Media Coverage Analysis on the Mexican Conflict

" Migrants are the famous people. Theyre confronting the obstacles, were here to accompany them." Norma Romero, coordinator of the group known as Las Patronas  supported by the Mexican bishops human mobility ministry    The love affair between the Catholic Church and Central American Migrants:  challenges of media coverage on the Mexican conflict            “Migrants are transforming everything and one of the institutions overcoming most changes is the Catholic Church. They are questioning strongly the high hierarchy with just its presence” Father Alejandro Solalinde, migrant’s advocate listed in Amnesty’s International list of people at risk           María Ximena Plaza   The New School   

This is the opening image of a 2011 National Catholic  Reporter article. The photography’s caption reads:  “migrant carries a wooden cross on the outskirts of  Mexico City, during a symbolic pilgrimage to celebrate  the Mexican Senates passage of new immigration  legislation.”     The news report titled“ Mexican Catholics working with undocumented migrants welcome new law” starts by explaining how the law constitutes an effort to improve the treatment of migrants transiting north as they have become target of kidnapping and ransoms. The image, along with the article, is an example of how U.S. and Mexican catholic media coverage has presented stories about migrants, usually Central American born migrants, by making links between the figure of the Catholic Church  and  this  vulnerable  population.  These  links  are  repeatedly  found  as  well  across  U.S.  and Mexican  mainstream  media.  This  paper  aims  at  analyzing  the  prominence  of  the  figure  of  the Catholic Church in news reports about migrants transiting Mexico in the midst of the current armed conflict. By drawing on Mexican history and 2011 media coverage on the topic, I aim to demonstrate that the Catholic Church has been a recurrent media source as the institution upholds a predominant role in the nation’s social and political spheres. However, this role has gained greater visibility during the current civil conflict. In fact, the Catholic Church and some of its representatives have risen as a recurrent  media  source  on  the  abuses  faced  by  migrants  in  Mexico,  denunciations  of  Government performance and recommendations for policymaking improving the livelihoods of this population.   In my view, this portrayal of migration and conflict in the country presents challenges to enable  media  as  a  tool  for  peace  building  through  dialogue  among  the  different  parties  of  the conflict, given that it perpetuates the same relations among actors: the Catholic church continues to be  a  direct  and  recognizable  speaker  to  the  Government  through  media,  while  voices  of  migrants remain  under  the  church’s  discourse  and  ideology.  Thus,  migrants  are  represented  as  “victims”, instead  of  citizens  who  bear  human  rights  and  have  political  agency  to  make  discernible  claims  to Governments through public opinion. Another kind of media representation would allow migrants to escape  from  navigating  through  the  different  motivations  and  actions  carried  by  actors  influencing the conflict. Central American migrants would cease to be an “easy target” in the conflict thanks to a greater visibility in public discourse.  

Migrants as victims of the Mexican armed conflict   In order to understand how migrants got trapped into the dynamics of the Mexican armed conflict,  it  is  necessary  to  explain  the  character  and  evolution  of  this  war.    Carpenter  (2010) contends  that  Mexico  is  undergoing  a  factional‐  economic  conflict.  Maill  et  al  (2005)  clearly explains  this  concept:  “a  factional‐economic  conflict  consists  on  fighting  solely  about  the competing  interests  or  power‐struggles  of  political  or  criminal  factions  whose  aim  is  to  usurp, seize  or  retain  state  power  merely  to  further  particular  interests.”  In  the  case  of  the  Mexican conflict, Drug Trafficking Organizations (DTO) spread throughout the country to control significant territory. However these groups are not driven by a specific political ideology or aim at using this territorial  control  to  legitimate  governance.  Instead  the  driving  force  is  the  interest  to  control smuggling routes, sources, markets and alliances. Carpenter (2010) clarifies that “drug trafficking organizations are not an early autonomous specialized social group, rather a new class of outlaws that  depended  closely  on  political  and  police  protection.”  There  are  cases  reported  through media of the close relationships between these organizations and politicians as well as officials, who have been accused of corrupt practices bribery, nepotism, and theft for public money. Until 2000  these  crimes  were  committed  in  the  context  of  a  state  party  system:  the  Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), who had control over judicial, legislative and executive branches. As it is well documented, for many decades Mexico had in place a highly centralized power structure that was not only permissive, but also protective of organized criminal activities (Cornell, 2007).    DTOs have used these relationships with the state to expand their monopolistic behavior correlated with ruthlessness and exploitation (Schelling) of populations such as Central American migrants.  The  Zetas,  a  group  born  out  of  “Cartel  del  Golfo”  DTO  as  a  military  or  “enforcement enterprise”  specializing  in  kidnapping,  extortion  and  human  trafficking  have  been  repeatedly accused  of  targeting  Central  American  Migrants.  Alongside  these  allegations,  human  rights nonprofits  and  migrants  themselves  have  referred  to  the  complicity  of  police  force  and  local authorities  (Carpenter,  2010).  According  to  the  2011  Human  Rights  Watch  Report,  hundreds  of thousands of migrants pass through Mexico each year and many are subjected to grave abuses en  route  including  physical  and  sexual  assault,  extortion,  and  theft.  Approximately  18,000 migrants are kidnapped annually, often with the aim of extorting payments from their relatives in the United States. Around half of them are Central American Migrants. A case generating great commotion in the country was the execution of seventy‐two kidnapped migrants originating from Central and South America by armed gangs from Tamaulipas in August 2010 (Mexican National 

