suleyman the magnificent & the representation of power


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suleyman the magnificent & the representation of power

  1. 1. Süleyman the Magnificent and the Representation of Power in the Context of Ottoman-Hapsburg-Papal RivalryAuthor(s): Gülru NecipoğluReviewed work(s):Source: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 71, No. 3 (Sep., 1989), pp. 401-427Published by: College Art AssociationStable URL: .Accessed: 05/02/2012 12:17Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact College Art Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Art Bulletin.
  2. 2. Stileyman the Magnificent and the Representationof Power in the Context of Ottoman-Hapsburg-PapalRivalry Giilru Necipoglu This article explores issues of cross-cultural communication raised by the Ottoman courts intense patronage of European artistic talent during the early part of Sii- leyman the Magnificents reign (1520-1566). It situates the network of patronage of a group of regalia made in Venice for the sultan and a related project for royal tapeStries within the context of Ottoman-Hapsburg-papal rivalry. Displayed as parade accessories and stage props in ostentatious ceremonies, these non-Islamic royal status symbols were primarily aimed at communicating Ottoman imperial claims to a European audience through a Westerndiscourse of power. They became publicized through the popular media of European prints, news pamphlets, plays, and songs, which won the sultan his title of "Magnificent"in the West. The article concludes with an analysis of mid-sixteenth-century changes in cultural orientation that abruptly brought this lively chapter in East-West artistic relations to an end.Three Venetian woodcuts and an engraving by Agostino dicates that besides a plumed aigrette with a crescent-shapedVeneziano depict Sultan Siileyman I with a fantastic head- mount, the golden helmet had four crowns with enormousgear that could almost be dismissed as a figment of Ori- twelve-carat pearls, a head band with pointed diamonds,entalist imagination (Figs. 1-4). However, in a fascinating and a neckguard with straps. Featuring fifty diamonds,article, Otto Kurz has demonstrated that these prints are forty-seven rubies, twenty-seven emeralds, forty-ninetruthful graphic records of a spectacular golden helmet pro- pearls, and a large turquoise, it was valued at a total ofduced for the sultan by Venetian goldsmiths in 1532. The 144,400 ducats, including the cost of its velvet-lined giltVenetian diarist Marino Sanuto first saw this headgear, "the ebony case.2 As Kurz has shown, this fantastic helmet-memory of which ought to be preserved," on 13 March crown clearly constitutes the main subject of the series of1532 at the jewelers district of the Rialto. Three days later, Venetian prints depicting Siileyman that are thought to beit was put on public display at the Ducal Palace before based on a design by Titian (Figs. 1-4). The tall, compo-being dispatched to the Ottoman court for sale.1 sitionally dominant helmet is superimposed on the rather An invoice published by Sanuto itemizes the detachable unflattering rendering of the sultans profile, which appearsparts of the helmet together with the value of its jewels, a to have been copied from earlier woodcuts issued in thelist that corresponds closely to the complicated headgear 1520s. The large undated woodcuts (Figs. 1-3) are moredepicted in the prints (see Appendix). This document in- precise in showing the helmets details than Agostino Ve-A shorter version of this paper was delivered at the international con- logues: M. Muraro and D. Rosand, Titian and the Venetian Woodcut,ference, "The Age of Stileyman the Magnificent: A World Empire and Washington, DC, 1976, 208-210; and Rogers and Ward, 53-54. Sanuto,Imperial Civilization," held at Princeton University, 20-22 Nov. 1987. Lv, 634-636, is cited in Kurz, 249.1 It was Kurz who first established the helmets 2 Sanuto, LvI, 10-11. Although Kurz cites most of Sanutos references to authenticity through ref-erences in contemporary European sources; see Kurz, 249-258. For the the helmet-crown, he fails to mention this invoice.most recent views and bibliography, see the following exhibition cata-
  3. 3. 402 THE ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 1989 VOLUME LXXI NUMBER 3nezianos derivative engraving from 1535 (Fig. 4), which perial message and its differing "reception"by Western andshortens the plumed aigrette drastically to fit the prints Ottoman audiences, the article attempts to situate it withinsmaller format.3 a broader framework of East-West artistic relations during The transactions involving this helmet, which was sold the early part of Siileymans reign (1520-66). It concludesto the Ottoman court for an enormous sum in 1532, have with a discussion of the political nature of these cross-cul-been carefully documented by Kurz, whose research has tural artistic contacts initiated after the fall of Constanti-laid the groundwork for this paper. He has established the nople (1453), which abruptly came to an end by the middlebasic facts concerning the helmet, but he regarded its cre- of the sixteenth century.ation as a purely speculative commercial enterprise under-taken by a consortium of Venetian goldsmiths and mer- The Network of Patronagechants. He visualizes the sultans first encounter with the The patronage of the Venetian helmet-crown can be re-helmets resplendent jewels as the moment from the Ara- constructed from the patchy evidence available. Describingbian Nights when Aladdins mother brought gorgeous jew- the international fame of goldsmiths on the Rialto who pro-els to the palace: "When the King saw the gems he was duced regalia for monarchs all over Europe, Francesco San-seized by surprise