Frolinan historical conception and overview updated 01-28-2013

  • 172 views
Uploaded on

FROLINAN HISTORICAL CONCEPTION AND OVERVIEW| Updated 01-28-2013

FROLINAN HISTORICAL CONCEPTION AND OVERVIEW| Updated 01-28-2013

More in: Education
  • Full Name Full Name Comment goes here.
    Are you sure you want to
    Your message goes here
    Be the first to comment
    Be the first to like this
No Downloads

Views

Total Views
172
On Slideshare
0
From Embeds
0
Number of Embeds
0

Actions

Shares
Downloads
0
Comments
0
Likes
0

Embeds 0

No embeds

Report content

Flagged as inappropriate Flag as inappropriate
Flag as inappropriate

Select your reason for flagging this presentation as inappropriate.

Cancel
    No notes for slide

Transcript

  • 1. I am posting this update of FROLINAN: Historical Conception and Overview as to provide a more detailedoverstanding of the film I made entitled Martin & Malcolm & America | A Dream or A NightmareRBG Street Scholar vimeo.com…The dialectical (unity and struggle of opposites) relationship between the Elijah Muhammad separatist and MartinL. King, Jr. integrationist movement, preserved in historical continuity the ideals of both the Marcus Garvey separatistand W.E.B. DuBois integrationist movements, forging the course of struggle towards a synthesis of ideals first espousedwith the cry 1 birth pains of "Black Power"… and FROLINAN HISTORICAL CONCEPTION AND OVERVIEW| Updated 01-28-2013
  • 2. FROLINAN HISTORICAL CONCEPTION AND OVERVIEWWe accept all aspects of our history from the beginning of civilization on the Afrikan continent,to the present stages of technological development of Afrikan nation-states, and the continuedstruggle of Afrikan people throughout the world against tyranny and imperialist oppression.With this conception of history, we view the material basis in which history evolved to itspresent and ongoing developing modes of history; as Afrikan people relate and interrelate withone another, other people of color in the Third World, and the European races. Thisunderstanding and materialist outlook of history, notes that dialectically, our present conditionand struggle is based on our past experiences in a continuing development of an Afrikan history.The New Afrikan experience in America is not separate from the Afrikan experience on thecontinent, rather, they are linked in a chain of events which imposes socioeconomic, political andhistorical realities encompassing the criteria by which New Afrikan struggle for independencemust be developed.We call ourselves New Afrikan because of the degree of force breeding and miscegenation weas a people have suffered, as well the cultural imperialism and the psychological plunder andrape of our affinity to Afrika - stripping away our Afrikan language, art and world, outlook, andnational oppression, which in our efforts to combat have created a national heritage rich inresistance based on two ideals of integration and/or separation. These experiences which left usstripped of our Afrikanist perspective despite miscegenation and cultural imperialism,encompassing those experiences into an Afrikan national heritage in Diaspora, creating the NewAfrikan Independence Movement.This conception of history in a dialectical materialist perspective provides the means toformulate a program and strategy to conquer racist oppression and national subjugation,utilizing, the truth of our entire history as a guide to enlighten our practice. For instance, interms of a (foreign) policy of Afrikan intercommunalism with our people on the Afrikancontinent, it is essential to know what our relationship had been in history -providing asubstantial foundation to develop principled relations today... For New Afrikans, it is importantto know that slavery did not begin as an American phenomenon, but rather, American chattelslavery of Afrikans is a direct outgrowth of Afrikans enslaving Afrikans on the Afrikancontinent. Many of our ancestors had been enslaved by Afrikans due to internecine struggles,border wars of territorial imperative- amongst tribes and wars of aggression between Afrikannation-states. The prisoner of wars, and/or because of denture, were placed in bondage, and oftensold or traded. When the Europeans (Portuguese, Dutch, Spanish, British, etc.) made contact2 FROLINAN HISTORICAL CONCEPTION AND OVERVIEW| Updated 01-28-2013
