1281

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎت‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‬ ‫4‬ ‫*ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻴﺔ‬ ‫* اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻬﺠﻴﻦ‬ ‫واﻟﻜﺮﻳﻮل واﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫7‬ ‫آﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻴﺮ‬ ‫* ﺗﺄﻣﻼت ﺣﻮل دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫74‬ ‫ﺟﺮدا ﻣﻨﺼﻮر‬ ‫* اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ دور اﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻢ و اﺧﺘﻴﺎر اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻠﻐﻮي‬ ‫77‬ ‫رﻳﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫* اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫101‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ اﻟﺸﺮﻗﺎوي‬ ‫* دراﺳﺔ ﺣﻮل "اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" ﻓﻰ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫7‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺮ دﻳﻢ )ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ : ﺳﻬﻴﺮ ﻃﺮﻣﺎن(‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫4‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺤﺔ دوس‬ ‫5‬

‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫א‬ ‫א‬ ‫א‬ ‫.‬ ‫אא‬ ‫א‬ ‫)ﻋـﱪ ﺍﻻﻧﱰﻧـﺖ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫א‬ ‫אא‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺘﺒــﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻟﻜﱰﻭﻧﻴــﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﻗــﺮﺍﺹ ﺍﳌﺪﳎــﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫א‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ (‬ ‫א‬ ‫א‬ ‫.‬ ‫.‬ ‫א א‬

2002 ‫اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ- ﻣﺎﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎهﻤﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ :‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮدا ﻣﻨﺼﻮر‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺤﺔ دوس‬ Second Issue: May -2002 CONTRIBUTIONS TO ARABIC LINGUISTICS Editors: Gerda Mansour Madiha Doss

‫اﻟﺮﻣﻮز اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ اﺗﺒﻌﻨﺎ اﻟﺮﻣﻮز اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﺦ اﻟﺤﺮوف واﻷﺻﻮات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻮاردة ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺺ اﻟﺒﺤﻮث:‬ ‫‪ =H‬ح‬ ‫‪ = dh‬ذ‬ ‫‪ = kh‬خ‬ ‫)/‪ = c (raised /c‬ع‬ ‫‪= S‬ص‬ ‫‪ = gh‬غ‬ ‫‪= D‬ض‬ ‫‪ = sh‬ش‬ ‫‪=T‬ط‬ ‫‪ = th‬ث‬ ‫)‪ = Z (colloquial‬ظ‬ ‫)‪hamza = ‘ (apostrophe‬‬ ‫)‪or DH (standard‬‬ ‫)‪long vowels = doubled (aa‬‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫‪= q‬‬ ‫6‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻀ ﻤﻦ ه ﺬا اﻟﻌ ﺪد اﻟﺠﺪﻳ ﺪ ﻣ ﻦ دورﻳ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ ﺑﺤﺜ ﺎن ﺳ ﺒﻖ أن ﻗ ﺪﻣﺎ ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫إﻃ ﺎر اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋ ﺎت اﻟﺸ ﻬﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮﻳﻴﻦ واﻟﺘ ﻲ ﻋﻘ ﺪت أﺛﻨ ﺎء ﻋ ﺎم‬ ‫0002-1002 وهﺬان اﻟﺒﺤﺜ ﺎن هﻤ ﺎ ﺑﺤ ﺚ ﻣﺤﻤ ﺪ اﻟﺸ ﺮﻗﺎوي وﺑﺤ ﺚ ﺟ ﺮدا‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮر، واﻷول هﻮ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ دراﺳﺔ أوﺳﻊ ﻳﻘﻮم اﻟﺒﺎﺣ ﺚ ﺑﺈﺟﺮاؤه ﺎ وه ﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼ ﺮ ﺑﺸ ﻜﻞ ﺧ ﺎص، وأﻣ ﺎ اﻟﺒﺤ ﺚ اﻟﺜ ﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻬ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻟﺠﺮدا ﻣﻨﺼﻮر ﺣﻮل ﻣ ﻨﻬﺞ دراﺳ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ. ﻳﺘﻀ ﻤﻦ اﻟﻌ ﺪد‬ ‫أﻳﻀ ﺎ دراﺳ ﺘﺎن أرﺳ ﻠﺘﺎ إﻟﻴﻨ ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ ﻗﺒ ﻞ ﺑ ﺎﺣﺜﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺨ ﺎرج، وﺗﺮﺟﻤ ﺔ ﻟﺪراﺳ ﺔ‬ ‫أﺟﺮاه ﺎ ﺑﺎﺣ ﺚ آﺒﻴ ﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻷﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴ ﺔ. وﻓ ﻲ ه ﺬا اﻟﺼ ﺪد ﻓﻘ ﺪ ﻗ ﺮرت‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺤﺮرﺗ ﺎن أن ﻳﺘﻀ ﻤﻦ آ ﻞ ﻋ ﺪد ﺟﺪﻳ ﺪ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺪورﻳ ﺔ ﺗﺮﺟﻤ ﺔ ﻟﻤﻘ ﺎل ه ﺎم‬ ‫وأﺳﺎﺳ ﻲ ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﺠ ﺎل اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ وذﻟ ﻚ ﻟﺘﺰوﻳ ﺪ اﻟﺒﺎﺣ ﺚ اﻟﻌﺮﺑ ﻲ ﺑﻤ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﻘﺼﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت واﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت ﻓ ﻲ ﺣﻘ ﻞ اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ.‬ ‫وﺳ ﻨﺤﺎول اﻟﺘﺮآﻴ ﺰ ﻓ ﻲ اﺧﺘﻴﺎرﻧ ﺎ ﻟﻸﺑﺤ ﺎث ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﺘ ﻲ آﺘﺒ ﺖ ﺑ ﺎﻟﻠﻐﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫اﻷﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴ ﺔ واﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴ ﻴﺔ واﻟﺘ ﻲ ﻟ ﻢ ﻳﺴ ﺒﻖ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺘﻬ ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ ﻗﺒ ﻞ ﻇﻨ ﺎ ﻣﻨ ﺎ أن ه ﺬﻩ‬ ‫اﻷﺑﺤﺎث هﻲ أﻗﻞ ﺷﻴﻮع وﻻ ﺗﺼﻞ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻘﺎرئ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ.‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﺞ آﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺤﺜﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﻮان "اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻬﺠﻴﻦ واﻟﻜﺮﻳﻮل واﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ" ﻇﺎهﺮة اﻟﻠﻐﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻬﺠﻴﻦ واﻟﻜﺮﻳﻮل ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم وﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺄت‬ ‫وﺗﻄﻮرت ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺞ اﻟﻬﺠﻴﻦ واﻟﻜﺮﻳﻮل. وﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ رآﺰت اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻮاﻗﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻬﺎت ﻣﺘﻄﺮﻓﺔ أو ﻧﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻤﺮآﺰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻨﻮب اﻟﺴﻮدان أو ﻓﻲ آﻴﻨﻴﺎ وأوﻏﻨﺪا ﻓﻘﺪ‬ ‫أﺛﺎرت ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ هﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﺨﺺ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻌﺎم ﻟﺘﻄﻮر اﻟﻠﻐﺔ واﻹﻃﺎر اﻟﻠﻐﻮي‬ ‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ اﻟﺬي ﺗﻨﺸﺄ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﺗﺠﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎك ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ.‬ ‫أﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺮدا ﻣﻨﺼﻮر "ﺗﺄﻣﻼت ﺣﻮل دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ" ﻓﻘﺪ‬ ‫اﻧﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮاءة ﻧﻘﺪﻳﺔ ﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺪات ﺗﻀﻢ اﻷﺑﺤﺎث اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺗﻤﺮات "اﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺪراﺳﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ" وﻗﺪ أدت هﺬﻩ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺮاءة اﻟﻨﻘﺪﻳﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺗﺄﻣﻼت ﺣﻮل دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ وﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ هﺬا‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ. ﻓﺘﺘﻌﺮض اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﺔ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ اﻟﺠﻮاﻧﺐ‬ ‫7‬

‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻔﺮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ وﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‬ ‫أﺧﺮى ﻓﻘﺪ ﺣﺎوﻟﺖ أن ﺗﻈﻬﺮ اﻷدوات اﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻠﻢ دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت‬ ‫وأﺧﻴﺮا ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻻﻗﺘﺮاﺣﺎت ﻟﺪراﺳﺎت ﻣﻘﺒﻠﺔ.‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮان اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﺬي ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻪ رﻳﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ هﻮ "اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ دور اﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻢ‬ ‫واﺧﺘﻴﺎر اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻠﻐﻮي" وﺗﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﻓﻴﻪ اﺧﺘﻴﺎر اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻠﻐﻮي ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎب ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك. وﺗﺼﻒ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺤﺜﻬﺎ دور اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪث‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻩ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮر اﻟﻤﺘﻠﻘﻲ وﻓﻲ هﺬا ﺗﻈﻬﺮ وﻇﺎﺋﻒ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﻳﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﺬان‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎول اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺛﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ و اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ. وﺗﺮى اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﺔ أن ﻇﺎهﺮة اﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﺪرس ﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺒﺪﻳﻞ اﻟﻠﻮﻏﻲ.‬ ‫ﻗﺎم ﻣﺤﻤﺪ اﻟﺸﺮﻗﺎوي ﻓﻲ ﺑﺤﺜﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮان "اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺼﺮ" ﺑﻤﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ اﻷوﺿﺎع اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺼﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺮﺗﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﻟﻔﺘﺮة اﻷوﻟﻰ هﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤﺔ واﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫هﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ إﺑﺎن اﻟﻔﺘﺢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ وأﺛﻨﺎء هﺬﻩ اﻟﻔﺘﺮة، وذﻟﻚ ﻹﻇﻬﺎر اﻟﻈﺮوف‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ أدت إﻟﻰ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل إﻟﻰ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ. وﻳﺮآﺰ اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫دور اﻟﻤﺪن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﺼﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻔﺘﺢ وآﻴﻒ ﻣﺜﻠﺖ هﺬﻩ اﻟﻤﺪن‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎن ﺟﺬب ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺠﺪد اﻵﺗﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ، وﻳﻘﺪم اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺠﺞ ﻹﺛﺒﺎت ﻓﻜﺮة أن اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻧﻄﻠﻘﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ آﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ هﻲ اﻟﻤﺴﻴﻄﺮة.‬ ‫أﻣﺎ اﻟﻤﻘﺎل اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻓﻴﻤﺜﻞ ﻣﻘﺘﻄﻔﺎت ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﻗﺎم ﺑﻪ اﻷﺳﺘﺎذ ﻓﺮﻧﺮ‬ ‫دﻳﻢ ﻓﻲ دراﺳﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﻨﺤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم. وﻗﺪ اﺧﺘﺮﻧﺎ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺳﻬﻴﺮ ﻃﺮﻣﺎن اﻷﺟﺰاء اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أرض ﻣﺼﺮ. وﻧﻮد أن ﻧﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص‬ ‫اﻷﺳﺘﺎذ دﻳﻢ ﻟﻠﺜﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ أﻋﻄﺎهﺎ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎر اﻟﻤﻘﺘﻄﻔﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ رأﻳﻨﺎهﺎ هﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫وﻟﻠﺴﻤﺎح ﻟﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺸﺮهﺎ.‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ اﺗﺒﻌﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﺦ اﻟﺤﺮوف واﻷﺻﻮات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻤﺸﺎر إﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ اﻟﺮاﺑﻌﺔ ) وذﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء اﻷﺳﻤﺎء واﻟﻌﻨﺎوﻳﻦ(.‬ ‫ﺟﺮدا ﻣﻨﺼﻮر‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺤﺔ دوس‬ ‫8‬