and cried: Never at all until this day saw sovino writes:I anything like these jewels for size and beauty and excel-lence; nor deem I that there be found in my treasury a single Forty years have passed now since Vincenzo Levriero inone like them." This scenario underestimates the degree of partnership with Luigi Caorlini and other famous jewelsophisticated cultural interaction that existed between the merchants produced a tall helmet with four crowns forOttoman court and the West. The Venetian partners must Siileyman, Emperorof the Turks. It was ornamented andsurely have had some prior indication that an artifact so completely covered with so many jewels that this Prince,costly and so unlike the Ottoman/Islamic emblems of sov- whose singular prudence and power are known to every-ereignty would be welcome at the sultans court, before one, was stupefied by a thing so remarkable, and theythey set out to produce it. This article attempts to dem- became rich by it.5onstrate that Ottoman officials were actively involved inthe network of patronage that produced this Venetian hel- Sanuto agrees that the Caorlini family of goldsmiths pro-met-crown and that its iconography was formulated to ful- duced this helmet in partnership with Venetian jewel mer-fill a specific propagandistic function in a context of Ot- chants, including Vincenzo Levriero, Pietro Morosini, Ja-toman-Hapsburg-papal rivalry. Supplementing Kurzs como Corner, Marco Antonio Sanudo, and the sons ofvaluable documentation and building upon his discoveries, Pietro Zen, who was the Venetian vice-bailo residing inthe paper uses new textual evidence to present a more de- Istanbul at that time. In a reference Kurz overlooked, San-tailed picture of the helmets meaning from an Ottoman uto curiously mentions a representative of the Ottomanpoint of view. After interpreting the helmet-crowns im- court, the sultans chief treasurer, Defterdar Iskender Ce-3Kurz perceptively noted that the prints copied Siileymans profile from proportions of the tiara-like helmet, which is elongated in an exaggeratedearlier woodcuts; (Kurz, 249, 254-255). For prints and medals from the manner in later images (Figs. 2, 3, 4, 7, 8a-b). Disagreeing with Rosands1520s that depict the beardless young sultan in profile, see L. Donati, and Muraros chronology, Oberhuber argues that there is no reason why"Due immagini ignote di Solimano I," Studi orientalistici in onore di Gior- the original woodcut should have been cut long after the crowns com-gio Levi della Vida, Rome, 1956, I, 219-233. The order in which Siiley- pletion in 1532, when interest in the subject had ended: "Prints of thismans various portraits featuring the Venetian helmet-crown were issued sort are produced when there is an immediate sale in view. They functionremains controversial. Kurz dates the woodcut of Fig. 1 to 1532, and as posters, flyers, or souvenirs." He adds that the woodcuts lines typifyargues that Agostino Venezianos engraving of 1535 (Fig. 4), which is less Titians handling of the pen around 1532, which Britto has faithfully in-precise in showing the helmets details, derives from it. More recently, terpreted. See K. Oberhuber, "Titian Woodcuts and Drawings: SomeMuraro and Rosand have dated the Fig. 1 woodcut to ca. 1540-50, arguing Problems," in Tiziano e Venezia. Convegno Internazionale di Studi, Ve-that it is a copy of Fig. 2, which they date to ca. 1532-40. In their opinion, nezia, 1976, Vicenza, 1980, 526.Fig. 2, which competes with the engravers art to the degree that it imitates 4 Kurz, 255.the linework of the burin, is the original woodcut attributable to Giovanni 5 Sansovino, 134v; cited in Kurz, 250-251. Assuming that Vincenzo Lev-Britto, the fine graphic language of which is coarsened and simplified inFig. 1; see n. 1. Peter Dreyer, on the other hand, has argued that Fig. 3 riero was also a goldsmith, Kurz writes, "No other works are known byis the original woodcut from which Figs. 1 and 2 derive; (Tizian und sein the two goldsmiths. Vincenzo Levriero is for us only a name. Luigi Caor-Kreis. 50 Venezianische Holzschnitte aus dem Berliner Kupferstichkabi- lini, who belonged to a family of Venetian goldsmiths, was a friend ofnett Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, n.d., 55). How- Pietro Aretino"; (Kurz, 251). Vincenzo came from a family of great jewel merchants trading in the Levant, including Gaspare di Levriero, who diedever, Kurzs dating of Fig. 1 to 1532 seems to find support in its depictionof Siileyman without a beard, following earlier images from the 1520s in Istanbul from the plague during 1526; see Sanuto, XL,894, 885. Vin-which it copies. The two other woodcuts (Figs. 2, 3) that are more closely cenzo himself was a jewel merchant whose trips to the Ottoman court arerelated to Agostino Venezianos engraving of 1535 (Fig. 4) depict Siiley- recorded in contemporary sources; see nn. 8, 13. A document preparedman with a beard - which the sultan grew in his later years - and thus on 17 Nov. 1531 reveals that "Vincenzo di Livreris"brothers Giovanni and Pietro would receive two thousand ducats and divide their paternalappear to have been issued at a later date, around 1535. The originalbeardless image in Fig. 1, which later prints elaborated with an added and fraternal inheritence among themselves if Vincenzo died, accordingbeard and inscriptions, was probably created in 1532 to commemorate to the specifications of another document drawn up on 6 Mar. 1531. Thisthe helmet-crowns shipment to Istanbul. Its sober, precise workmanship document seems to have been drawn just before Vincenzo Levriero wasaccurately documents the elaborate stone settings and the harmonious preparing to leave for Istanbul in order to deliver the Venetian helmet (ASV, Misc. Gregolin, Carte Private, Busta 43).