Commission  of  Human  Rights,  2009.)  The  HRW  report  adds,  “Authorities  have  not  taken adequate  steps  to  protect  migrants,  or  to  investigate  and  prosecute  those  who  abuse  them. Authorities  rarely  inform  migrants  of  their  rights,  such  as  the  right  to  seek  asylum,  and  the authorities themselves are often the perpetrators of abuses.” Since 2007, the National Migration Institute has fired 15 percent of its total force for suspected links with organized crime and crimes such as human trafficking. Their vulnerability is increased by the fact that the Federal Population Law  requires  public  officials  to  demand  that  foreign  citizens  show  proof  of  their  legal  status before  offering  any  service,  such  as  providing  medical  care  and  registering  human  rights complaints. Although a new law on migrants was passed, those who suffer abuses often choose not to report crimes out of fear of deportation. (Human Rights Watch, 2011)   During  the  last  decade  the  Mexican  Government,  especially  under  the  leadership  of  the National  Action  Party  (PAN)  President  Felipe  Calderón,  has  pushed  for  the  arrest  of  key  drug lords, straining the relations between DTO’s and state.  In the absence of the arrested or killed druglords, a leadership vacuum has take place and the stable relationships within the organized crime chain have fractured into increasing competition for power and territory. Previous to these measures,  “narcos”  avoided  direct  confrontation  with  law  enforcement  by  trading  social  order (refraining  from  actions  of  wide‐scale  violence)  for  relative  impunity  to  operate.  As  the competition  among  DTOs  and  narcos  has  increased,  they  have  passed  from  intercartel  rivalries over  routes  and  resources  to  winning  the  right  to  start  or  continue  trafficking  to  “hurting  the other”.  In  this  struggle  for  survival,  the  “cartels”  seek  to  preserve  their  illicit  power  structure alongside  the  state  (Osorio,  2011).  Their  motivations  to  continue  this  factional  conflict  have become greater as the drug trade brings $23 billion in revenue annually, which makes up for 20% of Mexico’s GDP in 2007 (U.S. GAO, 2007). In this scenario not only DTOs are profiting, but also groups  such  as  Los  Zetas  who  will  continue  to  expand  its  military  power  as  its  business  will increasingly  become  the  conflict  itself.  (Cornell,  2007)  Furthermore,  recently  they  have  found new  ways  of  sustainability  such  as  extortions  to  migrant  families  and  human  trafficking  of  this population for prostitution or sale to DTOs, among other purposes (El Universal, 2011).    The political and social influence of the Catholic Church in Mexico   Hagopian  (2006)  posits  that  in  the  last  years  “the  Mexican  church  has  assumed  a  more assertive  tone  on  public  policy  than  at  any  time  in  nearly  a  century.”  The  author  adds  that catholic  representatives  such  as  Cardinal  Norberto  Rivera  of  Mexico  City  in  the  last  years  have 

actively denounced the plight of migrants in the midst of the conflict, among other topics related to  social  justice  and  democracy.  This  growing  influence  on  public  policy  and  politics  has  been possible after the 1992 constitutional reform which relaxed the sharp constitutional separation of church and state that had prohibited the Church from owning property and priests from voting since  the  revolution,  though  the  clergy  still  cannot  speak  about  politics  or  proselytize  for  or against any political party or candidates (Hagopian, 2006). Though the latter has not refrained the church  to  support  certain  candidates  or  parties.  Why  would  the  church  cease  to  have  direct actions affecting the political sphere when the international catholic establishment exhorted its members  to  increase  its  influence  in  political  actions?  In  1992  Pope  John  Paul  II  proposed  the “new  evangelization  project”  aimed  at  “deepening  church  influence  over  civil  society,  and organizing the public sphere on the principles of faith” (Hagopian 2006) Tahar (2010) posits that the project necessarily required the church to adopt positions on questions of public morality and social  justice  and  to  mobilize  the  believers  for  political  action.  In  1992,  the  Latin  American Catholic Bishops Conference (CELAM) embraced this proposal (Hagopian, 2006).   However  authors  such  as  Jean‐Pierre  Bastian  (1997)  have  insisted  that  secularization  in the Latin America has always had formal and jurisdictional expressions, but not real and practical ones. Hagopian (2010) adds that there was an implicit pact between the Mexican state and the church,  respectively  responsible  for  the  public  order  and  the  private  order.  In  other  words  the church had been accumulated legitimacy as moral authority, which would be further reflected in the  public  sphere  after  the  1992  reform.  This  idea  is  further  explained  throughout  the  2010 survey and research carried out by Mancilla (2010) to minority religious groups in Mexico. Some of  the  interviewed  groups  argued  that  the  1992  reform  was  thought  for  the  Catholic  Church, following the “noticeable preference of the state for this church.” Mancilla (2010) says that these appreciations shed light on the perceptions on the nexus between public space and Catholicism in Mexico across several aspects: political participation, mass media and in education. She adds that it is difficult to deny that the new constitution did not bring a greater openness in the public space  for  all  religious  groups,  however  the  reform  allowed  small  steps  for  minority  religious groups compared to those already taken and being advanced by the Catholic Church (Mancilla, 2010).  Loaeza  (1996)  recalls  that  when  the  Mexican  President  Carlos  Salinas  de  Gortari  won  in 1988  presidential  elections,  his  opening  speech  covered  “the  modernization  of  the  relations between state and churches.” The author says, “Despite referring to all religious institutions, the 

main  recipient  of  the  elected  president’s  proposal  was  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.”  These historical  processes  lead  Hagopian  (2006)  to  say  that  the  Mexican  state  has  continuously accommodated very well the integrating effect of the foundation myth of the catholic nation.  The  Mexican  church’s  political  influence  became  even  more  visible  during  the  2000  elections,  when  the  Episcopal  Conference  gave  its  support  to  the  PAN  candidate  Vicente  Fox.  Through  written  documents,  the  Conference  advocated  for  a  “democratic  change”  implicitly  supporting  PAN  over  PRI,  which  had  been  in  office  during  more  than  80  years.  Fox  answered  with a document called “Project to build a nation: religious liberty and relations Church‐ State”  in  which  he  proposed  to  include  unsatisfied  demands  by  the  church  within  the  Mexican  jurisdictional  framework  and  also  posited  opening  mass  media  spaces  for  the  Catholic  Church  (Pérez  ‐  Rayon,  2010).  Authors  such  as  Perez  Rayon  defend  that  the  catholic  hierarchy  made  indirect and direct exhortations to the populations, specially located in rural and popular urban  areas, for the support to Fox. Not surprisingly Fox won the elections, as there were 88 percent of  Catholics in the country by 2000 (El Universal, 2011) Tahar (2010) posits that “ with the political  change  in  2000,  the  Catholic  Church  recovers  positions,  aiming  at  taking  advantage  of  the  democratic  processes  for  its  own  purposes.”  The  2000  elections  were  very  symbolic  also  for  public representation of church and politics. The elected president’s campaign used the Virgin of  Guadalupe as one of its main images. A year after the elections, news reports showed president  Vicente Fox greeting Pope John Paul II while kneeling down and kissing the papal ring (see photo  below),  which  was  considered  as  a  an  act  of  submissiveness  toward  the  Vatican’s  authority  (Pérez‐Rayón, 2010). Therefore in the last decade the symbiosis between the representation of  politics and Catholic church has increased and is a recurrent element throughout media stories  about  the  current  armed  conflict  and  civilian  populations  threatened  by  violent  acts  such  as  Central American Migrants as I will explain in the following pages.         

