds), Writing New Identities: Gender, Nation, and Immigration in Contemporary Europe, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1997, p. 8.
    • • Does this make Australia still a „colonial‟ country? • Ann Curthoys argues that all non-indigenous people, whether first or sixth generation immigrant are: „beneficiaries of a colonial history‟. Ann Curthoys, „An Uneasy Conversation in J. Docker and G. Fischer (eds) Race, Colour and Identity in Australia and New Zealand, University of New South Wales, Sydney, 2000, p. 31. • We are all immigrants; so therefore, we actually
    • • Does this make Australia still a „colonial‟ country? „Where the hell do I go? I was born here, and so were my parents and children‟ Pauline Hanson quoted in Ann Curthoys, „An Uneasy Conversation in J. Docker and G. Fischer (eds) Race, Colour and Identity in Australia and New Zealand, University of New South Wales, Sydney, 2000, p. 34. • Ien Ang, on One Nation‟s immigration policy, notes that what is at issue is not so much a national policy on immigration rather ‘the more deep-seated and long-term cultural structure of feeling which determines who has symbolic ownership of ‘Australia’.’ Ien Ang, „Asians in Australia: a contradiction in terms?‟ in J. Docker and G. Fischer (eds) Race, Colour and Identity in Australia and New
    • • Does this make Australia still a „colonial‟ country? • Miriam Dixon shifts the argument to focussing on the emotional attachment found in the ethnie (=the imagined ethnicity of a group) The ethnie is an emotional „bridge between antecedent imagined communities and the imagined nation.‟ Miram Dixson, The Imaginary Australian: Anglo-Celts and Identity, 1788 to the present, University of New South Wales Press, Sydney, 1999, p.150.
    • • Does this make Australia still a „colonial‟ country? • Emotional connection points with an ethnie have two problems: 1. Creating an emotional attachment to an introduced core culture echoes imperialist mindsets • When applied to Aboriginality, Marcia Langton notes: that „good community relations [between Aboriginals, dominant Anglo-Celt culture and any other relevant „ethnic‟ culture] cannot be achieved without elimination of the disadvantage and the recognition of Aboriginal rights, Aboriginal culture and tradition. There must be complete rejection of concepts of superiority and inferiority [emphasis added].‟ Marcia Langton, „Why „Race‟ is a Central Idea in Australia‟s Construction of the Idea of a Nation‟, Australian Cultural History, no. 18, 1999, p. 34.
    • • Does this make Australia still a „colonial‟ country? • Emotional connection points with an ethnie have two problems: 1. Creating an emotional attachment to an introduced core culture echoes imperialist mindsets 2. Does not effectively account for the diversity already in existence in modern Australia „Like so many other colonial and post-colonial societies, we have become a hybrid people, with many individuals able to relate to a number of different cultural traditions and diaspora histories within their own families.‟ Ann Curthoys, „History and Identity‟ in W. Hudson and G. Bolton
    • • Does this make Australia still a „colonial‟ country? • Emotional connection points with an ethnie have three problems: 1. Creating an emotional attachment to an introduced core culture echoes imperialist mindsets 2. Does not effectively account for the diversity already in existence in modern Australia 3. Creates an adherence to a new „civics-oriented Australian Legend‟?
    • • A new surrogate civics-minded Australian Legend? • Read identifies that nature has to be conceptualised as a place before it can be loved, that part of this process in Australian culture was the erection of boundary fences to mark out European-owned natural space. „enclosure was essential to Europeans‟. Peter Read, Returning to Nothing: the meaning of lost places, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996, p. 3. Photograph from http://www.keiointernational.com/exchange/diary4/index.html [retrieved 18 Aug, 2010]
    • • A new surrogate civics-minded Australian Legend? • Read has recognized the changes that take place in a psychological understanding of place when we remove „the commons‟ from our thinking. • In the medieval world, the commons was the area where the community could meet to
    • • The philosopher Gaston Bachelard believed „that all really inhabited space bears the essence of the nature of home, that the human imagination begins to create a recognisable place wherever people find the slightest shelter.‟ Peter Read, Returning to Nothing: the meaning of lost places, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996, p. 2. • Europeans arrived in a geographical space that appeared to their eyes, to be the equivalent of the commons back home, and proceeded to enclose the Australian commons. • The fences they built were of those they knew, the Anglo-Celt variety. • In contemporary Australia, these fences are being challenged, broken and reshaped as new participants in Australian public life attempt to enter or reclaim the „Australian commons‟.