  4. 4. SULEYMAN AND OTTOMAN-HAPSBURG-PAPAL RIVALRY 403 .cr /r ((j ~ ;I , ?. -? Y. ? ~~trI r ?-.---. c., -- ~-~r, ...~ I II .. 3. =-. -?~?-- ~? ~r~L7i;, I P .r .? `;?!a,-?.7 .??., ..? e: ? .~ L :?t ~ ,, " ct. u W ?rlrr~?h_~; t r rr ?E --r *?? 51r~ O ;( iv S: .?, j) 4 ~Lk ~rr( ~ r. -rT~JCII~7F? ~?r?) ~t~/~iC~,~?r~lPia$) -Ilh- 1? 7 CIRI- -- ? ..~s~un;r ~-~--clr.~r~gsre -t-rrC ?* V I ~u ;~.4?J~r(l.h? ~1~I.?, ?,re Ir^r ,4 .,yw~cy :-cl~ ru?~~..? r.r?.~ B C I h c -? ? ,;- t?? `I -- r ?Lj: . ? L? i-, ~i?? ~~LFL~ r ~~ i Ct.1 Anonymous, Portrait of Sultan Siileyman, Venetian 2 Anonymous, Portrait of Sultan Siileyman, Venetian woodcut in twowoodcut in two blocks, ca. 1532. London,British blocks, ca. 1535. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Harris Bris-Museum(fromW. Stirling-Maxwell, Examples En- of bane Dick Fund (from Rosand and Muraro, as in n. 1, no. 48)graved Portraits of the Sixteenth Century, London,Edinburgh, 1872, pl. 41)lebi, among these Venetian partners.6 Although Sanutos implies a substantial Ottoman investment in the piece, asinvoice assesses the helmets value as 144,400 ducats, the Defterdar Iskenders involvement already indicates.Venetian partners claimed to have made a hundred percent The sultans chief treasurer played a pivotal role in theprofit when it was sold for only 115,000 ducats.7 This clue Ottoman courts commercial relations with Venice, and his6 Sanuto, LV, 634-635; LVI, 358-359. Defterdar Iskender Celebi is referred 7 Although Sanuto initially reports that the helmet was sold for 115,000to as "Celebi deferder." Since Kurz missed this important reference in ducats, the delayed final payment amounted to 116,000 ducats. For detailsSanuto, he concluded that the helmet was a purely speculative Venetian on the payment, see Sanuto, LVI,10-11, 358-359, 364, 403, 791, 826; Kurz,enterprise with no Ottoman involvement. 255.
  5. 5. 404 THE ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 1989 VOLUME LXXI NUMBER 3 ~ ?? -. ~ jaaB / :--•_ .-- •_-~ • ---•. •-•`~t •" . I. ~ f .11?~. ~ :I, . -•i ..f-".5?l~l:f~/,"--it., . ....... .• - .r .::2..• :. .? -w? . ... -, ..:... :i" " ::: . .. - " . .. .1..~~~.. ~ ., -?..,: .~.. 1 : ..... ,.. .. -.. .. . -." ;-?-~. ....e 5-1~ . . ". . -C•L -?r -1 1-- C -- . ? --. ;;-; ._ -• . ~~" :: "- "i" .: 0 •" i •l":•. , " _- ;, - .._. .. . . 3 ),1~~ .. ,, . -. ...... _.. ,x,,f, . i sr, s~--- ------ =1- i..ia-~S=-3 Anonymous,Portraitof SultanSi2leyman, woodcut, ca. 4 AgostinoVeneziano,Portraitof SultanSilleyman,engraving,1535. Berlin,StaatlicheMuseenPreussischer Kulturbesitz,Kup- 1535. London,BritishMuseum(fromBartschxiv, no. 518) (fromDreyer,as in n. 3, no. 28)ferstichkabinettcontacts with the great jewel merchant Vincenzo Levriero bles.9 Both Christians and Turks attended his sumptuousare documented.8 Iskenders associates also included Alvise feasts, such as the one in 1524 when a performance of theGritti, the illegitimate son of Doge Andrea Gritti, who was classical comedy Psyche and Cupid was followed by songsa powerful merchant dealing mostly in jewels at Istanbul and dances by Perote women and Turkish entertainers.(Fig. 5). Born to a Greek concubine while his father resided Grittis court, which was frequented by Italian merchantsin Pera, the Frankish quarter of Istanbul, Alvise was ed- seeking his protection, sheltered several humanists, includ-ucated in Italy. Returning to his place of birth, he became ing Francesco della Valle, who served Gritti as secretaryrich from diverse mercantile activities. Fluent in Turkish, and chamberlain, Andronicus Tranquillus, and AugustinusItalian, and Greek, he dressed in sumptuous caftans of gold Musaeus.o?brocade, multiple diamond rings, and golden chains, and Alvise Gritti quickly became influential at the Ottomanwore an Italian beretta to mark his Christian status. Pop- court through the favors of his powerful patron, the grandularly known as "Princes Son," this Turkified Venetian vizier Ibrahim Pasha. The contemporary observer Bene-lived in regal pomp at his Italianate palace outside Pera, detto Ramberti ranked him as the second greatest man ofwhich featured quarters for slave boys, a harem, and sta- authority in the Ottoman empire after the grand vizier. It8 For Pietro Zens assessment of Iskenders great power, see Sanuto, LV, 10 For a detailed description of Grittis feast, see Sanuto, xxxvi, 120-121.615. Iskendersrelations with Vincenzo Levrierosbrother-in-law are men- The works of humanists attached to Alvise Grittis court, and a satiricaltioned in Della Valle, 34. drama performed in a carnival by his enemies in 1532, which ended with9 For Alvise (Luigi) Gritti, see Della Valle; H. Kretschmayr, Ludovico the burning of his effigy, are mentioned in T. Kardos, "Dramma satiricoGritti, eine Monographie, Vienna, 1896; Giovio, 344-347; Ramberti, 308- carnevalesco su Alvise Gritti, Governatore dellUngheria, 1532," Venezia311; Finlay, 78-118. e Ungheria nel Rinascimento, ed. V. Branca, Florence, 1973, 397-427.