PREFACE The current issue of Al-Logha contains two papers presented at our meetings in 2000/2001 – the paper by Muhammad el-Sharqawi which is part of an ongoing research on the history of arabization and Gerda Mansour's "Reflections". Two further contributions were sent to us from scholars abroad and the translation of a study by a German scholar was also included. The editors decided to make the translation of important and relevant research in Arabic Linguistics a regular feature of this publication with the aim of enriching the readers' knowledge of this field. Future choices will concentrate on research that is not readily available, in languages such as German and French, as these are perhaps less known by scholars in Arabic linguistics. Catherine Miller's study "The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles for Arabic Linguistics" discusses the phenomenon of pidgin/creoles in general and Arabic-based pidgin/creoles in particular. While focusing on the peripheral dialects of Arabic spoken in Southern Sudan and Kenya/Uganda and their linguistic features she raises many important questions related to the general patterns of language development and the sociolinguistic context in which such contact varieties emerge. Gerda Mansour's "Reflections on Arabic Dialectology" developed out of a critical assessment of three volumes of conference papers of the Association Internationale de Dialectologie Arabe which led to some general reflections on Arabic dialectology and its place in Arabic linguistics. As well as touching on some of the socio-cultural aspects of this field of linguistic study, the paper attempts to outline the main methodological tools of dialectology and suggests particular avenues of exploration for future research.

Reem Bassiouney's "The relationship between speaker's role and code choice" analyses the code choices made in a political speech by the Egyptian President. She describes the role of the speaker vis-à-vis his audience and, in doing this, she demonstrates the functions of the two varieties of Arabic available in a diglossic community such as Egypt. She argues that the phenomenon of diglossia needs to be considered within the framework of code switching. Muhammad al-Sharqawi's "Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization" juxtaposes the socio-historical and linguistic situation in late antiquity Egypt with that of the Arab conquest and the early Islamic period in order to highlight the specific conditions leading up to language shift to Arabic. In particular, he focuses on the role of Arab garrison towns in the newly conquered territories and how these attracted waves of immigrations from the Arabic peninsula. As such they were monolingual core areas from where Arabic spread. The excerpts from an article by the German scholar Werner Diem, translated into Arabic for this issue, focus on the study of substratum influence in Arabic dialects in general, with particular attention to the influence of the Coptic language on Egyptian Arabic. We would like to thank Prof. Diem with entrusting us with the selection of what seemed relevant to us and allowing us to publish this translation. Gerda Mansour Madiha Doss 5

TRANSCRIPTION USED Wherever Arabic is used in transcription we have adopted the system as explained below (except in names and titles). ‫= ﺡ‬H ‫ = ﺫ‬dh ‫ = ﺥ‬kh ‫ = ﻉ‬c (raised /c/) ‫ =ﺹ‬S ‫ = ﻍ‬gh ‫ =ﺽ‬D ‫ = ﺵ‬sh ‫=ﻁ‬T ‫ = ﺙ‬th ‫ = ﻅ‬Z (colloquial) hamza = ‘ (apostrophe) or DH (standard) long vowels = doubled (aa) ‫ﻕ‬ = q 6

‫2002 ,3 ,‪Al-Logha‬‬ ‫‪THE RELEVANCE OF ARABIC-BASED‬‬ ‫‪PIDGINS/CREOLES FOR ARABIC LINGUISTICS‬‬ ‫‪Catherine Miller‬‬ ‫.‪Iremam-Université d’Aix en Provence, France‬‬ ‫ﺗ ﺮى اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜ ﺔ ﻓﺎﺋ ﺪة ﻣﺘﺒﺎدﻟ ﺔ ﻹﻇﻬ ﺎر ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﻌﻼﻗ ﺔ إذ أن اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ ﺳﺘﺴ ﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌ ﺔ اﻷﻣ ﺮ ﻣ ﻦ دراﺳ ﺘﻬﺎ وﻟﻜ ﻦ ﺳ ﺘﻌﻮد ﺗﻠ ﻚ‬ ‫اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت أﻳﻀ ﺎ ﺑ ﺎﻟﻨﻔﻊ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ وذﻟ ﻚ ﻟﻌ ﺪة‬ ‫أﺳﺒﺎب أهﻤﻬﺎ:‬ ‫أن اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﺑﺴ ﺒﺐ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻬ ﺎ اﻟﻤﺪﻳ ﺪ أﻧﺘﺠ ﺖ أﻧﻤﺎﻃ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔ ﺔ ﻣ ﻦ اﻻﺣﺘﻜ ﺎك وﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺘﻄ ﻮر اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮﻳﻴﻦ، وﻣ ﻦ ﺿ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ أﻧﻤ ﺎط‬ ‫آﻼﺳ ﻴﻜﻴﺔ وأﺧ ﺮى أﻗ ﺮب إﻟ ﻰ اﻟ ﻨﻤﻂ اﻟﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ، وﻣ ﻦ هﻨ ﺎ ﺗ ﺄﺗﻲ أهﻤﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗ ﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻠﺒﺎﺣ ﺚ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣ ﺎت هﺎﻣ ﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴ ﺒﺔ ﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠ ﻒ أﻧ ﻮاع‬ ‫اﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎك اﻟﻠﻐﻮي.‬ ‫ﻣ ﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴ ﺔ أﺧ ﺮى ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳ ﺐ واﻟﺘﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ ﻻ ﻳ ﺰاﻻن ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺘ ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟ ﺎرﻳﺘﻴﻦ اﻟﻴ ﻮم )اﻟﺘﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ ﻓ ﻲ ﺟﻨ ﻮب اﻟﺴ ﻮدان( ﻣﻤ ﺎ ﻳ ﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻠﺒﺎﺣ ﺚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺔ رﺻﺪ وﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﻴﺮ وﺗﺘﻄﻮر أﻣﺎﻣﻪ.‬ ‫وﻧﻬﺎﻳ ﺔ ﻓﺪراﺳ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬ ﺎ أن ﺗ ﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣ ﺎت ﻋ ﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗ ﻢ ﺑﻬ ﺎ اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳ ﺐ ﺧ ﻼل‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺼﻮر.‬ ‫ﻳﻘ ﻮم ه ﺬا اﻟﺒﺤ ﺚ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺛﻼﺛ ﺔ أﺟ ﺰاء، ﻓﻔ ﻲ اﻟﺠ ﺰء اﻷول ﺗﻌ ﺮض‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜ ﺔ أدﺑﻴ ﺎت دراﺳ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻟﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ وﺗﻄ ﺮح ﺳ ﺆاﻻ هﺎﻣ ﺎ ﺣ ﻮل‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ وه ﻞ ﺗﻤﺜ ﻞ ﺣﺎﻟ ﺔ ﺧﺎﺻ ﺔ وﻣﻨﻔﺼ ﻠﺔ ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻜ ﺎك‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮي؟ أم أﻧﻬ ﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻌ ﺪ أآﺜ ﺮ ﻣ ﻦ إﺣ ﺪى ﺻ ﻮر ه ﺬا اﻻﺣﺘﻜ ﺎك ؟ أﻣ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺠ ﺰء اﻟﺜ ﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺘﺘﻌ ﺮض ﻟﻠﻈ ﺮوف اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴ ﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ‬ ‫أدت إﻟ ﻰ ﻧﺸ ﺄة اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻ ﺮة اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ‬ ‫واﻟﻜﺮﻳ ﻮل وﺗﻘ ﺪم ﻣﻠﺨﺼ ﺎ ﺳ ﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﻟﻠﺨﺼ ﺎﺋﺺ اﻟﺘﺮآﻴﺒﻴ ﺔ ﻟﻬ ﺬﻩ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻣ ﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸ ﺔ دور اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻷﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ ﻟﻬ ﺎ)‪(substrat‬‬ ‫وﺗﻨﺘﻬ ﻲ اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺔ ﺑﺴ ﺆال ﺣ ﻮل ﻣ ﺎ إذا آﺎﻧ ﺖ ﺛﻤ ﺔ ﺗﺸ ﺎﺑﻬﺎت ﺑ ﻴﻦ ﻧﺸ ﺄة‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻤﺎﺿ ﻲ وﻋﻤﻠﻴ ﺎت اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳ ﺐ اﻟﺠﺎرﻳ ﺔ اﻟﻴ ﻮم ،‬ ‫ﻣﻤ ﺎ ﻳﻄ ﺮح اﻟﺴ ﺆال اﻟ ﺬي ﻗﺪﻣ ﻪ ﻓﻴﺮﺷ ﺘﻴﺦ ﻓ ﻲ آﺘﺎﺑ ﻪ اﻟﻬ ﺎم وه ﻮ: ه ﻞ‬ ‫آ ﺎن اﻟﺘﻬﺠ ﻴﻦ ه ﻮ اﻟﻌﻨﺼ ﺮ اﻷﺳﺎﺳ ﻲ ﻓ ﻲ ﻧﺸ ﺄة اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﺎ ؟‬