    • • Recovering the commons has challenged the old dominant meta- narratives of Australian culture being based on strong rural myths and values. • Harking back to the old colonial identity, calling on the memory of Britishness to undergird public interpretation whilst a new urban culture is being developed is perhaps reflective of the situation described by Theresa Millard: „Australians, imbued with their own stories of achieving independent nationhood, find it hard to comprehend that, in nearby countries like Indonesia and Malaysia, Australia is seen as, … “the last country in the region to be decolonised, the place where the story didn‟t end happily, where the colonisers didn‟t go home”.‟ Ann Curthoys, „Mythologies‟ in Richard Nile (ed), The Australian Legend and Its Discontents, University of Queensland Press, Brisbane, 2000, p.13 • In a post-colonial Australia, the Anglo-Celt identity struggles for relevance unless it is placed in a position of dominance.
    • • Which brings us full circle: „What is important about these comments is that they still imagine a base for Australian culture that is British. There is still a belief in these comments that what makes Australia „Australia‟ is a singular culture.‟ C Elder, „Immigration History‟, in Lyons & Russell, Australia’s History: themes and debates, p. 113. • Australian multiculturalism is based on a very large number of quite small fragments of cultural diversity embedded in a larger Anglo- Celtic cultural environment which while still dominant is gradually adapting • We are not „one hegemonic‟ culture but it is our „mob‟ so when division occurs it attracts much media attention „Once we think of Australians as culturally complex people who inhabit diverse cultural spaces, only some of which are public, then it is not difficult to imagine that we might need to explore networks of multiple identities rather than search for unique and distinct characteristics in isolation‟. W Hudson, „Cultural undergrounds and civic identity‟ in W Hudson and G Bolton (ed.), Creating Australia: Changing Australian history, Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1997, p. 169.
    • The Australian historian Hsu-Ming Teo writes that: Critical works on ‘whiteness’ can certainly open up interesting possibilities for ethnic history. The concept of whiteness can be used to analyse how ‘white’ people have been racialised or ethnicised, and how white cultural practices have been propagated and maintained in Australia... [This is] about asking how a particular group of Australians have been represented to themselves and others as ‘white’; what this whiteness means at different times; what it was defined or constructed against; who counted as ‘white’ and under what circumstances .... The very resilience of whiteness lies in its ability to absorb new influences and be transformed, holding out the possibility of assimilation into white privilege. For example, Italian opera was accepted as ‘high’ white culture long before Italians were acceptable as white ethnic migrants. (From H. Teo, 2003, ‘Multiculturalism and the Problem of Multicultural Histories: an overview of ethnic historiography’ in Cultural History in Australia, eds H. Teo and T. White, UNSW Press, Sydney, p. 154.)
    • From http://www.keiointernational.com/exchange/diar y4/index.html [retrieved 18 Aug, 2010] Cronulla Beach = the ‘Australian commons’?
    • Sample Question in the National Civics and Citizenship test 2007 From http://www.mceecdya.edu.au/verve/_resources/FINAL_Yr6_SRM_NAPCC_Feb09.pdf
    • Australian cultural values involve an interaction between our traditional Anglo-Saxon and Celtic values, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander values, and those of our many migrants. It is a process of translation over which no one has control, and which links us to the world rather than defines us sharply by our differences from others. Denis Haskell, ‘Identity is a process, not a fixity’ in The Australian: Higher Education, Wednesday, July 25, 2007. Welcome to Australian History: where it goes from here is up to you
    • ‘Not Boat People’, source unknown