  6. 6. SULEYMAN AND OTTOMAN-HAPSBURG-PAPAL RIVALRY 405 was residing in Alvises palace at Pera, acted as the latters agent in trade during those years. It is therefore not sur- prising to learn from Francesco della Valle that his master Alvise Gritti acted as an intermediary for Vincenzo Lev- t~ ! - rieros partners in presenting the jeweled gold helmet through Ibrahim Pasha to Siileyman. Holding it in his i-• hands, Alvise had shown it to the influential grand vizier 1 ( , r-,-: first and then to the sultan.13 Paolo Giovio, who wrote that Alvise made a fortune by supplying Siileyman with jewels to decorate his horses and the gold-plated walls of certain I?.-I . ..,,. royal chambers in his palace, confirms that the golden hel- met created in Venice for the sultan, together with several I other jewel-incrusted artifacts, was Alvise Grittis - inventione.14 Addressed to the Venetian Senate in 1534, Daniello de Ludovisis Relazione points out that Ibrahim Pasha de- pended heavily on the council of two important men: Al- vise Gritti and Defterdar Iskender.s The involvement of both of these individuals in transactions concerning the hel- met inevitably brings Ibrahim Pasha into the picture (Fig. 6). Ibrahim was, according to the English writer Knolles, the most magnificent and powerful of all Ottoman grand viziers: "He in magnificence, power and authoritie farre exceeded all the rest of the Bassas." A royal document is-5 Portraitof Alvise Gritti(fromP. Giovio, Gli elogi vite) sued in 1526 granted him almost complete power as the sultans alter-ego.16Born in Parga, on Venetian territory, Ibrahim was a strong supporter of the Serenissimas Lev-was the latter who introduced Alvise to the sultan as a great antine trade. The bailo Pietro Bragadino reports that thisconnoisseur of jewels." Contemporary sources agree that, pro-Venetian grand vizier was not only fond of reading themore than any of his predecessors, Siileyman was an avid lives of classical heroes like Hannibal and Alexander thecollector of rare gems. His childhood training as a gold- Great, but that he also avidly gathered intelligence aboutsmith contributed not only to his unprecedented patronage contemporary monarchs. Wearing many jeweled rings andof local goldsmiths and jewelers attached to the court work- dressed more lavishly than the sultan, he "bought almostshops, but also to a lively jewel trade with Venice in which every fancy object he could acquire.""17 1530-31 he had InAlvise came to play an important role.12 For example, in insistently requested a unicorn horn from the Venetian Sen-1529 when Vincenzo Levriero brought a jewel-inlaid gold ate, a treasure that was presented ceremonially to the sultanbox from Venice to Istanbul, it was Alvise who sold it to as a token of the Serenissimas friendship with the Sublime,the Ottoman court. Documents at the Mantuan State Ar- Porte.8chives indicate that the same "Vincenzo di Livrieri" who Promoting the ideal of magnificence as an indispensable11Ramberti, 309-311. About Ibrahims in the Venetian helmets presentation, Della Valle writes (p. 35): "Lanno protection of Alvise Gritti and hisintroduction to the sultan, see Della Valle, 20; Giovio, 345; D. deLudovisi, seguente poi fu portato per esso Learieri[i.e., Vincenzo Levriero], et com-"Relazione (1534)," in Alberi, I, 29-30; Sanuto, LVIII,639. pagni un certo elmo doro, fornito di molte gioie per venderlo a Solimano.12 For the observation that Siileyman was fonder of jewels than were any Ii mio Sigre hebbe lelmo nelle mani, e lo mostro al Bassa, et dipoi aof his predecessors, see Sanuto, LV,635; LVI,403; Giovio, 345. Payroll Solimano." The author seems to be confused about the helmets priceregisters indicate that the number of goldsmiths and jewelers attached to (200,000 ducats).the Ottoman court nearly doubled in 1526; Atil, 117. According to the 14Giovio, 345.17th-century traveler Evliya elebi, while a prince Siileyman was trained is DeLudovisi (as in n. 11), 29-30. About Ibrahims dependence on Grittiin the craft of goldsmiths in Trebizond by a Greek called Constantine. for advice, also see Sanuto, LVIII,574. Some sources state that IbrahimAs sultan, he built a royal establishment for goldsmiths in Istanbul, en- Pasha was a former slave of Iskender Celebi, whose daughter he laterdowing it with a fountain, mosque, bath, and workshops arranged around married; R. Knolles, The generall historie of the Turkes, London, 1603,a court; see Evliyd elebi, Seyahatn-dme,10 vols., Istanbul, 1896-1930, 645-646; Postel, Bk. III, 48-50; H.D. Jenkins, IbrahimPasha, Grand VizierI, 570; II, 91. For the jewelry trade through Venice, see Kellenbenz, 1965; of Suleiman the Magnificent, New York, 1911, 38.and Kellenbenz, 1967. 16 Knolles, 607. The document is fully cited in Celalzdde, fols. 177r-182v.Is For the gold box (cassetta di zoie et doro bellissima) that Vincenzo 17P. Bragadino, "Sommario della Relazione (1526)," in Sanuto, XLI,527-Levriero delivered to the Ottoman court, see Sanuto, LI, 167. Dispatchessent from Istanbul to Mantua between 1527 and 1530 indicate that Alvise 559. For Ibrahim Pasha, also see Postel, Bk. III, 48-61; Jenkins (as in n.and Vincenzo were supplying quality horses to the Gonzaga stable master 15), and Anon., Discorsi, fols. 48r-v. 18Alexandro Marescalco; (Archivio di Stato di Mantova, Levante e Porta Sanuto, LIII,344, 531, 570; LIV,42, 155; LV,178-181, 231-232; ASV,Ottomana, B. 795, nos. 141, 145-148, 154, 158). Referring to Alvises role Deliberazioni (Secreta) Senato, R. 54, (1530-31), fols. 38r-v, 58r, 61v.