Catherine Miller INTRODUCTION Since the early seventies creole and pidgin studies have become a very productive field of general linguistics. The fashion became so great that many linguists are tempted to use the terms pidgins and creoles for any case of language contact, language mixing or language acquisition. On the other hand well-known creolists are still arguing and quarreling when trying to provide clear definitions and categorizations of pidgin/creole languages. Strangely enough, Arabic-based pidgins/creoles (P/Cs) are still on the margin of both Arabic linguistics and pidgin/creole studies. However Arabic-based P/Cs appear to be of particular interest for both creole studies and Arabic linguistics and this for a number of reasons: The Arabic language has a very long history and spread in many parts of the world. This long historical process gave birth to many different types of language contact and language shift. Therefore Arabic displays a huge spectrum of varieties from the most classical varieties to the most pidginized varieties. It provides interesting elements of information concerning how different types of contact languages emerge according to the various sociolinguistic settings. ‫ :اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬I hope you don't mind this change - it is such a clumsy Language shift from a non-Arabic vernacular to an word and you yourself confuse it later with "Arabization" - the Arabic vernacular and in some case pidginization/creolization replacement of loan words by new coinages of Arabic is still taking place (cf. Southern Sudan). The linguistic, derivation. historical and social factors leading to 8

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles pidginization/creolization can thus be observed in situ which is rarely the case. Contemporary Arabic-based P/Cs can bring additional information to Arabic linguistics by shedding light on the historical processes of language shift to Arabic. Thanks to the work of Versteegh (1984) the latter issue has been lengthily discussed in Arabic Linguistic circles. But since Versteegh’s book, studies on P/Cs and contact languages have experienced important theoretical developments. In this paper I would like to present an update of our knowledge on contemporary Arabic-based pidgins/creoles in order to investigate their relevance for comparative and historical studies. The paper will be divided into three parts. I will first review the main criteria used for defining and categorizing pidgin and creole languages and outline the difficulties raised by such categorization. I will then describe the historical and sociological context that led to the emergence of contemporary Arabic-based P/Cs. Lastly, I will present a brief sketch of the main structural characteristics and discuss the role of the African substratum languages. In conclusion, I will try to analyze if the contemporary context may have any similarities with the historical context of language shift that led to the emergence of Arabic dialects within the conquered territories of the Arab Empire. In short, can we agree with Versteegh (1984) that pidginization and creolization - conceived here as specific cases of language contact – were the decisive processes that led to the emergence of new Arabic (i.e. “modern dialects”). 9

Catherine Miller A few preliminary remarks concerning the definition and categorization of pidgins and Creoles. If we want to talk about Arabic P/Cs as discrete linguistic entities we must first ask ourselves a basic question: “what are the determining criteria that make it possible to distinguish between pidgins/creoles on the one hand, and other types of contact languages (such as lingua francas, koinés, mixed languages) and other natural languages?” We must also distinguish between different types of language contact that led to different linguistic outcomes (Thomason and Kaufmann 1988). For three decades an enormous literature on this topic has been written and the criteria used for the definition of P/Cs have evolved. The situation might appear quite confusing for non- specialists but let us say shortly that specialists are more and more reluctant to consider pidgin/creole languages as a typologically discrete class. The most important point is that linguistic criteria alone do not suffice to define P/Cs. As pointed out by Winford (1997:1), “the identification of pidgins and creoles is based on a variety of often conflicting criteria including function, historical origins and development, formal characteristics, or a combination of these”. It is the convergence of a number of linguistic features and of non-linguistic factors (historical context of emergence, type of contact, processes of acquisition, etc.) that may help to define P/Cs. But in many instances there is no clear-cut delimitation between pidgins, creoles, koinés, vehicular languages, etc… Therefore not all authors agree on the relevance of the terms pidgins and creoles and 10

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles there is a recent tendency to use instead the more neutral term of contact language (Mufwene 1997). I will not detail the endless debate concerning the definition and categorization of P/C languages but just summarize some of the main points that are relevant for the Arabic domain.1 For this short review I rely mainly on Lefebvre (2000) and Winford (1997) who provide interesting syntheses of the on-going debate. Pidgins/Creoles: a typologically discrete class? To what extent can structural characteristics be used as criteria for distinguishing pidgins from creoles and from distinguishing them from other kinds of contact language? A number of linguistic features or properties have been proposed in the past to be diagnostic of pidgin/creole status such as lack of inflectional morphology, parataxis, serialization, use of unmarked case, transparency and various analytic rather than synthetic strategies. It has been noted however that these structural properties are to be found in languages other than presumed pidgins and creoles and do not set the latter apart as a special class, nor indeed as a unified class. Many languages have a reduced morphology or are isolating languages without being classified as creoles, like Chinese or Vietnamese for instance. Moreover, the detailed grammatical descriptions of the numerous creole languages, 1 Readers interested in an update on this debate can refer to the last issues of the Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages and to the volumes of the Creole Languages Library published by J. Benjamins as well as a number of 11

Catherine Miller spread across all continents, show considerable structural differences (Muysken 1988). The claim of typological unity has been mainly advocated by the “universalists” (D. Bickerton 1981, 1984) who consider that creole grammar exhibits the ‘bioprogram’ or basic features of a Universal Grammar. But many authors have criticized the concept of a typological unity of the creole languages. Critics come mainly from the “superstratists” (Chaudençon 1986) or the “substratists” (Holm 1988, Lefebvre 1998), i.e. those who consider that the grammar of creole languages has been influenced either by the superstratum (or target language) or by the substratum language. The distinction between pidgins and creoles is even more difficult. Pidgins have usually been distinguished from creoles by using two criteria: a) the degree of simplification and reduction in linguistic structure and b) their use as a second language or mother tongue. Pidgins are supposed to show a more reduced linguistic structure (drastic reduction in inner form) and to be used in a limited range of communicative functions; whereas creoles are supposed to present a more elaborate linguistic structure (expansion in inner form) and to be used as mother tongue within a speech community. But a number of languages referred to as pidgins or expanded pidgins (Nigerian Pidgin, Tok Pisin, etc) cannot be distinguished on the basis of their genesis, development and synchronic structures from other languages referred to as creoles (Krio, Caribbean Creoles, etc.). The precise boundaries between pidgins and creoles are practically impossible to draw, as major contribution such as Arends et al. (1995); Chaudençon (1979); 12

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles many situations reveal a kind of developmental continuum between relatively reduced and relatively expanded contact outcomes. It appears that the features proposed in support of the view that P/C languages constitute a typologically discrete group of language are not uncontroversial, and attempts at establishing absolute criteria for defining pidgins and creoles in relation to other languages have been partly abandoned. Many linguists consider that one has to know the history of a particular language in order to identify it as a pidgin or a creole. What pidgin and creole languages share is the manner in which they are formed. Therefore linguists will tend to focus their analysis more on the formative process (when, how and why P/Cs emerge) rather than on the linguistic features to categorize and define P/C languages. This remark is important because, if a re-analysis of the supposedly historical pidginization/creolization process of Arabic has to be made, it must first consider detailed historical information before looking for alleged traces of pidginization in contemporary dialects. But before turning to the sociological and historical factors I would like to add a last remark concerning the relevance of linguistic features in the definition of P/C languages. In my view, the fact that P/Cs do not form a typological distinct unit does not invalidate the fact that P/Cs are characterized by major restructuring compared to the target languages and emerge as ‘new linguistic systems’. As we shall see in the case of Arabic, contemporary Arabic-based P/Cs show a Mühlhäusler (1986) and Romaine (1988). 13

Catherine Miller degree of linguistic restructuring unknown in other Arabic varieties, even the more peripheral dialects. Contexts of emergence: P/Cs considered as ‘extreme cases of contact between languages’? Many authors are now trying to define P/Cs in relation to other kinds of contact language. The processes of change or restructuring that give rise to a P/C are considered to be different only in degree rather than in kind from those that occur in many cases of language contact (Winford 1997). In the same way it has been proposed that P/Cs constitute particular cases of second language acquisition. A number of factors have been considered as conditions that may lead to pidginization/creolization. P/Cs generally arise in areas with high degree of linguistic heterogeneity (more than two languages in contact) and result from specific historical situations leading to quick changes. Most of the languages that have traditionally been referred to as P/Cs arose from contact between typologically very different languages. This might be a sine qua non for the radical reshaping of linguistic resources and may help to distinguish between P/Cs and koinés for example.2 P/Cs emerge in a context of social upheaval leading to a quick mixing of populations. The native speakers of the target language are supposed to be small in number compared to a huge number of people speaking different languages needing to quickly acquire a new variety, without 2 not all authors agree on this point , see Mufwene 1997 14

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles much contact with the target language. Among the typical historical situations that led to the emergence of P/Cs are the slave camps and slave plantations of the Caribbean islands, the trade bases, the colonial military camps and work camps, etc. To sum up: heterogeneity of the population, short span of time, small number of native speakers of the target language and social upheaval are among the required conditions for the emergence of pidgins and creoles. But again, these are only indications and cannot be considered as strict criteria. The idea that both pidgins and creoles develop gradually and acquire their characteristic features over several generations is gaining in currency (Arends et al., 1995). A related and still unresolved issue is the question of the genetic affiliation of P/Cs. There are four competing proposals in the literature. Some scholars classify P/Cs with their respective superstratum language (French, English, Spanish etc. from which P/Cs derived most of their lexicon). Others classify them with their substratum languages (African, Melanesian, etc. because of some semantic and syntactic properties). Others again consider P/Cs as mixed languages and some scholars even analyze P/Cs as genetically unaffiliated languages (Thomason and Kaufman 1988). Those genetic considerations have impact on the categorization of P/Cs among other contact languages. For the above authors the main distinction between P/Cs and other contact languages is that the grammar of P/Cs comes from different inputs and cannot be linked to one ancestor. 15

Catherine Miller Processes versus outcomes Since the early seventies, linguists (Hymes 1971) have constantly pointed out the necessity to clearly distinguish between pidginization and creolization as processes and pidgins and creoles as end points represented by specific varieties. Pidgins and Creoles are relatively rare outcomes but the mechanisms associated with pidginization and creolization are quite widespread and can occur in varying degrees in other contact languages. Pidginization is a transitory phenomenon that may led to various linguistic outcomes while pidgins and creoles are more or less stable varieties that have achieved autonomy as norms. Identity factors may play an important role in this matter. It seems that what can help to distinguish between creolization leading to the production of creoles and other processes of selective adaptation (cf. second language acquisition) is the relationship to the ‘target language’ and the wish to reproduce or not to reproduce the target language. An immigrant worker arriving in a foreign country may pass trough a pidginization phase while learning the foreign language in an untutored context. However this does not necessarily mean that a stable pidgin representative of all migrant workers will develop. Migrants will soon use a non-standard or more or less deviant variety that will exhibit some features 'deviant' from the target language but still this ‘deviant variety’ will remain genetically related to the target 16