Catholic Church and media in Mexico A violent act catapulted furthermore the church as a deserving actor of media attention, specially regarding the Mexican civil conflict. In 1993 hit men killed the cardinal of Guadalajara, Juan  Jesús  Posada.  The  hit  men  allegedly  confused  the  prelate’s  white  Grand  Marquis  with  the one driven by “ El Chapo”, a drug trafficker that had gotten in trouble with business associates. The  visibility  of  the  fatal  event  beyond  locating  the  church  at  the  center  of  the  news  setting agenda  also  enabled  the  institution  to  a  position  of  scrutiny.  Local  newspapers  printed  the statement  of  one  drug  lord,  who  suggested  that  the  cardinal  had  a  relationship  with  his organization.  Some  argued  that  these  organizations  funded  projects  of  the  Tijuana  dioceses. (Ugarte,  1997).  The  mystery  of  the  death  of  the  cardinal  remains  unresolved,  with  media  and Government  bodies  turning  the  page  and  starting  a  new  chapter  in  the  thriller  of  crimes  and deaths left by the conflict.  As  the  drug  war  has  unfolded  the  use  of  media  by  the  religious  institution  and  its construction  of  narratives  draws  on  elements  of  the  “Cristero”  conflict,  as  it  will  be  further demonstrated  in  the  media  analysis  below.  The  “Cristero”  conflict  is  known  as  the  moment  in Mexican  history  when  catholic  factions  decided  to  fight  against  the  Government  established  in 1917 as a result of the Mexican Revolution. At this time suspicions regarding church support for the revoked regime led by autocrat Porfirio Díaz drove the revolutionary Government to create legal  dispositions  concerning  catholic  practices.  The  reaction  of  the  catholic  hierarchy  was  to suspend  masses  and  an  armed  conflict  was  born  in  1926  (López,  2011).  During  the  “Cristero” conflict there was an on‐going use of media by the church in order to claim religious persecution and also to narrate a different version on the happenings of the conflict. Beyond libels, magazines and  letters,  the  Catholic  Church  made  use  of  mainstream  media  as  the  institution  had  greater support  than  the  revolutionary  government.  As  censorship  increased,  information  about  the catholic  persecution  was  sent  to  foreign  media  outlets.  Serna  posits  that  catholic  media messaging was framed using the tone of biblical texts and the catholic led publications become a “diary of martyr.”  She adds that this narrative consisted in:   “Bloody stories and images aiming at capturing the attention of readers. In this way, victims are covered by a saint aura… Journalists and Catholic Journalists achieve greater effectiveness in several fields: agitate the consciences of their followers to gain more supporters in the struggle against the state. At the same time it allowed to strengthen arguments against the Government’s crimes.” (Serna, 2007) 

The  conflict  lasted  three  years  and  culminated  with  a  negotiation  between  state  and church, which ended state intervention in religious practices, but did not open the church to have a  juridical  status.  As  I  mentioned  before,  it  was  until  the  1992  constitutional  reform  that  the church gained this status. Rayón Pérez (2010) highlights that since then “the church is completely integrated to the political fora, has a large presence in media and has become a direct and open speaker  to  the  Government”,  allowing  the  institution  to  recur  to  Cristero  war  media  practices: the  use  of  local  and  international  catholic  media  and  the  institution’s  representation  in mainstream media as well with the aim of showing persecution of catholic representatives by the Government,  focusing  on  martyrs  and  victims  such  as  the  same  persecuted  priests  or  migrants and denunciations of Government crimes.   The new characters of these media practices are undocumented migrants. Regarding the interest  of  the  church  in  migrants,  it  is  undeniable  the  work  of  the  institution  to  improve  the livelihoods  of  this  population.  In  fact,  since  1999  the  institution  created  a  network  of  migrant shelters,  which  are  close  to  50  and  are  extended  in  the  northern  and  southern  frontiers  of  the country as well as the capital (Alvarado, 2009). However this humanitarianism and the demands of  the  church  for  changes  in  policy  making  in  the  name  of  migrants  across  media  outlets  has implications in the conflict, which this analysis also aims at exploring. Why did the church take on migrants  plight  and  why  has  media  been  driven  to  focus  greater  attention  to  this  aspect  to represent  the  institution  in  the  midst  of  the  conflict?  These  are  questions  not  easily  answered, nonetheless  Alvarado  offers  a  possible  answer  by  pointing  out  that  under  the  theology  of liberation,  proposed  in  the  70’s,  Mexican  catholic  church  has  increased  its  actions  for  the “unprotected” and also has pushed for a political incidence over state and governance regarding what  should  be  done  with  Central  American  migrants  threatened  by  violence.  She  adds  that catholic  advocacy  (I  would  add  media  advocacy)  also  has  the  potential  of  surpassing  frontiers. This  is  further  achieved  with  the  figure  of  migrants  and  their  international  dimensions.  While government’s  actions  are  limited  to  concepts  of  sovereignty  and  state  boundaries,  the transnational character of the church allows a greater presence in international and local public forums, while advocating for the respect of migrants’ human rights (Alvarado, 2009).   Media  advocacy  led  by  the  Catholic  Church  was  encouraged  in  2004  by  Mexican  bishops, who argued that the institution should  “promote religious education in various settings and have greater media presence” (Hagopian, 2006). In order to follow this goal, the institution publishes print and digital media such as the weeklies “Desde la fé” or “ Semanario, among others, which 