  • 3. with Northern and Western coastal areas of Afrika, they not only raided villages and kidnappedAfrikans, but more often and productively (numerically) brought already enslaved Afrikans fromAfrikan chieftains and traders. Hence, for the most part, our existence in the Western hemisphereis as much a consequence of Afrikan history as it is of European history.Thus, as we conceive ourselves in history, we must place responsibility of our condition incontext to the actual historical development leading to our present situation. In this regards, wedont expect assistance from our Afrikan brothers nations simply because we are of one people --only separated by distance -- but because history demand recompense for a people (NewAfrikans) whose existence and suffering is based on our unfortunate relation in the history ofslavery mutual to us all, and the commonality of our fight against mutual enemy -- imperialism.This same conception and relation to history is binding on any relationship established with otherpast enslaver, such as the Dutch, Portuguese, British, Spanish, etc.As we struggle against continued U.S. colonization, New Afrikans must have a determined senseof history in regard to the New Afrikan Nation relationship to the world. Without this commonnational consciousness and perception of our existence, based on history, our practice willcontinue to be confused and chaotic, without historical continuity which serves to give practicalguidance on the road to independence. As an oppressed nation, we have a rich history ofresistance to bondage; revolts on slave ships during the middle passage; revolts and rebellions forhundreds of years on slave plantations; fighting for freedom in the War of Independence, War of1812, and Civil War; and fighting in the U.S. Army in the name of U.S. democracy (hypocrisy)can also be considered part of the national determination to be free.We preserve four epochs in our history as indicative of our struggle to be free of U.S.national subjugation and colonial domination. After the signing of the EmancipationProclamation in 1863 and the 13th Amendment in 1865, and the Civil War having endedbarbaric chattel slavery; the 14th Amendment stripped Afrikans in America of their land(provided by Field Order No. 115) imposed American citizenship on these Afrikan nationals, thiscountry entered a period defined as reconstruction and the industrial revolution. This was aperiod when the slavocracy gave birth to mercantile capitalism; the gross surplus of suchcommodities as cotton, tobacco, sugar, etc., produced from slave labor in the South, providedeconomic-textile-industrial growth and development in Northern States. Reconstruction foundmillions of New Afrikans either re-enslaved by the vestiges of the Black Code-Law tosharecropping, unemployment, and landless or migrating North in search of educational andemployment opportunities. But the Hayes Tilden agreement restored racist national oppressionand colonial domination prevailed with terrorist Ku Klux Klan raids, race riots (white againstBlacks), mob violence, lynching of New Afrikans in the North and South.3 FROLINAN HISTORICAL CONCEPTION AND OVERVIEW| Updated 01-28-2013
  • 4. The First EpochIn 1905, the Niagara Movement was consummated, we recognized the Niagara Movement as asignificant epoch in our continued struggle for independence. The Niagara Movement was notthe first time New Afrikans organized themselves, as there had been many abolitionist groupscomprising "freedman" of Afrikan descent. But the Niagara Movement marks a stage in which,under the leadership of W.E.B. DuBois, they developed a concept and an organization whichprevails today. The concept of integration was comprehensively evolved during the NiagaraMovement by DuBois, and is adamantly held today by the NAACP, which came into existenceout of the Niagara Movement in 1910, with DuBois as a founding member and incorporator. Itwas DuBois who forged the conceptual appeal of Pan-Afrikanism during this time; while theNAACP up until 1940 had campaigned for anti-lynch legislation, and from 1950 to presentcampaigned for desegregation, integration and civil rights.The Second EpochThe second epoch of historical importance was the 1920 Marcus Garvey "Back to Afrika"Movement. This movement which has yet to be surpassed appealed to and organized millions ofNew Afrikans, and established national pride and dignity directly associated to the Afrikancontinent. Although the Back to Afrika movement only lasted until 1925, when viewed injuxtaposition in historical continuity to the Niagara Movement and Pan Afrikanist ideasdeveloping at the time, the thread of struggle and our peoples conscious determination to be freeof colonial domination becomes very significant.The Third EpochThe third epoch is divided into two distinct and interdependent parts as they actualized the firstand second epochs in character and content. The Elijah Muhammad Nation of Islam movementwhich came-into existence in the 1940, but had not come into national prominence until the1960, developed many of the separatist ideals held by Marcus Garvey movement; it generallyappealed to those who had been adherents of the separatist movement of Marcus Garvey. In the1960s, Malcolm X (El Hajj Malik Shabazz) brought the Nation of Islam separatist movementinto national attention, recruitment reported to be approximately 1 million "Black Muslims" bysome estimates. Elijah Muhammad called for the separation of Blacks (New Afrikans) into agovernment of their own in the South Black Belt, basing his program on mystified interpretationof Islam and Black "self-help" economics (the principle now adopted as Black capitalism).4 FROLINAN HISTORICAL CONCEPTION AND OVERVIEW| Updated 01-28-2013