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles language. It is only if migrants from different linguistic backgrounds outnumber the speakers of the target language and ‘create’ their own variety in a short span of time, and if this variety in its turn stabilizes, that one may speak of a pidgin or a creole. In the case of Arabic it seems particularly important to distinguish between pidginization and creolization as processes and pidgins/creoles as end points. In conclusion. We have seen that creoles and pidgins cannot be defined by relying on one type of criteria only (linguistic criteria or historical criteria). It is the convergence of a number of linguistic and non-linguistic criteria and features that may help to define P/Cs. Most linguists agree that P/C languages do not constitute a typologically discrete group. Therefore, the idea of a radical structural difference between P/Cs and other languages is questioned. The differences among the contact languages are due primarily to difference in combinations of essentially the same ingredients. P/Cs are extreme cases of contact between languages. In the case of Arabic I do think that the concept of ‘extreme case of contact’ is useful, because it may help to distinguish from other types of Arabic varieties used as lingua franca or contact languages among non-native Arabic speakers. Finally most authors recognize “that there are limits to the usefulness of labels and that it is futile to try to fit every product of language contact into definite classes, since the criteria for doing so are by no means clear-cut” (Winford 1997:11). 17

Catherine Miller ARABIC-BASED PIDGIN-CREOLES. A short review Reinecke seems to be one of the first creolists to mention and discuss Arabic-based P/Cs (Reinecke 1937). Many other creolists briefly mention them,3 but usually without details and some reference books still confuse Arabic P/Cs with dialects. For instance, some lists of P/Cs wrongly categorize the Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic dialect as a 4 P/C but a number of specialized works have studied Arabic-based 5 P/Cs. The categorization of Arabic P/Cs versus other types of Arabic is still controversial. Linguists speak, alternatively, of trade jargon, patois, vehicular variety or koiné in the making. This variation in terminology reflects different geographical or social contexts but also different analyses of a complex reality. Not all vehicular varieties can be considered as P/Cs and it seems here that linguistic criteria may help to distinguish between P/Cs and other types of contact languages. Mentions of Arabic P/Cs, trade-jargons or vehicular varieties have been mainly cited in Sub-Saharan Africa including Ethiopia, the Chadic Basin (Chad, Eastern Nigeria, Central Africa), present-day Southern Sudan, Uganda and Kenya. There is also mention of Arabic pidgin varieties spoken between the native population and foreign workers in the Gulf countries since the sixties. Finally mention has 3 e.g. Bickerton 1981&1984; Holm 1988, Romaine 1988, Thomason and Kaufmann 1988 4 e.g. Hancock 1981; Smith, 1995 18

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles been made of a pidginized variety called Maridi Arabic, dating back to the 11th century. I will set apart Maridi Arabic, the Ethiopian ‘trade jargon’ and Gulf Pidgin Arabic because their status is questionable until we get more data and I will rather focus on the genesis of the other P/C varieties (Turku in Chad, Juba-Arabic in Sudan, Ki-Nubi in Uganda-Kenya) which share a common history and are closely related. Non-Sudanic Arabic P/Cs Maridi Arabic, presented and analyzed by Thomason and Elgibali (1986) is considered as the oldest attestation of an Arabic pidgin. It’s historical interest lies in the fact that it shows that some kind of ‘bad Arabic’, very near to a rudimentary pidgin, was spoken almost one thousand year ago in the Saharan belt. But we don’t know how far it expanded and stabilized. This ‘pidgin’ has been described by the Andalusian geographer Al Bakri in the 11th century. It is a short text of 50 words which is said to represent ‘a very bad form of Arabic’. It was recounted to Al Bakri by a trader from Aswan. The geographical area of this pidgin is not clear (Mauritania, North Sudan , Southern Egypt?). It appears more like a caricature than a real description and the limited data are not sufficient to establish if a stable pidgin was used as a trade language in the Saharan belt or if this variety reflects a kind of transitory phase of acquisition. 5 see Owens 1997 for a comprehensive bibliography 19

Catherine Miller In Ethiopia, Ferguson (1971) distinguishes between three Arabic varieties: dialect, lingua franca and trade jargon. One also has to recall that in Ethiopia, contact between Arabic and the Ethiopian Semitic languages is very old and that Arabic loanwords are numerous in these languages (Leslau 1990). The dialect is spoken by the former Arab immigrants from Yemen or Sudan (a small minority of about 10 000 people). The Arabic lingua franca functions as a communicative medium between Ethiopian Muslim communities and seems to be structurally close to the Yemeni and Eastern Sudanese dialects. The trade jargon is used between the Arab traders and the local non-Arab population. Ferguson describes it very briefly as a ‘rudimentary pidginized form of Arabic with the usual features of pidginized Arabic, such as the m. sg. for all persons of the verb, and so on". No update information is available about this trade jargon and it is not sure that it developed into a stable pidgin. A recent study on the Arabic vehicular variety spoken in Eritrea indicates that the Eritrean Arabic vehicular is close to Ferguson’s lingua franca, i.e. close to Yemeni and Eastern Sudanese dialects. It shows some cases of interference from the local languages (Afar, Saho) or reduction at the phonological level (Simeone-Senelle 2000) but nothing like a drastic restructuring of the language. The case of Eritrea and Ethiopia indicates that Arabic can function as a vehicular variety among non-Arabic native speakers without necessarily being a pidgin. As a vehicular variety it may exhibit some trend toward simplification or some degree of interference from the local languages but without losing the fundamental structure of the 20

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles grammar. This seems also to be the case in other areas like Mali or Niger where a variety close to the Hassaniyya dialect is spoken as a vehicular, as well as in Chad and Western Sudan as well shall see. Mention of a Gulf Pidgin Arabic is due to Smart (1990). It is mainly "foreigners' talk" used by native speakers vis à vis foreigners. It exhibits many pidginized features such as reduction of the morphological rules of the verbal stem (the imperfect third masc. form is used with all persons -- cf. win yaruuh inta “where are you going”). The preposition fi “in” is used in many contexts including the expression of progressive -- ana fi sawm “I am fasting”, ana fi hamiil “I am pregnant”, etc.. It seems to be widely used by both locals and foreigners and displays local variation according to the local dialects. All the above examples indicate that pidginization trends can take place without the emergence of a stabilized autonomous variety. On the other hand, three varieties (Turku, Nubi and Juba-Arabic) emerged as distinctive P/Cs. They originated from the same place, the Southern Sudanic Region (present Southern Sudan), at the same period, somewhere between 1854- 1888 and had different fates. The question to be analysed here is why Arabic-based P/Cs have been recorded only in this specific area. Expansion of Arabic in the Sudanese belt (8th to 18th cent. AD) From the 8th cent. AD up to the end of 18th cent. the southern boundaries of the expansion of the Arabic language in Africa lay in the Sudanic region stretching from Central Sudan to Lake Chad. 21

Catherine Miller Arabic did not spread further South due to geographical physical borders. Throughout this period Arabic expanded progressively and became the ruling and religious language of the Muslim Sudanese kingdoms and the trade language for the entire region. Arabic was the mother tongue for the Arab groups and spread to non-Arab groups through Islamization. Hence a number of former non-Arab groups became progressively Arabic speaking in both present-day Sudan and Chad. We have no testimony of this process, nor of the variety/ies used as trade language, and we don’t know if at some time some P/Cs emerged and disappeared (cf. the problematic case of Maridi Arabic above). What we know is that language shift must have been a progressive phenomenon because bilingualism is attested at a later period even within the ruling circles of the two main Sudanese kingdoms (Funj and Fur, cf. O’Fahey and Spaulding 1974). The present situation in Western Sudan, Chad or Nigeria indicates that this process of language shift led to specific colloquial varieties usually considered as ‘peripheral Arabic dialects’ showing some characteristics, such as lack of emphatic or pharyngeal consonants, development of a tonal stress, borrowing of non-Arab lexical elements and the like, but nothing like a radical restructuring of the language.6 Contemporary reports of an Arabic vehicular language used as a trade language in Chad or Central Africa provide contradictory records on the linguistic status of this vehicular variety (see below). 6 Amadou 1982; Bouquet and Caprile 1976; Decobert 1985; Jullien de Pommerol 1999; Miller and Abu Manga 1992; Owens 1993 & 1996, Roth 1979 22

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles The genesis of the Sudanic P/Cs in the 19th century Radical political and economical changes occurred in the course of the 19th century in the Southern part of Sudan with the conquest of this area between 1839-1841 by the army of Muhammed Ali, the then ruler of Egypt, and the subsequent establishment of trade and military camps in this area not previously touched by language shift to Arabic and characterized by high linguistic heterogeneity (more than a hundred languages belonging to different language families, cf. Miller 1984). Those camps collected a huge population of different ethnic and linguistic backgrounds that became detribalized through enslavement or incorporation into the army. The establishment of these camps and the development of a large-scale slave trade is quite well documented through the testimony of European travelers (Mahmud 1982, Owens 1997). The year 1854 marks the establishment of the first permanent trading settlements known as zeriba (“camps”) in the provinces of Equatoria and Bahr al Ghazal. Those settlements were established all over Southern Sudan at a close distance with frequent inter-camp contacts. Schweinfurth (1873) gives a detailed account of the trade camps, their population and their impact. It is believed that the Arabic speaking population (Northern Sudanese Arab and Nile Nubians) was in the minority compared to ‫ :اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬Soldiers speaking Arabic as a second language? soldiers from Western Sudanese groups and local Southern groups speaking Arabic as a second language and to indigenous slaves. Very quickly Southerners outnumbered the Northerners (native Arabic speakers did not exceed 10%). Trading and military camps became kinds of city-states with a population rising up to 10,000 people, and 23

Catherine Miller in Bahr al Ghazal almost 25% of the population belonged to the trade camps. It is probably within those zeriba that an Arabic P/C stabilized, and became the main language among the members “of a class of detribalized Southerners who no longer belonged to indigenous southern groups but who were also not part of the ruling northern elite” (Owens 1997). We have no accurate description of this earlier Arabic P/C whose target language seems to have been a mixture of 7 Egyptian and Sudanese military colloquial Arabic. The first records indicate a mixture of pidgin features (invariable verbal stem, no gender and number agreement, parataxis etc.) and classical features. It is not clear if only one variety developed in all the Southern Sudanese zeriba or if a number of Arabic P/C varieties had parallel development (the monogenesis versus parallel development hypotheses). First known as Bimbashi Arabic (the Arabic of the soldiers) this Arabic military P/C developed into three further varieties: Turku in Chad, Ki- Nubi in Kenya and Uganda and Juba-Arabic in Southern Sudan. Therefore it appears that present-day Arabic P/Cs emerged in a specific historical context (the upheaval of the military and slave camps, the zeriba), in a highly linguistically heterogeneous region (Southern Sudan) and in a short span of time, (the thirty years from 1854, date of the first camps, up to 1888, date of the departure of the Nubi). 7 Jenkins’ ms analyzed by Kaye and Tosco 1993, Meldom 1913 24