  7. 7. 406 THE ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 1989 VOLUME LXXI NUMBER 3 Cairo included a gold cup inlaid with enormous diamonds, emeralds, rubies, and pearls worth 200,000 ducats. The tt" ra ena (MOb6 4nbus/30arbcn"eg grand vizier, who boasted about the vast treasures he ac- n(drIg 6k IitAbrn a lbb ot/ad t cumulated in Cairo, possessed a large quantity of jewels tai fein : sbu.; +.ll " !rcfn ligf "o .,Ira ? ll leit and gold, as two inventories of 1536 of his personal trea- bte n llau i0hhil ?eidtir•u111 fd)nid ll F +t a r li tuil fil fl l"ls,4 tl a Ir l sury indicate. Composed by the contemporary author La- iume tifi, two essays contain descriptions of these legendary jew- a,, r r ill els and gold and silver objects surpassing even those owned 0054ll ey by the sultans. Though Ibrahimspreoccupation with pomp O vcii 1- , bll 11 c iI•{l r r ll ilt/I itIl lamni tt r/to I nf?relrli- "snrn, ior eventually led to his execution in 1536, he seems to have ill 11s(t, been the guiding spirit behind the Venetian helmet project and he might well have provided gold and jewels for it from his own collection.19This would explain why two contem- porary pamphlets in German and Italian and a German . folksong composed by Hans Sachs-all apparently deriv- ing from a common source-state that the Venetian helmet was a gift from Ibrahim Pasha to Siileyman.20 e.. . The grand viziers chief advisers, Iskender Celebi and Al- vise Gritti, probably negotiated the details of this enterprise with Vincenzo Levriero, who frequently traveled between Venice and Istanbul, as well as with the vice-bailo Pietro Zen, whose sons were among the partners. The Ottoman courts interpreter, Dragoman Yunus Beg, who visited Ven- ice on several diplomatic missions during December 1529, January 1530, and December 1532, could also have acted as a liaison. Moreover, it is not altogether unlikely that the Venetian goldsmiths themselves were briefly present in Istanbul to receive instructions about the design from Gritti, I" who helped conceive it. After all, the brothers Luigi and Marco Caorlini are documented to have visited the Otto- man capital later in 1532-33, probably in the company of Vincenzo Levriero, who with his companions, according6 Anonymous, Ibrahim Pasha on Horseback, woodcut, 1529. to Della Valle, delivered the helmet to its destination.21Vienna,Albertina,Graphische Sammlung Well aware of the helmets whereabouts before it even reached Ottoman territory, Ibrahim Pasha was instrumen-attribute of sovereignty, Ibrahim encouraged the sultan to tal in ensuring its safe transport. He sent an impressive es-indulge himself in jewels by presenting him with expensive cort to Ragusa, led by one of his slaves, to assure its de-presents. For example, in 1525, his gifts to Siileyman from livery over land to the Ottoman court.22At the head of his19The "copa doro" was set with precious jewels, including a fifty-eight- Copia, fol. 2v. A song composed by Hans Sachs in 1532 repeats the samecarat diamond worth 31,000 ducats, a twenty-one-carat diamond worth information without mentioning the helmets price; (see Sachs, 56). All18,000 ducats, a fourteen-carat diamond worth 18,000 ducats, an emerald three sources are quoted in n. 31. Like the mid-16th-century chronicle offor 15,000 ducats, and numerous rubies and pearls; (Sanuto, XL,124). For Ben Meir, that of Gomara copies this information from the above-citedjewels in Ibrahims personal treasury, see ibid., XL,125; XLI,527. The two pamphlets; (F.L. de Gomara, Annals of the Emperor Charles V, trans.inventories from 1536 list numerous rubies, pearls, diamonds, emeralds, R.B. Merriman, Oxford, 1912, 91-92, 224).turquoises, and jeweled rings, Topkapi Palace Archives, D. 5927, D. 10023. 21 Dragoman Yunus Begs missions are explained in Setton, 11, 384. ForFor relevant passages in the two essays, see A. Sevgi, ed., LatTff nin iki the presence of the Caorlini brothers in Istanbul, see a document publishedRisalesi: Enisiil-Fusaha ve Evsaf-i Ibrahim P-is-a(Two Essays by L-itift: in Kellenbenz, 1965, 365-366, 374-377. Luigi Caorlinis visit to Istanbul"The Friendof the Speakers of Truth"and "The Characteristicsof Ibrahim is also referred to in Pietro Aretinos play, La cortegiana; see De Sanctis,Pasha"), Konya, 1986, 12-16, 24. 173, cited in L. Klinger and J. Raby, "Barbarossaand Sinan: A Portrait20Using Rabbi Ben Meirs derivative Chronicle of the of Two Ottoman Corsairs from the Collection of Paolo Giovio," Ateneo Kings of France andSultans of Turkey, which directly copies sources from 1532, Kurz dis- Veneto (forthcoming), 9. It is also mentioned in a letter published in P.misses Ibrahim Pashas involvement: "We see that already by the middle Larivaille, Letteredi, a, su Aretino nel Fondo Bongi dell Archivio di Statoof the sixteenth century - the Chronicle was finished in 1553 - a false di Lucca, Paris, 1980, 17. A letter from Marco di Niccol6 to Aretino,rumor was current that the helmet was a gift from the wealthy grand written in Istanbul on 8 Sept. 1533, confirms Caorlinos presence at thevizier to his overlord"; (Kurz, 255-256; J. Ben Meir, The Chronicles, 2 Ottoman capital: "I1Caorlino vi bascia la mano, e mandavi una turchesevols., trans. C.H.F. Biallobotzky, 1836, 11, 141). Two anonymous pam- bella e di prezzo: ma pregate pure Iddio che le cose nostre vadino bene";phlets published in 1532 state that the Venetian helmet, which cost 140,000 Landoni, i, pt. I, 94-95. For the helmets transport to the Ottoman courtducats (a figure remarkably close to the 144,400 ducats cited in Sanutos by Levriero and his companions, see Della Valle, 35 (as in n. 13).invoice), was Ibrahimsgift to the sultan; see Anon., Copey, fol. 3v; Anon., 22 Sanuto, Lv, 634-635; LvI, 7.
