E-Politicking. 3.0 in Europe: A Look at the 2013 Norwegian Parliamentary Election
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E-Politicking. 3.0 in Europe: A Look at the 2013 Norwegian Parliamentary Election

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E-Politicking. 3.0 in Europe: A Look at the 2013 Norwegian Parliamentary Election E-Politicking. 3.0 in Europe: A Look at the 2013 Norwegian Parliamentary Election Presentation Transcript

  • Structure of the presentation 1. Context; 2. Overview of the analytical framework; 3. The 2013 Norwegian parliamentary election; 4. Analysis; 5- Conclusion.
  • Genesis of the analysis Sources: de Lange 2012; Mudde 2014; Bale, Green‐Pedersen et al. 2010; Rydgren 2008; Akkerman 2012; Turcotte and Raynauld 2014. Ross Perot Jean Marie Le Pen Pym Fortuyn
  • Traditional approach Source: Norris 2005.  Ten key reasons behind the rise of the radical right in Europe: 1. A postindustrial economy; 2. The dissolution of established identities, fragmentation of the culture, multiculturalization; 3. The emergence or growing salience of the sociocultural cleavage dimension; 4. Widespread political discontent and disenchantment; 5. Convergence between the established parties; Pippa Norris
  • Traditional approach Source: Norris 2005.  Ten key reasons behind the rise of the radical right in Europe: 6. Popular xenophobia and racism; 7. Economic crisis and unemployment; 8. Reaction against the emergence of New Left and/or Green parties and movements; 9. A proportional voting system; 10. Experience of a referendum that cuts across the old party cleavages. (9-10). Pippa Norris
  • Traditional approach Source: Art 2011.. “Clearly, the internal political dynamics of radical right parties are important for understanding their success and failure. The struggles for power within these parties, the battles between various factions, and the strategies of leaders and activists (emphasis added) assume a central role in this book’s narrative. These forms of intentional action have been ignored or obscured in most analyses of the radical right, particularly those who view it as the inevitable outgrowth of broad socioeconomic forces.” David Art
  • Traditional approach Source: Cosgrove 2007; Turcotte and Raynauld 2014.  Populism as a key aspect of the Conservative brand story;  U.S. conservatives have capitalized on technological changes to disseminate their branded political messaging products;  Tea Party movement latest manifestation of this phenomenon, but from a partly bottom-up perspective.
  • Boutique populism Source: Turcotte and Raynauld 2014.
  • Analysis  Examination of the messaging, mobilization and structure of the Fremskrittspartiet (FrP) during the 2013 Norwegian parliamentary election: Source: http://www.frp.no.
  • Analysis  Guiding principles of the FrP’s electoral program:
  • Analysis  Political marketing strategy that is “boutique” in nature: 1. Democracy; 2. Market economy; 3. The party; 4. Freedom of choice (e.g. parents, children, healthcare); 5. Energy; 6. Culture and sports; 7. Environment; 8. Transport and communication; 9. Security of life and private property; 10. Education; 11. Foreign policy; 12. Work and welfare; 13. Defense and security. Importance of social issues
  • Analysis  Political marketing strategy that is “boutique” in nature: Proposals for improving the business sector: 1. Simplifying the rules for launching a new business; 2. Reducing the process for reporting to the state; 3. Removing state discrimination of large industries and small and mid-size companies; 4. Reducing public ownership; providing an environment with limited to no political interference; 5. Putting in place a globally competitive tax regime; reducing state subsidies; 6. Ensuring that public funds provide support based on objective criteria; 7. Improving the access to skilled labor force on a global scale.
  • Analysis  Decentralized hierarchical structure of the FrP:  Central leadership:  Congress;  National board;  Central board (15 members).  Decentralized organizational structure:  21 county and local branches;  Presence of sub-organizational entities:  Østfold: 17 groups;  Aust-Agder : 13 groups.  Wide-ranging preferences, interests, and goals.
  • Conclusion  New way to look at populism;  Populism can be used effectively for political communication and organizing;  Hyper targeted policy appeals to citizens with narrow interests and goals that are highly personal in nature;  Organizational structure empowering citizens.  Social media-fueled populist political marketing of a boutique nature;  Messaging tactic adapted for individuals with wide- ranging interests and goals (lifestyle);  Mobilization;  Decentralized and fragmented hierarchical structure.  Much more research is required. Source: Turcotte and Raynauld 2014.
  • QUESTIONS?