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles The development of Nubi, Turku and Juba Arabic (a) Nubi in Kenya-Uganda During the 19th cent. the term Nubi was originally designating the black soldiers of the Turkish-Egyptian army in Sudan. In 1888, following the fall of the Equatoria Province into the hands of the Mahdist uprising, part of the Turkish-Egyptian battalion of Amin Pasha retreated to Uganda. A number of those Nubi soldiers and followers stayed in Uganda and Kenya and became a new ethnic group known as the East African Nubis with ki-Nubi as their mother tongue and Islam as their religion.8 Nubi speakers are estimated to be about 10,000-15,000 in Kenya and many more in Uganda (no statistic available). The linguistic characteristics of Ki-Nubi have been principally described by Heine (1982), Musa Wellens (1994) and Owens (1977, 1980, 1985b, 1990). Ki-Nubi is considered as a creole language, it represents drastic restructuring compared to any other Arabic dialect and is not mutually intelligible with either colloquial Arabic or literary Arabic but is intelligible with Juba Arabic. The date of 1888, date of the arrival of the Nubi soldiers in Kenya- Uganda is important because since this date the Nubi soldiers were mainly cut off from their Sudanese roots and their language developed independently in a dominantly Swahili environment. Being Muslims, the Nubis had contact with Qur'anic Arabic but it did not influence their own vernacular. Ki-Nubi did not undergo a de-creolization 8 Heine 1982, Johnson 1991, Soghayroun 1981 25

Catherine Miller process. Their relationship with Classical Arabic could not have been very different from that of other African Muslims. In any case contact with other colloquial Arabic varieties were loose if existent at all. The present-day structural similarities between ki-Nubi and Juba Arabic raise the question of the structural stage of development of the earlier Arabic military P/C at the time of the split. It may indicate that the earlier Arabic P/C developed as an expanded pidgin or a creole in a very short time, between 1854 and 1888. It may also indicate parallel development of the two varieties (Miller 2001). In any case, Juba- Arabic and ki-Nubi reached a structural development unknown in Turku with grammaticalization processes such as embedding of subordinate clauses, serialization, etc. (b) Turku in Chad. Clashes between the main traders of Bahr al Ghazal (cf. the revolt of Zubeir Pasha in 1877-79) and the Turkish-Egyptian Government led to the move of a group of soldiers and followers headed by Rabeh (Zubair’s lieutenant) from Bahr al Ghazal to Chari-Longome (present Chad). It is this group which was responsible for bringing an Arabic pidgin called Turku to the Chari River basin in the beginning of 1900 (Carbou 1912). The name Turku refers to turuk, the name given to the non-Arab Sudanese troops of Rabeh. We have no information about the number of speakers at this time. Turku is also believed to have been used as one of the trade languages in Central Africa and Northern Cameroon. As far as we know Turku remained a stable Pidgin and did not undergo the grammatical expansion of Ki-Nubi and 26

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles Juba-Arabic. The available linguistic data come from a collection of short phrases/texts by Gaston Muraz (1932) which has been discussed by Tosco and Owens (1993). At the present time the picture is rather confusing. The Arab population represents about 10% of the Chadian population and Chadian Arabic dialects (both nomadic and sedentary dialects) are structurally close to Western Sudanese and Nigerian Arabic dialects.9 Arabic is also one of the broadcast Chadian national languages (Amadou 1983). As far as it is known the situation of Arabic in Chad is closer to Western Sudan than to Southern Sudan or Uganda-Kenya, i.e. different Arabic varieties coexist, ranging from the more conservative Nomadic varieties to the vehicular varieties spoken by the non-Arab population The linguistic status of this/these vehicular variety/ies is problematic. No present-day Turku variety in Chad or central Africa seems to exist, at least not under this label and we don’t have detailed description of present-day Chadian Pidgin Arabic. Hagège (1973) briefly mentions a variety of a rudimentary Arabic vehicular which seems structurally very close to a pidgin (use of an invariable verbal stem, no gender and number agreement, independent TMA markers, etc.) but we have no indication of its extension of use. Most authors (Jouannet 1978, Jullien de Pommerol 1997) indicate that Arabic is now the first lingua franca in most parts of Chad (before Kanembou 9 Decobert 1985; Kaye 1976; Owens 1985a; Roth 1994; Tourneux and Zeltner 1986 27

Catherine Miller and Bagirmi). This vehicular variety seems to be an adaptation of the local colloquial varieties (Jullien de Pommerol 1999, Roth 1979) with a few linguistic features similar to those of Turku and of Juba Arabic ‫ :اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬place into footnote? and a number of restructuring processes.10 But this Arabic vehicular keeps the bases of the colloquial Arabic system (such as grammatical inflexion, use of personal and TMA affixes with the verbal stem, etc). and is no more “reduced” or “restructured” than many other peripheral Arabic dialects. As far as we know it does not seem that in Chad a specific P/C variety functions as a distinctive identity marker for non- Arab groups as is the case in Sudan. (c) Juba-Arabic in Southern Sudan After 1888 and the departure of a number of Nubi soldiers to Kenya and Uganda, Bimbashi Arabic continued to spread in Southern Sudan. Part of the former Southern soldiers of the Turkish-Egyptian regime stayed in South Sudan. Some joined the Mahdy movement, others created private armies. With the Egyptian-British re-conquest of the Sudan in early 1900 (the Condominium), those former soldiers were incorporated into the military battalions and a number of military centers were established in former trade or military camps. Juba, the new headquarters of Equatoria was established near the previously Mahdist centers of Gondokoro and Rejaf. Those soldiers became the nucleus of the Juba-Arabic speakers and came to be known as 10 loss of emphatic and pharyngeal consonants, loss of vowel length, predominance of analytic constructions, use of an invariant determiner /de/, no gender agreement, use of the verb futu "to go" for comparison, etc 28

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles ‘Maleki’ (detribalized) in Juba. In spite of a linguistic policy hostile to Arabic during the British Condominium − Southern Sudan was designed as a closed district and administratively cut from Northern Sudan from 1930 to 1947 and Arabic and Islam were officially prohibited − Juba-Arabic spread as a vehicular language first in the urban and military centers and then in most parts of Southern Sudan. It became the mother tongue of many urban dwellers due to high linguistic heterogeneity, inter-ethnic marriage, urbanization etc. (Mahmud 1982; Miller 1984,1985,1987). Today Juba-Arabic is considered as the ‘Arabic of the South’ by both Southerners and Northerners. It functions either as a first language or a second language. As such the term Juba-Arabic includes a lot of sub-varieties, such as geographical and sociological variations (between the different Provinces of Southern Sudan, between urban and rural speakers, between educated and non-educated, etc). Since Independence, Southerners have been increasingly in contact with both Sudanese Arabic dialects and Literary Arabic through education, migration, displacement and urbanization. Therefore Juba Arabic is no more an ‘isolated variety’ and contact with other types of Arabic has given birth to a continuum from the more pidginized varieties (spoken as L2 by isolated rural populations) to the more dialectalized varieties. But this situation did not lead to the expected de-creolization trend. In fact, because of the civil war and the tense relations between the North and the South, Juba-Arabic plays now an important role as an identity marker and its autonomy is well established. It can be categorized as an ‘expanded pidgin’ or a ‘pidgin-creole’, structurally very close to ki- 29

Catherine Miller Nubi.11 It is often used by southern Sudanese to distinguish themselves from northern Sudanese in Radio, churches, theatrical plays, etc. (Miller, forthcoming). Therefore, even students educated in literary Arabic and who can perfectly well speak Northern Sudanese Colloquial may shift to Juba-Arabic in certain contexts in order to mark their southern identity. In Conclusion. The emergence of Arabic P/Cs in the Sudanese belt seems to be linked with a specific historical context: the social and economic upheaval created by the trade and military camps during the Turkish- Egyptian conquest of Southern Sudan in the 19th century and the formation of a southern military class. Only two Arabic P/Cs are still acknowledged: Ki-Nubi and Juba-Arabic. In both areas it corresponds to the emergence of a ‘speech community’ and an ‘act of identity’: the Nubi ethnic group of Kenya-Uganda; the Southern Sudanese of Sudan. The identity factor appears very important in both their development and maintenance. In Chad, Central Africa and Northern Cameroon it is not clear whether an Arabic Pidgin is still in use. In Chad, like in Western Sudan but also in Mali, Niger, Eritrea and Ethiopia, the vehicular Arabic (lingua franca), seems to be close to the local colloquial varieties with some trend toward simplification, reduction and interference. This indicates clearly that the use of a language as an inter-ethnic lingua franca does not necessarily lead to 11 cf. see in particular Mahmud 1979; Miller 1984,1993 & 2001; Nhyal 1984, Tosco 1995, Watson 1989 30

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles the emergence of distinctive P/Cs. It led to less radical changes or evolution, such as the use of analytical constructions instead of genitive ones, weakening of morphological agreement, etc. And again those features can be found in various degrees in many dialects, urban or rural, central or peripheral. We are therefore faced with the traditional problem of drawing boundaries and establishing categories within a continuum. In theory or in artificial speech those boundaries can be drawn easily and the presence or absence of a number of features can be selected as ‘isoglosses’. In practice however, those boundaries are fluid and the categorization of a speech-act within this or that category is rather a matter of degree. Moreover each Arabic P/C variety exhibits features common to all Arabic P/Cs (such as a very reduced derivational system) but also local features which indicate the influence of the local Arabic dialect that acted as the lexifier/target language. For instance, Owens (1997) classifies the 3 Sudanic P/Cs in two regional groups: the Western group represented by Turku and the Eastern group represented by Ki- Nubi and Juba-Arabic. Turku exhibits some typical Western Sudanese Arabic (WSA) features and lexical items (such as the particle ana < hana ‘of’’, yatu “who”), whereas JA and KN exhibit features and lexical items close to Egyptian or Eastern Sudanese Arabic (ESA) such as particle ta <bitaa’ “of”, minu “who”. 31