  8. 8. SULEYMAN AND OTTOMAN-HAPSBURG-PAPAL RIVALRY 407army, Siileyman had already departed from Istanbul for a obtained from Naples for the scepter (mazza) and the othersecond campaign to Vienna, when the helmet arrived in artifacts that the Caorlini were making for the sultan.Edirne. There, it was delivered on 12 May 1532 to Ibrahim Giovio mentions the same scepter simultaneously with thePasha, who is reported by Sanuto to have admired it im- gold helmet and a bejeweled mirror as objects created inmensely.23 Pietro Zens firsthand reports on the transactions Venice on the basis of Alvise Grittis instructions, whichindicate that the helmets costs were covered in Istanbul by Suiileyman found to be marvelously pleasing. In a letter fromthe sultans acting treasurer Mahmud, who openly disap- 1535, Giovio links the name of his relative Pietro della Portaproved of this extravagant expense on the eve of a costly to the consortium of this bejeweled scepter which is de-military campaign. Since there was not sufficient cash at picted in a seventeenth-century print representing the mis-hand, only 100,000 ducats were paid at first, while the re- identified sultan with the helmet-crown as he rides on amaining debt of 15,000 was covered several months later horse with rich caparison. Together with two other var-from the revenues of Aleppo and Tripoli. Pietro Zen noted iants, which omit the scepter, this German print is probablythat this was "an excellent and notable payment in a time based on a sixteenth-century design and confirms that theof this sort," which advertised to the whole world the sul- Venetian helmet-crown was conceived as part of a grouptans wealth.24 of ceremonial parade accessories (Figs. 7, 8a-b).27 Guillaume Postel, who accompanied a French embassyThe Iconography of Power to Istanbul in 1534-37, notes that in 1532 Venetian mer- Now let us turn to the iconography and the ceremonial chants had also sold Suileymana gold throne studded withfunctions that the Venetian helmet-crown fulfilled. Why jewels and pearls, estimated to cost 40,000 ducats.28 Thesedid Ibrahim Pasha acquire this idiosyncratic headgear, given ceremonial artifacts constitute a category different from thethat such imperial regalia as crowns, scepters, orbs, or playful curiosities and automata made in Italy for the sul-golden chains were foreign to the Ottoman tradition of sov- tan in those years, such as a tiny alarm clock set in a goldereignty?25 The helmets acquisition in 1532 was not an iso- ring, a perpetual clock, a dancing mechanical wooden doll,lated case. Observing that it was conceived as part of a and a ship moving on a board.29The production in 1532larger group of Venetian ceremonial objects commissioned of these ceremonial objects - a parade helmet, horse fur-by a different consortium, Sanuto writes: "This helmet will nishings, a scepter, and a throne - was not sent together with a jewel-studded saddle and saddle They were pompously displayed with other regalia ofcloth ordered by another partnership. These, too, are es- Ottoman workmanship as the sultan advanced with histimated to be worth 100,000 ducats."26 whole court toward Vienna. The contemporary historian This is confirmed by Francesco Sansovino who states Celalzade congratulates Ibrahim Pasha for skillfully chor-that, besides the golden helmet with four superimposed eographing this triumphal procession, punctuated by sev-crowns, the Venetian goldsmith Luigi Caorlini had also eral ambassadorial receptions, for which an enormous for-made "a cushion, a chamfron for the sultans horse, and tune was spent to exhibit the sultans magnificence to thean aigrette, with other precious things of inestimable value." world.30A letter by the renowned humanist Pietro Aretino, Contemporary descriptions preserve the memory ofaddressed to his friend Luigi Caorlini in 1536, indicates that Siileymans triumphal march to Vienna in 1532. Departingfor Siileyman the goldsmith had made a scepter, furnish- from his capital, the sultan arrived after several stops inings, and other jewels worth more than 100,000 ducats. Belgrade, the streets of which had been decorated with clas-Marco di Niccol6, one of the merchants belonging to the sical triumphal arches "in the manner of ancient Romansecond consortium, informed Aretino on 5 May 1530 that triumphs." Orders of footsoldiers and cavalry troops werehe had shown Pope Clement VII in Rome the jewels he followed by standard-bearers carrying flags with Ottoman23 30For Ibrahim Pashas role in conceiving these ceremonies and processions Ibid., LvI, 364.24 Ibid., LVI, 403, 791, 826. in 1532, see Celdlzdde, fols. 217b, 228r-v. Several Ottoman-made artifacts25 The absence of such regalia is noted in B. Schweigger, Ein neue seem to have been commissioned specifically for the military parade of 1532. For a ceremonial gold sword of Ottoman workmanship, carryingReyssbeschreibung auss Teutschland nach Constantinople und Jerusalem the inscription "Sultan Siileyman Han may his victories be glorious, Con-(1578-1581), repr. Graz, 1964, 56-57; cited in Kurz, 254. stantinople, 1531/32," see Atil, 154, pl. 87. It is tempting to propose that26 cited in Kurz, 250. Sanuto, Lv, 635; LvI, 6-7; a 16th-century parade helmet (Fig. 26), its matching ceremonial mace,27 Sansovino, fol. 134v; Camesasca, 29-30; cited in Kurz, 250-251. For and the celebrated gold canteen (matara) used for carrying the sultansMarco di Niccol6, see Landoni, i, pt. 1, 92-94. For Giovios reference to drinking water, were also produced for this occasion. For these objects,the scepter, see Giovio, 345. Giovios letter referring to Pietro della Porta usually dated to the second half of the 16th century, see Atil, 123, 148-151,is cited in Klinger and Raby (as in n. 21), 11. I would like to thank Dr. pls. 54, 84, 85; Rogers and Ward, 130-131, 144-145, 148-151. DescriptionsJulian Raby for bringing the two prints (Figs. 7 and 8b) to my attention of regalia paraded by Siileymans pages in 1532 include references to spec-and for providing me with their photographs. Fig. 8a is published in the tacular ceremonial helmets as well as to a gold canteen (uno mastrapano,catalogue of an exhibition at the Miinster Stadtmuseum, Miinster, Wien zioe uno bocal doro per bever acqua); see n. 20, and Sanuto, LVI,828,und die Tiirken 1683-1983, Miinster, 1983, 82-84, no. 59. 870-871. It is more likely that these spectacular ceremonial objects of28 Postel, Bk. ni, 4. Ottoman workmanship date from the 1530s, when the numbers of court goldsmiths and jewelers reached a peak, and not to the second half of the29 For these curiosities made by Giorgio Capobianco of Vicenza, see Ca- 16th century when their numbers were drastically reduced; see n. 63.mesasca, 103; Sanuto, LV, 14, 636; LVI, 6-7.