have  become  accessible  to  Mexicans  and  foreign  readers  through  the  Mexican  Catholic Episcopate  Informational  System. 1  Some  editions  of  Desde  la  fé”  are  cited  and  analyzed  in mainstream  media.  Though  the  church  is  not  allowed  to  own  a  media  company  in  Mexico,  the awakening  in  the  use  of  technology,  especially  Internet,  by  religious  groups  in  this  decade  has allowed religious media such as the Catholic media to reach broader audiences. At the same time the  emergence  of  religious  online  platforms  has  come  along  with  a  renewed  use  of  marketing, branding  and  public  relations  to  further  the  church’s  position  in  public  spheres  and  has  also provided  avenues  for  the  institution  to  provide  an  alternative  discourse  on  Mexico  and  the conflict both locally and internationally (Moors, 2010).  News Reports on the Catholic Church and Central American Migrants    The following media analysis includes 2011 news reports published in US catholic media. I chose to study the National Catholic Reporter and the Catholic News Services given their constant references  to  the  Mexican  conflict,  along  with  Central  American  migrants.  These  media  outlets also  quote  information  originally  created  for  Mexican  mainstream  media.  News  stories  in Mexican catholic media such as Desde La Fé and El Semanario as well as mainstream media such as La Jornada and Excelsior are a key component of this analytical exercise. Though I had some difficulties to access catholic media such as “Desde la Fe” online editions. In fact it was easier to access  fragments  of  articles  published  in  Desde la Fé  through  U.S.  Catholic  media  as  well  as Mexican  mainstream  media.  The  average  of  Mexican  mainstream  articles  on  migrants,  church and conflict is 1‐2 news reports per month. Initially I will use the Cristero war media practices as a framework to assess 2011 media coverage, followed by other specific aspects of Catholic media advocacy  such  as  the  case  of  Catholic  Priest  Alejandro  Solalinde,  and  some  criticisms  to  the church’s role as an migrant advocate and within the conflict.  Each of these topics will be followed with examples found in the news.    Both American and Mexican catholic media and Mexican Catholic media start many news reports either by explaining a statement made by a church representative, narrating the arduous journey of Central American Migrants in Mexico or/and the criminal actions against migrants by criminal  gangs  such  as  Los  Zetas  or  even  state  bodies.  However  quotations  of  migrants  1 This is the link to the Information System of the Mexican Episcopate : http://www.siame.mx/apps/aspxnsmn/templates/?a=7&z=58

themselves are fewer and have less space than those dedicated to Catholic representatives. An August 2011 National Catholic Reporter (NCR) online article informs that two police officers were arrested  after  detaining  a  Guatemalan  migrant  and  handing  him  to  individuals  accusing  him  of assault. Citing the Mexican newspaper Reforma, NCR adds, “Migrant Julio Cardona Agustín was beaten,  struck  with  stones  and  was  found  dead”  near  St.  Diego  Migrant  Shelter  House. Afterwards Father Hugo Montoya, who runs another migrant shelter in the area, explains that the situation  took  place  due  to  xenophobia.  The  article  continues  with  Father  Montoya’s  narration about Cardona’s previous days to his fatal end. It remains unclear why the Father knew about the details  of  the  case  and  the  news  report  is  only  based  on  this  version.  In  a  December,  2011 Excelsior  news  report  points  out  that  boatman  transporting  migrants  across  San  Pedro  de Tenosique,  in  the  Guatemalan‐  Mexican  frontier,  have  allied  with  organized  crime  networks  to kidnap, steal and physically assault undocumented Central Americans. The news report includes the testimonies of two migrants, who narrate in detail how these boatmen threatened them and how they achieved to escape. It also highlights the protection provided by the Migrant Shelter led by monk Tomás González. These two examples show how both Catholic Church and migrants are taken  into  account  when  sharing  this  population’s  drama  and  therefore  their  figure  can  be considered as the “victims” of the conflict.    While  Catholic  representatives  are  witnesses  of  the  horrors  lived  by  migrants, they are also portrayed through their life of sacrifice and, in  some  cases,  of  state  persecution.  Father  Pedro  Pantoja’s  life  and  contributions  is  narrated  in  a  June  2011  Excelsior  article,  which  includes  the  portrait  in  the  side,  which  is  not  a  common  element  in  the  visual  media  narratives.  Usually  journalistic  photos  on  site  are  used;  instead  this  image  follows  the  tradition  of  recent  portraits  of  martyrs  and  saints.  (Though  this  is  my  intuition  after  searching  for  Mexican martyrs portraits in Internet)2.   The  article  describes  how  Father  Pantoja  overcame  a  childhood  and  youth  in  poverty,  how  he assisted prisoners with his mother and also his preparation as a priest. Finally the report narrates his work with migrants, the establishment of a shelter under his leadership and his assessment on  2 The Internet search carried for this media analysis can be found here: http://bit.ly/sI7rXh

a new modality of kidnaps of migrants. Several US catholic media and Mexican media report on the  detention  of  Father  Alejandro  Solalinde,  a  renown  activist  for  Central  American  migrants, while  leading  the  caravan  “  A  step  towards  peace”  with  more  than  500  hundred  migrants. Reports argue that Solalinde was detained under the suspicion that one of his bodyguards had a long  weapon.  Both  Amnesty  International  and  the  Mobility  Pastoral  of  the  Mexican  Episcopate denounced  the  arrest.  Solalinde  was  arrested  one  afternoon  and  shortly  after  local  authorities apologized  to  Solalinde  for  the  inconvenience.  Other  news  reports  refer  to  threats  and persecution  of  criminal  parties  to  catholic  representatives.  In  a  September,  2011  La  Jornada article,  the  Executive  Secretary  of  Human  Mobility  Pastoral  of  the  Mexican  Episcopate Conference  states,  “despite  the  increase  in  intimidation  acts  and  threats  against  defenders  of migrant  rights,  “pastoral  agents  are  still  standing  and  are  not  going  to  take  a  step  back.  In  this way,  these  representatives  are  represented  as  martyrs  for  their  life  of  sacrifice  to  the  cause  of migrants.”    Pantoja, Solalinde, Montoya, among other priests, also denounce Government and DTOs actions. They also propose changes in government bodies and their actions as well as policies and laws  concerning  migrants.  A  July,  2011  National  Catholic  Reporter  article  informed  that  Father Pantoja questioned the new Mexican immigration law “would make much of difference and if the federal government truly wanted to fix the migration issue.” While a 2011 Excelsior news report focused  on  Solalinde’s  argument  against  the  Mexican  National  Institute  of  Migration  (INM), because “it had been the best ally of the organized crime group Los Zetas in the kidnapping of undocumented in the southern states of the country. In the light of cases of corruption of INM staff, the priest argued that the organization had lost prestige in the face of citizens and migrants; therefore  it  was  better  for  the  INM  to  disappear.  Another  July  2011  Excelsior  article  includes Solalinde’s  petitions  to  Congress  on  eliminating  visas  for  Central  American  and  South  American born  family  members  of  disappeared  migrants  in  Mexico.  The  same  newspaper  published  in January  a  report  based  on  the  Catholic  weekly  “Desde  la  Fé”,  which  pointed  out  omissions  of Mexican authorities “ who shine due to their irresponsible absence” regarding justice to migrants who  have  been  victims  of  kidnappings  and  extortions.  The  common  elements  between  the “Cristero war” and the current armed conflict such as media portrayal of victims, martyrs and the denunciations  of  the  church  regarding  Government  actions  can  also  be  explained  through  the concept of trinity proposed by Nietzsche. In fact, Gonzalez (1999) uses this concept to analyze the current  state  of  Mexican  Catholic  Church  (In  this  analysis  we  will  use  the  trinity  to  further 