Catherine Miller A SKETCH OF LINGUISTIC FEATURES OF SUDANIC P/Cs In order to clarify the situation let us try to briefly outline the main characteristics of Ki-Nubi/Juba-Arabic (KN/JA) vis à vis other Arabic varieties. In fact many of these features are to be found in other Arabic varieties in various degrees but it is the coexistence and the convergence of all these features that may be characteristics of KN/JA. The Sudanic P/Cs share many features summarized in Nhyal 1975, Miller 1993, Owens 1990, 1997, such as: The velar /kh/ realized as glottal /k/ : muk “brain”; Lack of emphatic and pharyngeal consonants : gata “to cut”; s ~ sh : shems ~ sems “sun”; Lack of geminates: kutu “put”; Vowel length non-distinctive: kebiri “big”, fil “elephant”; Distinctive stress in KN and JA distinguishing between transitive verb, verbal noun and passive constructions: úwo ásurubu móya de “he drinks the water” móya ta asurúbu “drinking water” móya de yau kán asurubú “this water has been drunk”; úo kúruju “he farms” kurúju dé sókol ta náse jídu ta nína “farming is our traditional activity (farming is the work of our ancestor) maal de kurujú “this place has been farmed”; Productive lexical compounding: 32

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles bakan-turubá “cemetery”, dubán-asal “bee”, móya-éna “tear”, abu kalam “talkative”, éna-séder “fruit”, laám-gaba “game”, jobur-wáta “mushroom”, abu ida “one-handed”, abu singit “hunch-backed”; Use of analytical constructions to enrich the semantic level: jól ta dugu laám “one of beating meat = hunter”, jól ta kurúju “one of farming = farmer”, kútu nári “put fire = to burn”, soo kuungú “make song = to sing” A very reduced derivational system. No productive nominal affix category (gender, persons) except for number: a in KN, -a, -at, -in, in JA: júa “house”− juá “houses (KN); nyerkúk “child” − nyerkukát “children”(JA). However not all nouns have separate sg./pl. forms and number agreement is optional for adjectives: úmon mabsút ~ mabsutín “they are happy”; kebir “big”, kubár, kubará, kubarín “big (pl.)”; No difference between subject and object pronouns : ana bi durubu ita / ita bi durubu ana “I will beat you / you will beat me", but use of a specific possessive pronoun suffixed to the genitive particle ta (bta): tayí, táki, tó, ténna, tákum, tómwon “mine, yours, his, our, yours, theirs”; 33

Catherine Miller Analytical possessive construction with a relational marker ta in KN/JA and ana in Turku: sila ta ragi de “the weapon of this man”, bagara tayi/bagara taki “my cow”;: bagara anaki “your cow” (Turku); Use of a single post-posed demonstrative de : bágara de “the, this cow”, bágara táki de “your cow”; Single segmental verb form with independent TMA markers (bi, gi, kan): ana gi asurubu “I am drinking” ana kan asurubu “I was drinking, I drank” ana bi asurubu “I drink, I will drink” ana asurubu kalas “I have drunk”; Reduplication has an intensive or distributive meaning: úwo bi gáta-gata lahám de “he cut the meat in small pieces”, bagará de ge mútu-mutu “cows are dying one by one”, kamán úo bi búlu-bulu fi júa “she is urinating regularly inside the house”; Use of the verb futu “to go” as a non-verbal particle “than” for expressing comparison: úo kebír fútu ána “he is bigger than me”, asade ána jére sedíd fútu ita “Now I run quicker than you”; fi used in existential sentences, with all locative predicate, and with verbal noun to indicate progressive action: úwo fí fi bét “he is at home”, grús fi le ána “I have money”, úwo fí fi asurúbu “he is drinking”; 34

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles yá, yaú used as focus marker: wóle de yaú takyán “the child is tired ” úmon yaú wósolu “they arrived”, dugú ta mara yaú batál “beating women is bad” Complement clauses are introduced either by Ø, gal (za/ja), keli (kede) : úwa fékir gále imkin asset de áwuju ákulu úwa “He thinks that maybe the lion wants to eat him”, ana asuma gal sultan kelem gal keli nas ma karabu moya “I heard that the Sultan said that people should not spoil the water”, ana azu kede baba arija “I want my father to come back”, inta dayer keli nina sibu mederesa “you want us to leave school”; Sudanic P/Cs versus colloquial Arabic versus African languages. As is always the case for all P/Cs, there has been quite a lot of discussion concerning the role of the contact languages in the formation of the Arabic-based Sudanic P/Cs (Owens 1990, 1991,1997, Miller 1993, 2001). The influence of colloquial Arabic is clear at the lexical level with almost 90% of Arabic lexical entries. The influence of local African substratum languages (Bari, Mamvu, Moro-Madi, etc.) is perceptible at the phonological level and at the syntactic level. Here are a few examples: Presence of non-Arabic consonants ny and ng in non- Arabic lexical entries cf. nyerkúk ‘child’. 35

Catherine Miller Variation between z ~ j and sh ~ s as well as lack of geminates which could be due to Bari influence; Presence of a tonal stress; Form of the pronouns: In JA/KN like in Bari there is no difference between subject and object pronouns but possessive pronouns have a different form : (JA) ana ‘I’ vs tayi “mine”, (Bari) nan “I” vs lio “mine”; Reduplication: (Bari) kijakwa jore jore “game many-many”, (JA) nás ketír ketír “people many many”; Grammaticalization of the verb ‘say’ (adi in Bari, gale in JA) to introduce indirect reported speech: (Bari) lopen jambu adi lado a lo'but (JA) uwa kelem gale lado jole kwes “He-talk-say-Lado- person-good” (He said that Lado was a nice guy) ; (Bari) do kan rerenya adi nan ti tu (JA) eta aba gale eta ma masi "You-refuse-say-you-Neg-go” ( You refused to go); Indirect passive clauses. According to Bureng (1986), the same processes are used in Bari and Juba Arabic to create indirect passive clauses by changing the word order and introducing the agent with a particle (ma in JA, ko in Bari) : (JA) Wani áyinu bágara, / (Bari) Wani a mét kiteng “Wani saw the cow” 36

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles (JA) Bágara ayinú ma Wani / (Bari) kiteng a méta ko Wani “The cow has been seen by Wani”; Proclitization of the relative marker to mark adjectives. In JA and KN the relative marker al / abu is frequently used to mark the adjective such as bágara ábu-ábye de “the white cow”, dé jówju al-adíl “it is a regular marriage”. In Bari, adjectives are formed from a verbal or nominal root “with the proclitization of the relative markers /lo/ (masc.), /na/ (fem.) to a verbal or numeral root” (Spagnolo 1933): Layak “to speak freely”/ lú-layak “he who speaks freely”, ’but busan “be good”/ ló’but “good”, kóka “leopard”/ ló-kóka “ leopard-like”. Many more examples could be provided. It is important, however, to underline that in most of the cases there is no direct transfer from the substratum African languages to the Arabic P/Cs but a re-analysis of the substratum features in the P/Cs. How far the grammar of these P/Cs relates more to colloquial Arabic or to local African languages, or is innovative is still a matter of speculation. In many instances one notes a phenomenon of convergence: i.e. the selected features are common to both colloquial Arabic and local African languages. This is the case, for example, with reduplication which has a stylistic function in colloquial Arabic; also with analytical possessive constructions very frequent in colloquial Arabic and with the verb “go” to express comparisons, etc..…However, one should not forget that there are significant structural differences between the Arabic P/Cs and other Arabic varieties. The most important difference 37

Catherine Miller concerns the central role that the consonant-based root plays in the morphology of, not only Arabic, but also all Semitic languages. In all these languages the verb has two paradigms (prefix and suffix) and is marked for person, number and gender of the subject. This is no more the case in Arabic P/Cs and this phenomenon suggests that the linguistic restructuring of these P/Cs went further than a regular process of simplification. This feature should be considered as one of the key structural characteristic that may help to categorize Arabic- based P/Cs from other types of Arabic contact languages. CONCLUSION. What can we learn from present-day Arabic P/Cs for the analysis of the historical process of language shift to Arabic? How far can the historical context of 19th century Southern Sudan be compared with the historical context of the early period of language shift? In both contexts, the number of Arabic native speakers was small compared to the local population. But the degree of ethnic and linguistic heterogeneity might not have been that high and we know that in many cases language shift was a slow process. In Egypt for example, Greek continued to be used as an official language side by side with Arabic up to the 10th cent. and the Coptic language continued to be a spoken language until at least the 11th cent. Total language shift took place only when the number of native speakers of Arabic increased due to migration and settlement (Doss and Miller 1997). Therefore a long period of bilingualism may have prevailed. In the fist phase of language shift, i.e. during a period of language learning, pidginization 38

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles trends would necessarily have played a role and K. Versteegh was right to point out that a number of features present in colloquial Arabic may have been the result of such pidginization trends. But we cannot ascertain that this pidginization process gave rise to a stable pidgin variety. Another point is that it seems difficult to make generalizations for all the area conquered by the Arabs. There must have been different contexts according to the geographical and historical specificities of each area. Therefore detailed historical descriptions of the socio- economic situation in these early military and urban camps are needed before we are able to make extrapolations. Finally, we have seen that the emergence of creole languages is associated with the formation of a specific speech community which becomes a model for subsequent learners of the language. I am not sure that we have records of such specific urban communities within the conquered territories. Bearing in mind that: a) P/Cs shared many similarities with other contact languages and that the differences among the contact languages are due primarily to differences in combinations of essentially the same ingredients and that b) P/Cs are extreme cases of contact between languages, I do think that the theoretical debate about the more or less pidgin-nature of pre-contemporary dialects is not very useful. What we can agree with is that, indeed, Arabic dialects spread in a contact environment, and what we are looking for is detailed data on the historical process of language shift. 39