  • 5. During this same epoch, in 1955, the so-called civil rights movement was launched, withReverend Martin Luther King, Jr. as its primary leader and spokesperson. Given the politicalcharacter and objective of Martin L. King, Jr.s movement, it ushered the line and principle ofstruggle first established in the Niagara Movement. The principle organizations of this course ofstruggle were SCLC, NAACP, Urban League, CORE and SNCC all working in an united frontstrategy for desegregation, integration and civil rights. Politically, this movement could actuallybe defined as a negro-bourgeoisie democratic revolution. It attacked and did battle with theessential foundation and cornerstone of colonial domination of New Afrikans in America -racism and national oppression. The civil rights movement sought the fruition of democratic civil-rights guaranteed to white to be equally administrated to Black people It was a nationallyorganized movement, which put in motion masses of people in freedom-rides, sit-ins andmarches, which precipitated the eventful call for "Black Power"; nationalist politicalconsciousness, resulting in riots and rebellions across the country.The dialectical (unity and struggle of opposites) relationship between the ElijahMuhammad separatist and Martin L. King, Jr. integrationist movement, preserved inhistorical continuity the ideals of both the Marcus Garvey separatist and W.E.B. DuBoisintegrationist movements, forging the course of struggle towards a synthesis of ideals firstespoused with the cry and birth pains of "Black Power".The Forth EpochThe fourth epoch, an outgrowth of the proceeding era adopted the synthetic conception of BlackPower, uniting the symbolic determination of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party andMalcolm X Black Nationalist ideas in the Black Panther Party. The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense was established in 1966 and in 1967 Black Panthers captured national attention byentering the California State Capital hearing-on gun control, carrying rifles and shotguns, callingfor community control of police, self-defense, and Black political power. Even through, duringthis period, there had been other Black nationalist groups and formations (i.e., RNA, JOMO,Deacons for Defense and Justice, RAM, APP, etc.) that evolved out of the negro-bourgeoisdemocratic revolution, none made such an indelible historic impression on thedeveloping struggle like the Black Panther Party. From its inception, the BPP had considered thenecessity for armed struggle to wrestle Black power from the U.S. white power structure. TheBPP developed the Black underground which evolved into the Black Liberation Army - aclandestine network of armed urban guerrillas. It had been the BPP that first raised the conceptof class struggle, introducing and infusing the ideology of Marxist- Leninist-Mao Tse Tung5 FROLINAN HISTORICAL CONCEPTION AND OVERVIEW| Updated 01-28-2013
  • 6. thought with the Black Nationalist ideas of Malcolm X in accordance to the concrete realities ofthe struggle taking shape in Black (New Afrikan) ghettos/communities across the country.With its Ten Point Platform and Program the BPP attempted to manifest Black political poweron the basis of community control as a tactical objective toward the strategic goal of totalindependence.By 1976, the colonial government (U.S.A.) had directed its attention and counterintelligenceprogram (COINTELPRO*) on the BPP/BLA and other nationalist formations as the RNA. Thiscounter revolutionary action by the government was implemented with the intent to discredit,disrupt and destroy the BPP, with murderous raids, infiltration and provocation. In a four yearbattle with the police, by 1971, the BPP had been significantly subverted on a national level,whereupon, by 1973, the BPP was in all actuality defunct. This inevitably led to the defeat anddecimation of the BLA as a fighting clandestine urban guerrilla network.