understand the representations embedded in media discourse on the Catholic Church, migrants and  the  conflict.  According  to  Nietzsche’s  view,  the  trinity  stands  for  a  god  that  acts  as  tyrant, victim and savior. The trinity is a victim, because it carries others sins; tyrant, because it points out other’s sins; and savior, because saves others from their faults. Following this line of thought, media’s  portrayal  sheds  light  on  how  the  Catholic  Church  by  advocating  for  migrants  and providing them shelters carries the faults or consequences of the acts that Government officials and  DTOs  have  committed  against  this  population,  holding  the  position  of  “victim”  or  “martyr” (González).  The  church  is  a  tyrant  because  it  denounces  the  faults  of  state  and  criminal organizations  against  migrants,  assesses  when  Government  actions  are  working  or  not  and proposes  how  the  state  can  change  its  behavior  through  institutional  changes  or  policymaking. Finally  the  institution  acts  as  savior  because  no  matter  the  grievances  caused  to  migrants,  the church still works to improve the situation of violence in which state and DTOs take part. Also the church is source of a sanctified world, while outside the Mexican territory lives in chaos. A June 2011 Catholic News Agency article reports that the Xalapa Archidiocese in Mexico warns that the abuse  suffered  by  Central  American  Migrants  traveling  through  Mexico  is  “an  evident  sign  of societal decay”. The agency adds that the archdiocese thanked the priests, religious and laity who “as good Samaritans,” offer food, shelter and clothing “to those most in need.” To conclude, the holy  trinity  concept  allows  us  to  notice  that  the  ideological  thought  of  the  Catholic  Church underlies  Catholic  and  mainstream  media  coverage  on  Central  American  migrants  and  the conflict.  The case of Alejandro Solalinde  The most outstanding catholic figure in media coverage is Father Alejandro Solalinde, who is usually included on reports about Central American migrants. He is the Director of the Shelter Brothers  in  the  Road  located  in  Ixtepec,  Oaxaca  and  Coordinator  of  the  Catholic  Pastoral  Care Centre for Migrants in southwestern Mexico. Solalinde is part of the list of “ individuals at risk” by Amnesty International, given that “gangs, officials and intolerant community have threatened his life”  (Amnesty  International,  2011).  Solalinde’s  portrayal  differs  between  catholic  media  and mainstream  media.  The  former  just  referring  to  his  contributions  and  claims  toward  the Government,  instead  the  latter  refers  to  Solalinde’s  controversial  criticisms  to  the  Catholic Church  itself,  the  U.S.,  political  parties,  among  others.  A  July  2011  Excelsior  article  is  based  on Solalinde’s  considerations  about  the  Catholic  Church  and  its  role  to  help  migrants.  He  says,  “ Referring  to  the  Catholic  Church,  with  its  honorable  exceptions,  the  institution  has  not  really 

cared about the situation of migrants, that is the sad reality. The institutions, dedicated to serve the human being, have become indifferent to people, they are not interested in anything, only in political  favoritism.”  Instead  in  a  September  2011  Jornada  report  the  priest’s  opinion  on  U.S. policy is highlighted: “We are outraged regarding how the DEA, Pentagon and CIA are having their way here (Mexico), this is not a novelty; but the Mexican National Institute of Migration, through the  Mérida  Plan,  is  completely  being  used  as  an  instrument  for  Washington  in  detriment  of national  sovereignty,  but  also  in  prejudice  of  our  transmigrant  brothers,  who  are  cornered  by Washington,  who  considers  them  as  a  danger  and  as  persons  unwanted  in  the  U.S.”  He  has become such a prominent source that Mexican mainstream media ask for his opinion regarding political  issues  not  directly  related  to  his  cause.  An  October  2011  Jornada  report  is  based  on Solalinde’s perspectives on the 2012 presidential elections. He proposes a national candidacy for the Presidency, however it should be isolated of political parties, who have lost credibility.   Solalinde’s  apology  to  los  Zetas  was  the  news  that  caused  most  polemic.  A  July  2011 Jornada article quotes the father asking forgiveness to “Los Zetas, criminals and all the brothers who we have failed and that are victims of a sick society that did not know how to provide them support,  did  not  teach  them  values.”  In  a  July  2011  Excelsior  report,  Solalinde  argues  that  Los Zetas  are  “marginalized  and  victims  of  a  corruption  system.”  In  the  article,  the  Government Subsecretary  of  Population,  Migration  and  Religious  Issues  expressed  his  concern  regarding Solalinde’s  statements,  which  in  his  opinion  give  the  impression  of  exalting  violators  and assassins,  making  them  look  as  victims  when  they  are  criminals.”  In  this  same  month,  another news report was published by Excelsior in which members of the Senate pointed out that there are  thousands  and  thousands  of  victims  left  by  Los  Zetas,  who  carry  the  guilt  of  mutilating families,  therefore  Congress  does  not  consider  that  these  families  would  agree  with  Solalinde’s statement.   Such is the influence of priests like Solalinde that their constant meetings with officials are also reported. An August, 2011 National Catholic Reporter article informed that Church officials had discussions with Tultitlan and Mexico state governments to find land for a new shelter. While a  July  2011  Excelsior  report  informs  that  Solalinde  will  not  continue  to  participate  in  the negotiations  table  carried  by  poet  Javier  Sicilia  and  businessmen  Alejandro  Marti,  whose  sons were  murdered  as  part  of  the  conflict,  and  Mexican  President,  Felipe  Calderón.  His  reasons  to leave the negotiation table consist in the denial of the Government regarding the facts and, that “ instead  of  helping,  the  Government  is  undermining  the  persons  defending  human  rights.”  An 