Catherine Miller REFERENCES AMADOU, A. (1982) "Quelques traits négro-africains dans un parler arabe du Tchad.", Mémoire, Paris: Institut de Phonétique-Paris III. AMADOU, A. (1983) "Description d'un parler arabe du Tchad à travers la langue de la radio nationale.", Mémoire, Paris: Institut de Phonétique, Paris III. ARENDS, J., MUYSKEN, P. and N. SMITH (1995) Pidgins and Creoles, an introduction. Amsterdam-Philadelphia: John Benjamins. BICKERTON, D. (1981) Roots of language. Ann Arbor: Karoma. BICKERTON, D. (1984) "The language bioprogram hypothesis." The Behavioral and Brain Sciences 7,2:173-221. BOUQUET, C. and J.P. CAPRILE, (1976) "Quelques aspects sociolinguistiques et socio-démographiques de l'extinction d'une langue : le cas du babalia." In Bouquiaux (ed.) Théories et méthodes en linguistique africaine. Paris: Selaf, 87-101. BURENG, G. V. (1986) "Juba Arabic from a Bari perspective." in G.J. Dimmendaal (ed.), Current Approaches to African Linguistics. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 71-78 CARBOU, H. (1912) " La région du lac Tchad et du Ouadday." Bulletin de correspondance Africaine XLVIII. CHAUDENÇON, R. (1979) Les créoles français. Evreux: Nathan CHAUDENÇON, R. (1986) Evolution et genèse linguistique: le cas des créoles. Aix en Provence: Université d'Aix. DECOBERT, C. (1985) Phonologies arabes du Tchad. Paris: Geuthner. DOSS, M. and C. MILLER (eds.), (1997) Les langues en Egypte. EMA 27-28. Cairo: Cedej. 40

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles FERGUSON, C. A (1972) "The role of Arabic in Ethiopia: a sociolinguistic perspective." in J. B. Pride and J. Holmes (eds.), Sociolinguistics. Middlesex: Penguin Books, 112-124. HAGEGE, C. (1973) Profil d'un parler arabe du Tchad. Paris: Geuthner. HANCOCK, J.F. (1981) "Répertoire des langues pidgins et créoles" in Les langues dans le monde ancien et moderne.T.1. Paris: CNRS. HEINE, B. (I982) The Nubi Language of Kiberia, an Arabic Creole. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer HOLM, J. (1988) Pidgins and Creoles. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. JOHNSON, D. H. (1991) "Tribe or Nationality? The Sudanese Diaspora in East Africa", a paper presented to the African History Seminar, SOAS, London. JOUANNET, F. (1978) "La situation socio-linguistique du Tchad." In Contact de langues et contact de cultures. Lacito Doc. Paris: SELAF. JULLIEN DE POMMEROL, P. (1997) L'arabe tchadien. L'emergence d'une langue véhiculaire. Paris: Karthala. JULLIEN DE POMMEROL, P. (1999) Grammaire pratique de l'arabe tchadien. Paris: Karthala. KAYE, A. S. (1976) Chadian and Sudanese Arabic in the Light of Comparative Arabic Dialectology.. The Hague-Paris: Mouton. KAYE, A. and M. TOSCO, (1993) " Early East African Pidgin Arabic." SUGIA 14:269-305. LEFEBVRE, C. (1998) Creole genesis and the acquisition of grammar. The case of Haitian creole. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 41

Catherine Miller LEFEBVRE, C. (2000) "What do creole studies have to offer to mainstream linguistics?" Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 15,1:127-154. LESLAU, W. (1990) Arabic loanwords in Ethiopian Semitic. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. MAHMUD, U. (1979) " Variation and Change in the Aspectual system of Juba Arabic.", Ph.D. thesis, Washington: Georgetown University. MAHMUD, U. (1982) Arabic in the Southern Sudan. Khartoum: FAL. MELDON, JA, LT. Colonel (1913) "English Arabic Dictionary of words and Phrases used by the Sudanese in Uganda," ms, SOAS, London. MILLER, C. (1983) " Etude socio-linguistique du développement de l'Arabe au Sud Soudan", Thèse de 3ème cycle, Paris, Université de la Sorbonne Nouvelle-Paris III. MILLER, C. (1985) "Les enjeux de l'arabisation au Sud Soudan." Peuples Méditerranéens 33:43-53. MILLER, C. (1987) "Pour une étude du plurilinguisme en contexte urbain : l'exemple de Juba, Sud Soudan." Matériaux Arabes et Sud- Arabiques 1; Paris, Univ. Paris III:95-122. MILLER, C. (1993) "Restructuration morpho syntaxique en Juba- Arabic et Ki-Nubi : à propos du débat universaux/superstrat/substrat dans les études créoles." MAS-GELLAS Nouvelle Série 5:137-174. MILLER, C. (2001) "Grammaticalisation du verbe dire et subordination en Juba Arabic." in R. Nicolaï (ed.) Leçons d'Afrique Filiation, Rupture et Reconstitution des langues: un Hommage à G. Manessy. Leuven: Peeters, 455-482. 42

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles MILLER, C. (forthcoming) "Juba Arabic as a way of expressing a Southern Identity in Khartoum." In A. Yussi (ed.), Proceedings of the 4rth Aida Meeting. Marrakesh. MILLER, C. and A.A. ABU MANGA (1992) Language change and National Integration, Rural migrants in Khartoum. Readings- Khartoum: Garnet-Khartoum University Press. MUFWENE, S. (1997) "Jargons, pidgins, creoles and koines: What are they?" in A. K. Spears and D. Winford (eds), The Structure and Status of Pidgins and Creoles. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 35-70. MÜHLHAÜSLER, P. (1986) Pidgin and Creole Linguistics. Oxford: Blackwell. MURAZ, G., 1932. Vocabulaire du patois arabe tchadien ou 'tourkou' et des dialectes sara-madjinngaye et sara-mbaye. Paris. MUSA WELLENS, I. (1994) "A descriptive sketch of the verbal system of the Nubi Language spoken in Bombo, Uganda.", M.A Thesis, University of Nijmegen. MUYSKEN, P. (1988) "Are creoles a special type of language?" in P. Muysken (ed.), Linguistic theory: Extensions and implications. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 285-301. NHYAL, A. J. (1975) "Ki-Nubi and Juba-Arabic: a Comparative Study." in H. Bell and S.H. Hurreiz (eds), Directions in Sudanese Linguistics and Folklore. Khartoum: IAAS. O'FAHEY, R.S. and J.L. SPAULDING (1974) Kingdoms of the Sudan. London: Methuem & Cie. OWENS, J. (1977) "Aspects of Nubi grammar.", Ph.D. thesis, London: SOAS. OWENS, J. (1980) "Monogenesis, the Universal and the Particular in Creole Studies." Anthropological Linguistics 22:97-117. 43

Catherine Miller OWENS, J. (1985a) "Arabic dialects of Chad and Nigeria." Zeitschrift für Arabische Linguistik 14:45-61. OWENS, J. (1985b) "The origin of East African Nubi." Anthropological Linguistics 27,3:229-271. OWENS, J. (1990) "East African Nubi: Bioprogram vs inheritance." Diachronica VII,2:217-250. OWENS, J. (1993) A Grammar of Nigerian Arabic. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. OWENS, J. (1996) "Idiomatic Structure and the theory of genetic relationship". Diachronica XIII,2:283-318. OWENS, J. (1997) "Arabic-based Pidgins and Creole" In S. G. Thomason (ed.), Contact Languages, A Wider Perspective. Amsterdam-Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing, 125-172. REINECKE, J. E. (1937) " Marginal Languages: A Sociological Survey of the Creole Languages and Trade Jargons", Ph.D. thesis, Yale University ROMAINE, S. (1988) Pidgin and Creole Languages. London-New York: Longman. ROTH, A. (1979) Esquisse grammaticale du parler arabe d'Abbéché. Paris: Geuthner. ROTH, A. (1994) "Dialectologie comparée au Tchad et au Soudan. De quelques matériaux et discriminants". Matériaux Arabes et Sudarabiques 6 : 69-102 (Paris). SCHWEINFURTH, G. (1873) The heart of Africa: Three Years' Travels and Adventures in the Unexplored Regions of Central Africa from 1886 to 1871. London: Sampson Low. SIMEONE-SENELLE, M.-C. (2000) " L'arabe véhiculaire parlé en Erythrée sur la côte de la mer Rouge, de Massawa à Rahayta". In L. Bettini. (ed.), Oriente Moderno XIX (LXXX),1 Roma:153-181. 44

The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles SMART, J.R. (1990) 'Pidginization in Gulf Arabic: a first report.'. Anthropological Linguistics 32: 83-119. SMITH, N. (1995) " An annoted list of creoles, pidgins and mixed languages." in J. Arends, P. Muysken, and N. Smith (eds.), Pidgins and Creoles, an introduction. Amsterdam-Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 331-374. SPAGNOLO, Rev. FR L. M. (1933) Bari Grammar. Verona :Mission Africane THOMASON, S. and A. ELGIBALI (1986) "Before the Lingua- Franca: Pidginized Arabic in the Eleventh Century A.D". Lingua 68:317-349. THOMASON, S. and T. KAUFMAN (1988) Language contact, creolization and genetic linguistics. Berkeley: University of California Press. TOSCO, M. (1995) "A Pidgin Verbal System : The case of Juba Arabic". Anthropological Linguistics 37,4:423-459. TOSCO, M. and J. OWENS (1993) "Turku: A descriptive and Comparative Study". SUGIA 14:177-268. TOURNEUX, H. and J.C. ZELTNER (1986) L'arabe dans le bassin du Tchad. Paris: Karthala. VERSTEEGH, K. (1984) Pidginization and Creolization : the case of Arabic. Amsterdam-Philadelphia: John Benjamins. WATSON, R. (1989) "An Introduction to Juba Arabic". Occasional Papers in Southern Sudan Linguistics 6:95-117. WINFORD, D. (1997) "Introduction: On the structures and status of pidgins and creoles" in A. K. Spears and D. Winford (eds.), The Structure and Status of Pidgins and Creoles. Amsterdam- Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1-34. 45