  9. 9. 408 THE ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 1989 VOLUME LXXI NUMBER 3 leee VITI iN -4. t :ip SIN ,m AInoIaI I y.l I~At2 .I ~lN NNIAHI,-t[() 01 1101t A. C E[ L pilf)e D 1" t! .6 aLt I ,-[lNl * P1 V t.iltr n ,0je I;T L al"eim?N met ,r! ntard i X. t(1, l - IU.qIiErCOrt, t rfI ~rtirw~ nrchftheIrnwhrl 4- i11 rkwi.qIml) I [.t •1.~ C)r ?~wimril~l~l~r)( n~l I At.C ir~tr ~t~r~~l~ C~n*;Yl ~u~~c ,I-ft W- be ric ui r?witfrn 4 igen Lhr e vih, r. nuuitlneO Whnit t :j)jll ~OC)I1. ll} l;l" tl" l lj f i Itllt tIIC . -L1) 6"11 . {ICIJ ~-h RrbIlr: JI11,-AL 17 fOff f~j ,:,t m a1:! llrl i -n 7 v !AIelc f! *I7 Anonymous, Equestrian Sultan with Panoramic View ofIstanbul in the Background, copper engraving, mid-17th cen-tury, "Augsburg findenbey JacobKoppinayr" zu (photo:Dr.JulianRaby)8a Anonymous, Equestrian Sultan with Panoramic View ofIstanbulin the Background, engravedin Frankfurt, mid-17thcentury.MiinsterStadtmuseum (fromMiinster,Wienund dieTiirken 1683-1983, as in n. 27, no. 59)8b Anonymous, Equestrian Sultan with Panoramic View ofIstanbul in the Background, copper engraving, mid-17th cen-tury, "Zufindenin Niirnberg JacobSandrart bei Kupfer-stecher"(photo:Dr. JulianRaby)crescents and the prophet Muhammads name embroideredin pearls and jewels. Then rode one hundred select royalpages carrying damascened lances. Twelve of the sultansfavorite pages displayed costly helmets studded with daz-zling jewels and pearls. The last one of these was reportedto have been a special "Venetian helmet bearing a strikingresemblance to a papal tiara," which Ibrahim Pasha hadpresented as a gift to the sultan. Followed by his grandvizier, Stileyman rode on a magnificent horse, the saddleof which was estimated to be worth 70,000 ducats, whileits chamfron, featuring a turquoise as large as an egg, wasvalued around 50,000 ducats. Dressed in a large turban and S 1.•-••- C CHAN .A C HMET URCAR UM TYRANNUSa fur-lined gold brocade caftan of royal purple embroideredwith jewels, Stileyman wore around his neck an enormous ,i~hitlsr~1; Its~c 71a,w;, Wt:gg ;:r•h•lidr~~ I= it I.thrri~rcl id,i6l ii•]•,ifc, r~ru rr•,•;•tc~~~ l•,•l: Ih,,i iir•;, , =cr Gt~rT i•,•; ~i,,igold chain, which attendants held on both sides to relieve Ne- Rids: , =t C l v as see- )i,, .. zLI. .!.the weight. Accompanied by martial musicians, the sultanrode in triumph under a costly silk brocade canopy, the
  10. 10. SULEYMAN AND OTTOMAN-HAPSBURG-PAPAL RIVALRY 409four poles of which were carried by dignitaries of the city. great treasure more than twelve times 100,000 ducats,The sultans various triumphal parades along the route to and the expensive vest worn by the Turkish emperor.32Vienna approximated this spectacular entry into Belgrade,with only minor variations in detail. So powerful was the effect of this carefully staged re- For example, during his march into Nish, which the ception ceremony that the Hapsburg ambassadors, stupe-Hapsburg envoys were made to watch from a minaret, fied by the abundance of jewels and gold, turned intoSiileyman wore a large turban set in a gold crown (uno "speechless corpses," according to a Venetian report. In histurbante grandissimo involtato con una corona doro).31 detailed account of this audience, and of a similar receptionDesperately trying to conclude an armistice, the Austrian given to the French ambassador later in Belgrade, the con-delegation was subsequently received by the sultan in a temporary court historian Cela-lz-de describes Stileymanslavish tent at Nish. On Siileymans canopied gold throne, bejeweled gold throne on which such Ottoman symbols ofroyal emblems consisting of swords, bows, and arrows were sovereignty as swords, bows, arrows, daggers and shieldsexhibited together with the Venetian helmet, which the am- were displayed. However, he fails to mention the Venetianbassadors imagined to be the Turkish imperial crown: helmet-crown, which was completely alien to the Ottoman imperial tradition. While foreign news pamphlets, Sachss Then were the two ambassadors conducted to the em- folksong, and various prints testify to the sensation this perors tent, and saw there the Turkish emperor sitting fantastic headgear created in the West, it is neither men- in majesty and pomp on a golden throne or seat with tioned in Ottoman historical texts, nor shown in miniatures four columns. They also saw near him, on a small stool depicting Suileymans tent receptions (Figs. 9a-b).33 This or standing on the same throne, the imperial crown conspicuous omission confirms that the helmets message (Keyserliche kron) which cost 115,000 ducats and had was primarily directed to a European audience. been made in Venice. They kissed his hand, and saw What sources did Ibrahim Pasha draw upon as he was hanging on each of the front columns of the throne very staging these receptions and triumphal processions with beautiful bows and quivers full of arrows. The columns classical allusions? In a conversation