August  2011  Excelsior  article  reports  that  Senators  of  the  opposition  received  members  of  the caravan “Step by step toward peace”. Despite that the article mentions an event participating all caravan  members,  the  claims  made  by  Sicilia  and  Solalinde  to  the  Senate  are  the  only  ones included.  Another  August  2011  Jornada  article  reports  the  agreement  between  the  Migrant Secretary  of  the  State  of  Michoacán  and  the  Civil  Association  Brothers  in  the  Road,  led  by Solalinde, to promote the respect for migrants’ rights and transforming their reality by the means of justice, opportunities and equality.      The national section of newspaper Reforma includes an article about the International Detention Coalitions, along with  an update on the encounter with mothers of disappeared Central American Migrants.   Criticisms to the Role of the Catholic Church in the Conflict   In the 2011 media analysis, there were some criticisms to the role of the Catholic Church in  the  conflict.  Written  by  the  author  of  the  book  The Last Narco: Inside the Hunt for El Chapo Malcolm Beith, the World’s Most Wanted Drug Lord, a January 2011 NCR  article points out that the church hierarchy admitted that some of the “dirtiest and bloodiest” money in Mexico could well  have  been  used  to  build  chapels  and  other  facilities.  This  was  “immoral,”  the  church declared. “Nothing can justify allowing this sort of situation to occur.” However, Beith says, the papal  Mexican  nuncio  did  not  denounce  drug  trafficker  Ramón  Arellano,  who  had  visited  the nuncio to receive his blessing. The priest never considered turning Arellano in, because “ this was a matter of conscience, my work as a priest is one thing, but to act as an authority is another.” Written by Ricardo Alemán, a September 2011 Excelsior Op‐ed questions how the church defends its particular interests in the context of the conflict. He asks, “What does it mean for the Mexican Episcopate Conference to require DTOs a truce in order for the parishioners to venerate the relics 

of Pope John Paul II?”   Regarding  controversies  related  to  the  destination  of  public  resources  for  activities related  to  the  Catholic  Church,  the  President  of  the  Center  of  Studies  of  Religion  in  Mexico, Bernardo Barranco, warned in Jornada that the commission of officials travelling to assist to the beatification of laic Juan de Palafox and Mendoza carried in Borga of Osma, Spain misused public resources  and  Government  time  for  this  event.  In  a  July  2011  Excelsior  article  senators  are quoted saying that they are aware that the decision to close the shelter of San Luís de Potosí was made by the Catholic Church due to lack of space and a need for renovation. Still they contend that the state should not have accepted this decision and, instead had the obligation of providing the required resources.    The most recent case of criticism came from Congress regarding an editorial published in Desde La Fé  against  the  actions  of  the  legislative  branch.  Congress  members  asked  the Government to initiate a process against the publication due to its denigrating discourse against one of the state’s main bodies. A PRI senator, Enoé Uranga, claims the lack of power of the laic state  in  Mexico.  He  goes  further  to  say  that  the  Catholic  Church  and  followers  among  other religious  groups,  hidden  in  its  moral  hypocrisy,  are  open  to  pressure  and  challenge  elected powers by the people.  Implications of media coverage of church and migrants for the conflict The media analysis shows how the Mexican Catholic Church is leveraging its prominence as a source, stemmed on its historical social and political position in the country, to speak about migrants frequently undergoing human rights abuses. The Catholic Church portrayal has emerged as  the  expert  and  the  advocate  of  Central  American  migrants  as  most  of  the  articles  refer  to representatives  of  the  Catholic  Church.  The  institution  speaks  out  in  order  to  engage  in policymaking  for  migrant’s  wellbeing,  however  there  are  no  recognizable  voices  coming  from migrants themselves. The lack of their voice might be explained by the fact that migrants usually are  undocumented  and  are  precisely  the  target  of  violent  acts.  However  recent  migration  laws include  the  right  to  medical  services,  judicial  bodies  and  also  recognize  the  jurisdictional personality of legal migrants, according to international treaties signed by Mexico (Secretaría de Gobernación,  2011).  Though  there  is  a  large  amount  of  undocumented  Central  American migrants in Mexico, the passing of this law would make these migrants entitled to a voice given that by law their jurisdictional personality must be respected. The approval of this new law took place  by  the  end  of  April,  therefore  a  larger  time  frame  of  its  application  would  be  needed  to 

further evaluate whether migrants are stepping as advocates across media outlets. In the mean time organized crime will continue to refrain from committing violent attacks to the insitution’s representatives  thanks  to  their  image  of  “sanctity”,  opening  a  door  for  them  to  be  quoted  by media. But one can wonder if the church were to be stricter with the actions of its parishioners by turning  in  people  allied  to  the  organized  crime  chain,  the  institution  would  have  the  same position  of  privilege  to  freely  speak  about  current  migration  issues.  An  argument  against  this thought  would  be  that  the  church’s  representation  in  the  public  discourse  consists  in  a  civil society organization deepening and furthering the protections for migrants, instead of having a direct  judicial  or  political  involvement  in  the  conflict.  Many  civil  organizations  in  conflict  prone areas  draw  this  line  and  continue  to  keep  a  strong  influence  in  the  country,  even  when  the conflict persists and illegal actors approach these organizations, without necessarily contributing financially to these civil society members. But this representation for the church and other civil society organizations is always problematic.    At this point, the question regarding whether the Catholic Church can be portrayed as civil society  arises.  Walzer  (1992)  defines  civil  society  as  "dense  network  of  civil  associations promoting  the  stability  and  effectiveness  of  the  democratic  polity  through  both  the  effects  of association on citizens habits of the heart and the ability of associations to mobilize citizens on behalf of public causes.” In this sense Foley (1996) questions whether interest groups or religious bodies  should  be  included  in  the  definition,  due  to  their  intermittent  mobilization  in  pursuit  of political goals. In my view the Catholic Church in Mexico should not be portrayed as part of civil society,  because  it  is  currently  not  promoting  migrants  as  citizens  bearing  political  agency  and and it’s authority does not come from bottom up. But, in general, civil society is characterized to be a heterogeneous landscape, allowing a weave of organizations to call themselves in media or for journalists to call them as such. Based on the concept of “holy trinity” proposed by Nietzsche, fellow advocates or followers of the catholic migrant cause would rely on thoughts on the matter and whether the institution agrees their message relevant to be included in public discourse. At the same time given the highly catholic culture in Mexico, the considerations of the church have to  be  prioritized  than  those  of  migrants  and  even  advocates  from  other  religious  groups.  The portrayal as a civil society actor is also a source of dilemmas when there are public resources in between. As I previously showed, there is a public understanding, except from one article, that the  state  must  support  financially  catholic  related  events  and  the  church’s  work  towards migrants.  But  one  could  wonder  whether  other  religious  groups  or  civil  society  organiations 