*COINTELPRO (an acronym for Counter Intelligence Program) was a series of covert, and oftenillegal, projects conducted by the United States Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) aimed atinvestigating and disrupting dissident political organizations within the United States. The FBIused covert operations from its inception, however formal COINTELPRO operations took placebetween 1956 and 1971. The FBIs stated motivation at the time was "protecting nationalsecurity, preventing violence, and maintaining the existing social and political order." Accordingto FBI records, 85% of COINTELPRO resources were expended on infiltrating, disrupting,marginalizing, and/or subverting groups suspected of being subversive, such as communist andsocialist organizations; the womens rights movement; militant black nationalist groups, and thenon-violent civil rights movement, including individuals such as Martin Luther King, Jr. andothers associated with the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the National Associationfor the Advancement of Colored People, the Congress of Racial Equality, the American IndianMovement, and other civil rights groups; a broad range of organizations labeled "New Left",including Students for a Democratic Society, the National Lawyers Guild, the Weathermen,almost all groups protesting the Vietnam War, and even individual student demonstrators with nogroup affiliation; and nationalist groups such as those "seeking independence for Puerto Rico."The other 15% of COINTELPRO resources were expended to marginalize and subvert "whitehate groups," including the Ku Klux Klan and National States Rights Party. The directivesgoverning COINTELPRO were issued by FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, who ordered FBIagents to "expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, or otherwise neutralize" the activities of thesemovements and their leaders.6 FROLINAN HISTORICAL CONCEPTION AND OVERVIEW| Updated 01-28-2013
  • 7. It is these four epochs in the continuing struggle of New for political power andindependence that are of great significance. They had the greatest influence and impact onNew Afrikans nationally in juxtaposition to our relationship to the enemy colonial (U.S.A.)government.We accept these four epochs as the foundation in which current and future development in theNew Afrikan Independence Movement will be objectively molded, shaped and forged to victory.History shows us that there are two basic and distinct lines and influences in the New Afrikanpeoples I struggle f or political power and self-determination. Our oppressed people have foughtfor integration and civil rights, and weve fought for separation and human rights. It is these twodirections that characterize any real differences in our peoples aspiration to be free of racistcolonial domination. Furthermore, it will be integration verses separation that will be adeterminative aspect for the building of national unity amongst New Afrikans to engage thecolonial (U.S.A.) government for political power and self-determination in the future. Thisunderstanding of history and the ideological political forces that have shaped our struggleprovides conscious and deliberate activity to combat national oppression and colonialism, withthe continuity of preserving history and the mode of struggle toward separation. We of Frolinanmust take a stand on the side of separation, and in so doing, give recognition to those forces thatare currently making history in building the independence movement. We recognize theorganization of the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Afrika for its contribution,but not necessarily to subordinate ourselves to its current strategy and program in the movement.We therefore reserve the right to formulate a revolutionary theory, strategy, and program toeducate, organize and mobilize New Afrikans toward national emancipation, and unite ourstrategy and program of action with other New Afrikan revolutionary forces that are also fightingfor separation and independence, not excluding the present Republic of New Afrika - ProvisionalGovernment.Frolinan recognizes and understands the history of resistance our oppressed nation has fought inboth the integrationist and separatist movements. But because we believe in our inalienablehuman rights, as a nation of people, to be self-governed; and because we are anti-capitalist-imperialist, we find no practical basis - in accordance to our history - to integrate in this colonial(U.S.A.) government. Therefore, we will concentrate our energies in preserving our nationpeoples history to separate, to establish an independent self-governed socioeconomic, politicaland cultural-sovereign nation in the Western Hemisphere.7 FROLINAN HISTORICAL CONCEPTION AND OVERVIEW| Updated 01-28-2013
  • 8. FULL STUDIES COLLECTIONVisit RBG New Afrikan Independence Movement (NAIM)8 FROLINAN HISTORICAL CONCEPTION AND OVERVIEW| Updated 01-28-2013