with Pietro Zen, the or supports of the throne were completely covered with grand vizier stated that he had acquired the helmet-crown jewels and costly pearls, like the scabbards of the swords from Italian merchants because it was a "trophy of Alex- and quivers. All of these were described to us by the ander the Great."mThe sultans processions in 1532 can be ambassadors who saw them personally together with a seen as a direct response to classical triumphs staged before31 For Siileymans parades in 1532, see Sanuto, LVI, 828-831, 870-871. The & con tanti piffari, & suoni de instrumenti diversi, che miracolosa cosaGerman pamphlet of 1532 describes the twelve pages carrying helmets as era aremirare, & a lo entrare dentro, erano fatti li archi triomphal, perfollows: "Nach disen volgeten 100 die aller vorderisten und inneristen le strade del suo pasaggio, dove secondo le antiquita de Romani vedeasiCamerdiener des Kaysers ... under denen waren zwelff / der yeder hett giochi, & feste solenne & egli era a cavallo sotto un baldachino ricchis-ain kostlich helmlin auff / die waren mit Perlen und Edelstain gar unse- simo, portato da i piti nobili di quella Citta"; Copia, fol. 3r-v. Sachssglich geziert / also dass ain scheinbarlichen glast gab / under denen was song again shortens this information: "Mit k6stlichen triumph man hatain sonderer helm / der gleychet sich fast ainer Bapst Kron / den haben in empfangen wol in der stat, gar kiinstlich war gemachet von regenpogenetlich Kauflewt auf iren aigen verlag in Venedig mit kiinstlicher arbait / ein himelspil, des im der keiser lachet / Da er dadurch aussreiten thet,und Edlen eingesetzten gestain lassen machen / und darnach gen Con- die burgerschaft in der stat het, ein k6stlichen himel, wiste, von silberstantinopel bracht / dem Abraym Bascho verkaufft umb hundert und und gold in seiden gestickt auf den keiser geriiste / Den man ober demvierzig tausent Ducaten / den er nachmals dem Tiirckischen Kayser ges- keiser trug, die hoffart was des keisers fug, dass man im triumphieret,chenckt"; Anon., Copey, fol. 3v. The Italian text of 1532 reads: "Doppo nach prauch der alter R6mer art man im herrlich hofieret"; Sachs, qua-questi venivano sopra bellissimi cavalli, cento pagi schiavi dela camera trains 15-17, p. 56. Kurz cites a derivative description of this parade fromdel Signore, . . . fra quali xii, erano che portavano xii Celladoni, & tutti Ben Meirs chronicle, 255-256.coperti di zoie de infinito valore, et Iultimo era uno Celladone, che hav- 32 B. Curipeschitz, Wegrayss Keyserlicher Maiestiit Legation im 32. Jarzuevano fatto fare alchuni mercanti in Venetia, & Abbrayim Bassa lhavea dem Tiircken geschickt, Augsburg, 1533, fol. B iiv, repr. as an appendixcomprato da essi in Constantinopoli, & donato al signore, il quale dicono to pt. 5 in A. von Gevay, Urkunden und Actenstiicke zur Geschichte deressere costato cento et quaranta milia ducati"; Anon., Copia, fol. 2v. Verhiiltnissezwischen Oesterreich, Ungarn und der Pforte, i, Vienna, 1840;Sachss song condenses this information, "Nach im folgeten hundert pfer, cited in Kurz, 256.darauf des keisers kammerer ... / Zw6lf waren aber unter in, die hettenauf k6stlich helmlin mit perlein und edlem gesteine, das gab ein schein- 33 Sanuto, LvI, 824-825; Celilzide, fols. 210v-217v. For the diplomaticbarlichen glast, die hoffart was nit kleine / Der tiirkisch keiser het auch missions of the Austrian and French ambassadors, see Setton, IIi, 362- 364. The two miniatures are reproduced and described in E. Atil,ein, der gleichen findt man nindert kein, der gleicht einer bipstlichen krone,Ibraim wascho der im den zu eer was schenken thune"; Sachs, quatrains Siileymanname: The Illustrated History of Siileyman the Magnificent,18-21, p. 56. Washington, DC, and New York, 1986, 162-165. The triumphal arches of Belgrade and the sultans canopy are described 34Ibrahim Pasha is quoted by Pietro Zen in reference to the helmet: "as follows: "Und es haben die innwoner und Oberisten der statt / durch Io Iho comprato per esser quello un trofeo di Alexandro Magno, che eradie gassen wie der Kaiser zogen ist / herlich und kiinstlich gemacht gleych strania cosa chel stesse in mano di mercadanti, ma doveva andar in manwie die Regenbogen / himmelspil unnd Spectackel / nach brauch der alten dil suo Signor, come e questo conveniente a lui, et quando Janus bei (i.e.R6mer gehalten / Unnd die fUirnemestender statt / haben ain sondern Dragoman Yunus Beg) mi dimando il precio risposi era bon mercato, ekostlichen hymel von silber und gold in seyden gestickt und gemacht / tanto li ditti che se havesseno dimandati ducati 300 milia tanto li hariaUiber den Kaiser gedeckt / mitt den vier orten des himels getragen / sch6n dati per tuorlo di mano di mercadanti e darlo al Signor"; (Sanuto, LVIII,und prachtlich / dass herlich zusehen ist"; Copey, fol. 5r. The Italian text 634).reads: "ElTurcho entro a disinare in Belgrado con tanto fausto, & pompa,