receive the same media treatment, when they are in need of financial support.   If the church is considered as part of civil society, this status also implies another set of challenges  in  terms  of  media  advocacy.  Luyendick  proposes  that  NGOs  frame  their  messages through media in ways in which they can manage to keep support from international donors. In the  case  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Mexico,  the  church  requires  to  uphold  its  public  moral authority and support among its parishioners. A “positive public image” and having good public relations has become increasingly important, as recent scandals such as priests’ pedophilia cases, use of condom and aids, among others, have surfaced on media. Therefore the church will not enable  media  spaces  to  question  the  closing  of  migrant  shelters,  corruption  and  its  nexus  with the  institution  and  the  dilemma  about  its  moral  role  to  support  all  people,  including  drug traffickers, without bringing them to justice. This is predictable for any civil society organization, however  in  the  case  of  the  Catholic  Church  journalists  refrain  from  doing  tough  critics  as  they follow  traditional  media  practices  in  Mexico,  established  through  historical  milestones  such  as the Cristero War. Also, because commercial and mainstream media companies, due to economic interests, will not portray a point of view that can be unpopular among 90% of catholic believers and even the PAN Government, elected for two consecutive terms with support by the Catholic Church.    On the other hand, migrants also follow the catholic discourse because there is definitely a trade off for them with the visibility of the Catholic Church. Migrants can use elements of the catholic imaginary such as migrants carrying a cross and the quotations of migrants in Catholic – ran shelters, among other examples. I did not find alternative media ran by migrants, as I did with the  case  of  Nepali  migrant  workers  in  the  Middle  East.  Therefore  there  might  be  potential  for both  migrants  and  the  Catholic  Church  to  lead  migrant  news  outlets,  with  the  church  having  a special  role  in  endorsing  migrant’s  voices.  In  the  light  of  security  issues,  their  names  and identities  could  not  be  revealed,  but  if  they  are  part  of  the  advocacy  led  by  the  church,  their opinions could be referred as a migrant of a civil society group. Though security concerns might still refrain migrants to have an increased visibility as migrant workers in the Middle East. In this scenario,  diaspora  media  from  sending  countries  such  as  Guatemala,  Honduras  could  be supported by civil society and, in this sense; the Catholic Church could also take a part of it. U.S. catholic media have also contributed to raise awareness on the issue, while I only found The New York Times and Al Jazeera only published one article regarding violence against Central American migrants.  Nonetheless,  US  catholic  media  refer  and  repeat  the  stories  already  covered  by 

Mexican mainstream media.    Media coverage on the Catholic Church, migrants and the conflict is not clear‐cut and, in fact, many contradictions can be found. First, mainstream media as well as catholic media follow the discourse of the “holy trinity”, but not in all circumstances. When Father Alejandro Solalinde asks forgiveness to Los Zetas, criticisms from officials and Congressmen arise. Still for them it is unrecognizable that the church is acting both as victim and tyrant, because it is carrying with the DTOs  faults  and  asking  for  forgiveness,  and  at  the  same  time  it  is  pointing  out  the  corrupted government and the system as the ones to blame. Secondly, it is very possible that Government officials  meeting  with  Solalinde  and  other  prominent  figures  such  as  business  man  Alejandro Martí are aware that these conversations will be part of media coverage. Implicitly these public acts are endorsing the figure of the Catholic Church as a governance pole above other actors and having a direct intervention in policymaking. Nonetheless, at the same time, editorials of Desde la Fé are criticized due to claims against the legislative branch. If the church has been acknowledged publicly  as  a  permanent  actor  contributing  to  Mexican  state  governance,  how  can  the Government refrain the institution from having a say in how governance is working in Mexico? Thirdly,  media  reports  have  focused  on  mass  events  advocating  for  migrants’  rights,  such  as caravans,  at  the  same  time  these  have  reinforced  the  need  for  personalities  throughout  media coverage  of  the  conflict.  New  Yorker  writer  and  author  of  the  book  “The  Years  we  were  not happy: chronicles about the Mexican transition” Alma Guillermoprieto further explains this in a 2010  New  Yorker  article  when  she  points  out  that  “Mexican  drug  clans  and  organizations responsible for so much bloodshed have acquired a liking for public attention”, she adds, “ and the story, like the murders, is endlessly repetitive and confusing: there are the double‐barreled family names, the shifting alliances, the double‐crossing army generals, the capo betrayed by a close associate who in turn killed by another betrayer in a small town with an impossible name, followed  by  another  capo  with  a  double‐barreled  last  name  who  is  betrayed  by  a  high‐ranking army officer who is killed in turn.” From this quote, I understand that media stories have been framed according to certain personalities; accordingly the representatives of the church have not been the exception.    All  these  entangled  contradictions  seem  conflicting  when  thinking  whether  media  can contribute  toward  peace  building.  A  plethora  of  characters  are  included  and  each  one  plays separate  roles.  Luyendick  argues  that  beyond  contrasting  the  version  of  contending  parties,  an article  should  include  pro‐peace  organizations  and  opponents  to  government  policies.  In  this 

sense, the church would achieve to perform as the latter. In my perspective, for all dimensions of an issue related to the conflict, such as Central American migrants, to be covered in media, there is  a  need  for  media  to  become  a  platform  for  dialogue  among  all  parties,  not  only  the personalities,  but  those  who  have  been  marginalized  and  can  have  a  crucial  effect  in  the outcomes of the conflict. This “fair play” among sources is not easily attained within a state with a weak government and a nation with highly tense power relations. If this dialogue were to be possible, it would lead to creating open public spaces for media advocacy for migrants, instead of only registering the meetings between officials and catholic representatives. At this point I should clarify  that  mothers  of  disappeared  Central  American  migrants  have  started  to  become  other source of media attention, due to their public acts such as caravans and also with the support of international non‐profit organizations. This is definitely a sign towards a more inclusive approach by media. Greater visibility of migrants as political agents with access to justice and prosecution processes (illegal migrants can also bear political agency due to their categorization as vulnerable population by members of the international community) is required in order for them to not be subjected to the will and actions of any of the actors influencing the conflict. Finally, analyzed as a crisis, the conflict has allowed the reinforcement of relations among visible actors such as state and  the  Catholic  Church,  while  the  opportunity  of  challenging  relations  between  state  and migrants in the midst of the Mexican conflict is something I hope media explores in a near future.   References  Cornell, S “ Narcotics and Armed Conflict: Interaction and Implications”, Studies in Conflict  & Terrorism, 30:3, 207‐227, October 2007.   Osorio,  J.  “Dynamic  and  Structural  Determinants  of  Drug  Violence  in  Mexico”,  paper  presented  at  Stanford  University  “Violence,  Drugs  and  Governance:  Conference  on  Mexican Security in Comparative Perspective” Conference, October 2011.   Carpenter,  A.  “  Beyond  drug  wars:  Transforming  factional  conflict  in  Mexico”,  Conflict  Resolution Quarterly, July 2010.   Guillermoprieto,  Alma.  “  The  murderers  of  Mexico”.  The  New  Yorker,  October  2010.  Retrieved  from:http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2010/oct/28/murderers‐ mexico/?pagination=false   Serna, A. “ La calumnia es un arma, la mentira una fe”. Revolución y Cristiada: La batalla del  espiritú  público.  Revista  Cuicuilco,  Vol.  14,  Núm.  39,  enero‐abril,  2007,  pp.  151‐179 

Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México.   López, D. “ La guerra cristera (México, 1926‐1929). Una aproximación historiográfica.  Historiografías, 1 (primavera, 2011): pp. 35‐52.   Loaeza, S “Las relaciones Estado‐Iglesia católica en México, 1988‐1994. Los costos de la  institucionalización”. Foro Internacional, Vol. 36, No. 1/2 (143/144) (Jan. ‐ Jun., 1996), pp.  107‐132  Mancilla,  A.  “  Las  representaciones  de  la  religión  en  el  espacio  público  entre  los  líderes  religiosos minoritarios en México. Revista de Estudios Sociales, 2011.   Pérez‐Rayón,  N.  “  El  fenómenos  religioso  y  su  importancia  para  el  análisis  de  la  realidad  sociopolitical cotidiana”. El Cotidiano, Vol. 24, Núm. 156, julio‐agosto, 2009, pp. 345‐356  Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana – Azcapotzalco.  El caso del cardenal Posadas Una historia sencilla: la muerte accidental de un cardenal  by  Fernando M. González, Review by:  Marta E. García Ugarte, Revista Mexicana de  Sociología, Vol. 59, No. 2 (Apr. ‐ Jun., 1997), pp. 271‐276  Tahar, C. “ Apuntes sobre democratización y cambio religioso en México: una correlación  problemática”.Estudios sociológicos xXVIII: 84, 2010.   Hagopian, F. “Latin American Catholicism in an age of religious and political pluralism: a  framework for analysis”, Working Paper #332, Kellogg Institute for International Studies,  December 2006   Moors et al. “Religion, media, and the public sphere”, Indiana University Press, 2005.   Foley et al. “ The Paradox of Civil Society”. National Endowment for Democracy and the  Johns Hopkins University Press. Journal of Democracy 7.3 (1996) 38‐52.   Walzer, M. "The Civil Society Argument," in Chantal Mouffe, ed., Dimensions of Radical Democracy: Pluralism, Citizenship, Community (London: Verso, 1992), 89‐107.  Miall, H., Ramsbotham, O., and Woodhouse, T. Contemporary Conﬂict Resolution.  Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2005  El Universal. “Mil mexicanos abandonan a diario el catolicismo.” April 2011. Retrieved  from: http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/756296.html  González, F. “ Iglesia Católica: Desacralización y Resacralización, 1996‐1999”. Revista  Mexicana de Sociología, Vol. 61, No. 1 (Jan‐Mar 1999), p. 67‐91.   2011 Human Rights Watch Report. 

 Amnesty International. “ Protecting people at Risk: Father Alejandro Solalinde:  Threatened for protecting vulnerable migrants”. Retrieved from:  http://www.amnesty.ca/atrisk/index.php/father‐alejandro‐solalinde/?st=200   Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos “ Informe Especial sobre Secuestro de  Migrantes en México”, February 2011. Retrieved from:  http://www.cndh.org.mx/sites/all/fuentes/documentos/informes/especiales/2011_secmi grantes.pdf News articles    La Jornada. Articles quoted were retrieved from:    http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2011/10/27/politica/023n1pol    http://www.lajornadasanluis.com.mx/2011/07/26/pol1.php  http://www.lajornadamichoacan.com.mx/2011/08/10/index.php?section=politica&article=005n1 pol  http://www.lajornadasanluis.com.mx/2011/11/07/pol3.php  http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2011/08/02/sociedad/033n2soc  http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2011/07/30/politica/011n3pol  http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2011/08/13/estados/028n1est  http://www.lajornadamichoacan.com.mx/2011/08/10/index.php?section=politica&article=005n1 pol  http://www.jornadaveracruz.com.mx/Noticia.aspx?ID=110918_142403_36 http://www.lajornadadeoriente.com.mx/2011/08/02/puebla/mun304.php http://www.lajornadamichoacan.com.mx/2011/08/10/index.php?section=politica&article= 005n2pol http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2011/11/09/politica/020n1pol http://www.lajornadasanluis.com.mx/2011/07/13/pol1.phpExcelsior. Articles quoted were retrieved from:  http://www.excelsior.com.mx/index.php?m=nota&id_nota=756591 http://www.excelsior.com.mx/index.php?m=nota&id_nota=748329 http://201.175.36.245/index.php?m=nota&seccion=seccion-adrenalina&cat=2&id_nota=778385 http://www.excelsior.com.mx/index.php?m=nota&id_nota=757194 http://www.excelsior.com.mx/index.php?m=nota&id_nota=702415 http://www.excelsior.com.mx/index.php?m=nota&id_nota=704662 http://www.excelsior.com.mx/index.php?m=nota&id_nota=757717 http://www.excelsior.com.mx/index.php?m=nota&id_nota=757321 National Catholic Reporter. Articles quoted were retrieved from: http://ncronline.org/news/immigration-and-church/migrant-murder-comes-amid-rising-tensions- mexican-shelter http://ncronline.org/news/immigration-and-church/mexican-catholics-working-undocumented- migrants-welcome-new-law http://ncronline.org/news/immigration-and-church/migrant-workers-face-dangers-trying-find-work http://ncronline.org/news/global/mexicos‐drug‐war‐church‐caught‐storm  

Catholic News Agency   http://www.catholicnews.com/data/stories/cns/1103944.htm http://www.uscatholic.org/news/2011/11/mexican-groups-governments-resolve-situation-guatemalan-farmers http://www.catholic.net/index.php?option=dedestaca&id=6341    

Media Coverage Analysis on the Mexican Conflict

by María Ximena Plaza on Feb 28, 2012

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Media Coverage Analysis on the Mexican Conflict Document Transcript