‫2002 ,3 ,‪Al-Logha‬‬ ‫‪REFLECTIONS ON ARABIC DIALECTOLOGY‬‬ ‫‪By Gerda Mansour‬‬ ‫‪Cairo University‬‬ ‫ﻳﻔﺘ ﺘﺢ ه ﺬا اﻟﺒﺤ ﺚ ﺑﻄ ﺮح ﻋ ﺪة أﺳ ﺌﻠﺔ ﺣ ﻮل ﻋﻠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻨ ﺎﺣﻴﺘﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ و اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﺔ و ﺳ ﺒﺐ اﺑﺘﻌ ﺎد اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻴﻦ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻌ ﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑ ﻲ ﻋ ﻦ اﻟﻘﻴ ﺎم ﺑﺄﺑﺤ ﺎث ﻓ ﻲ ه ﺬا اﻟﻤﺠ ﺎل. و رﺑﻤ ﺎ آ ﺎن ﻣ ﻦ أﺳ ﺒﺎب‬ ‫ه ﺬا اﻻﺑﺘﻌ ﺎد أن ﻋﻠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻳﻌﺘﻤ ﺪ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻮﺻ ﻒ وﻟ ﻴﺲ ﻋﻠ ﻰ‬ ‫وﺿ ﻊ اﻟﻤﻌ ﺎﻳﻴﺮ، آﻤ ﺎ أن دراﺳ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت واﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜ ﺔ ﺑﺸ ﻜﻞ ﻋ ﺎم ﺗﻘ ﻮم ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻓﺤ ﺺ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻮﻗ ﺔ وﻟ ﻴﺲ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻜﺘﻮﺑ ﺔ. ﻓﺎﻟﺒﺎﺣ ﺚ اﻟﻌﺮﺑ ﻲ ﻗ ﺪ اﻋﺘ ﺎد ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻋﺘﺒ ﺎر اﻟﻔﺼ ﺤﻰ وﺣ ﺪهﺎ‬ ‫ﺟ ﺪﻳﺮة ﺑ ﺎﻟﻔﺤﺺ واﻟﺪراﺳ ﺔ، واﻟﻔﺼ ﺤﻰ ه ﻲ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌ ﺔ اﻟﺤ ﺎل ﻣﻌﻴﺎرﻳ ﺔ‬ ‫وﺗﻘ ﻮم ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺗ ﺮاث أدﺑ ﻲ ﻣﻤﺘ ﺪ. ﻟﻜ ﻦ هﻨ ﺎك ﺳ ﺒﺒﺎ ﺁﺧ ﺮ ﻻﻧﺼ ﺮاف‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮﻳﻴﻦ اﻟﻌ ﺮب ﻋ ﻦ ﻋﻠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت، وه ﻮ أن ه ﺬا اﻟﻌﻠ ﻢ ﻗ ﺪ اﻧﻔ ﺮد ﺑ ﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻮن اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴ ﻮن، ﻣﻤ ﺎ أﺛ ﺎر اﻟﺸ ﻜﻮك ﺣ ﻮل ﻧﻮاﻳ ﺎ ه ﺬا اﻟﻔ ﺮع ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ، ﺧﺎﺻ ﺔ وأن ﻋﻠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻗ ﺪ ﻧﺸ ﺄ ﻓ ﻲ إﻃ ﺎر‬ ‫اﻻﺣ ﺘﻼل اﻟﻐﺮﺑ ﻲ ﻟﺒﻠ ﺪان ﻋﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ، وأن أول اﻟﺪارﺳ ﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت آ ﺎﻧﻮا‬ ‫ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻤﺴ ﺘﻌﻤﺮﻳﻦ. وأﺧﻴ ﺮا ﻓﺪراﺳ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت ﺗﻬ ﺪد ﻓ ﻲ ﻧﻈ ﺮ اﻟ ﺒﻌﺾ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﻮﺣﺪة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ.‬ ‫اﻧﻄﻠﻘ ﺖ ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﺘ ﺄﻣﻼت ﻣ ﻦ ﻗ ﺮاءة ﻧﻘﺪﻳ ﺔ ﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋ ﺔ ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫اﻷﺑﺤ ﺎث اﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﺛﻼﺛ ﺔ ﻣ ﺆﺗﻤﺮات ﻧﻈﻤﺘﻬ ﺎ "اﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴ ﺔ ﻟﻌﻠ ﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ" . وﺧﺮﺟ ﺖ اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜ ﺔ ﺑﻌ ﺪ ﺗﻘ ﺪﻳﻢ اﻟﻤﺤ ﺎور اﻷﺳﺎﺳ ﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻬ ﺬﻩ اﻷﺑﺤ ﺎث ﺑﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋ ﺔ ﻣﻼﺣﻈ ﺎت ﺗﻠﻴﻬ ﺎ ﺑﻌ ﺾ اﻟﺘﻮﺻ ﻴﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻮﺟﻬ ﺔ إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﻌ ﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﻓ ﻲ ﻋﻠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت. ﻓﺎﻟﻤﻼﺣﻈ ﺔ ﺗﺘﻨ ﺎول‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺸ ﺎآﻞ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺗﺒ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ هﻴﻤﻨ ﺔ اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻴﻦ ﻣ ﻦ ﻏﻴ ﺮ اﻟﻌ ﺮب ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫اﻷﺑﺤ ﺎث اﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣ ﺔ، واﻹﻓ ﺮاط ﻓ ﻲ اﻻﻋﺘﻤ ﺎد ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻤ ﻨﻬﺞ اﻟﻮﺻ ﻔﻲ‬ ‫دون اﻻهﺘﻤ ﺎم اﻟﻜ ﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻮاﻧ ﺐ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﺔ واﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴ ﺔ ﻟﻠﻈ ﻮاهﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﻣﺤ ﻞ اﻟﺒﺤ ﺚ. وﻣ ﻦ ﺿ ﻤﻦ اﻟﺘﻮﺻ ﻴﺎت أن ﻳﻌﻄ ﻲ اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻮن‬ ‫اهﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎ أآﺒﺮ ﻟﻠﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﺘﻘﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ وﻟﻠﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ.‬

Gerda Mansour The interest in dialectology is growing in Arabic speaking countries, despite the traditional prejudice against dialects and the many erroneous preconceived notions engendered by an uncritical and rigid education. Many linguists in various departments within the Humanities faculties of Egyptian universities have been trained in western linguistic theories and methods and are using their training in the study of their mother tongue. Others would like to conduct such research but are not familiar with the specific methods required for this subject. I am addressing myself particularly to the latter and to the lay reader interested in language issues. The first problem we encounter is related to the term dialect itself and here we have to admit that so far no linguist has come up with a satisfactory linguistic definition, distinguishing dialect from language. All the commonly mentioned distinctions - other than prejudices - are extra-linguistic or sociolinguistic; for instance, that dialects are generally not written, that they are used in informal communication, that they are limited to small geographic areas or social groups, etc… Dialect is always used as being subordinate to language (X is a dialect of Y), and yet this categorisation may in itself be problematic in areas of geographic contiguity. For instance, on both sides of the German/ Dutch border the same dialect is spoken − at least the native speakers conceive it as such. Officially, however, on the right side of the river Rhine it is referred to as a German dialect, whereas on the left side it is a Dutch dialect; and the two standardised languages have quite distinct features. In fact there is a dialect continuum in these and other areas with linguistic divergence gradually increasing with 48

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology geographical distance. Needless to say, dialects can become languages once they are standardised, written and adopted as the official language/s of an independent country. In other words, the humorous definition "a language is a dialect with an army" gives a fairly realistic picture of the situation. The second problem relates to the branch of linguistics devoted to the study of dialects, dialectology, which requires specific methodologies. Ideally, a dialectologist should master both – the latest methodologies of dialectology and be a native speaker. While a non- native speaker may eventually acquire similar competence, he/she will always be handicapped in having his/her findings accepted by native speakers. This is particularly the case against the background of colonialism and orientalism. I find myself in a double bind, being a non-native speaker and a non-dialectologist, but having been pushed to look at some research on Arabic dialectology, the following are some of my reactions and reflections, in the hope that others in a better position than myself may find them useful. There are a number of reasons why, up to date, dialectology does not enjoy a very good reputation in Arab countries. One is of course ignorance among the educated general public concerning the basic principles of linguistics, namely that linguists are engaged in describing, not prescribing language. Linguistics is not to be confused with language teaching nor language planning, although both those activities should presuppose a thorough knowledge of this science. Most linguistic studies concentrate on analysing the spoken rather 49

Gerda Mansour than the written language, as well as the day-to-day communicative strategies used by native speakers. When studying the spoken language anywhere in the world the question of dialect is unavoidable. In all this Arabic linguists are on a collision course with the main concern of the educated public − those who are understandably proud of the Arabic literary heritage and want to maintain the supremacy of the vehicle of this heritage − al fuSHa.1 The study of dialects − it is feared − might challenge this supremacy and produce a break with tradition. And although the spoken dialects are every native speaker's real mother tongue and should be the focus of feelings of identity and affection − an expectation confirmed by the fact that every public speaker wanting to reach the "hearts and minds of the people" makes use of the dialect's appeal, yet the attitude of the native speakers of Arabic is ambivalent. As the citations in footnote 1 from two leading intellectuals of the 20th century show, dialects are considered by many to be a perversion and corruption of the written language. And it is this negative image which interferes with the normal attitude to the mother tongue, without 1 I am taking over two citations from Haeri (1996) "I am and shall remain, unalterably opposed to those who regard the colloquial as a suitable instrument for mutual understanding and a method for realizing the various goals of our intellectual life because I simply cannot tolerate any squandering of the heritage, however slight, that classical Arabic has preserved for us. The colloquial lacks the qualities the qualities to make it worthy of the name of a language. I look upon it as a dialect that has become corrupted in many respects." (Taha Hussein, 1954) "The colloquial is one of the diseases from which the people are suffering and of which they are bound to rid themselves as they progress. I consider the colloquial one of the failings of our society, exactly like ignorance, poverty and disease." (Duwwarah, 1965) 50

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology helping in any way with the difficult task of acquiring the written standard language. What might help to change this situation is creating the awareness that all languages start as spoken languages/dialects; that they evolve with time − not as the result of ignorance or negligence but as the result of changing social conditions. It needs to be underlined that there is a general linguistic principle at work − the older the literary tradition the greater is the gap between the spoken language and the written text (unless there have been many deliberate reforms of the written language). The training of native speaker linguists should thus cover the theories of language change and methodologies used in dialectology elsewhere. Another reason for the negative attitude towards dialectology may be related to the fact that, until recently, the field of Arabic dialectology has been exclusively the domain of western scholars. That this raised sensitivities and negative attitudes is not surprising when seen in the context of the colonial history of Arab countries. For instance, it seems that in Algeria and Morocco, dialect studies were first carried out by military men of the colonial administration and had as their ideological context the attempt to replace Arabic by French. 2 Last, but not least, the cultural and political dimension of Pan- Arabism may have created one of the most powerful barriers to the study of Arabic dialects. One must not forget that political division 2 Kouloughli (1996) describes the tone and intent of an article by Marcais (1930) and how the latter considers that "cet idiome sémitique affligé d'une incurable diglossie ne peut prétendre à aucun rôle dans l'avenir culturel et politique de l'Algérie, voire du Maghreb." 51

Gerda Mansour was imposed by the colonial powers. Despite this division Pan-Arab cultural identity is still strong and can only be strengthened in the present hostile international environment. The Pan-Arab opposition to dialect studies is also based on the misconception that dialectology has as its aim the establishment of separate languages and thus removing one of the most important factors uniting the Arab world. This misconception may be partly linked to the dominance of foreign scholars in the field and partly to the prevalent methodologies that tend to emphasise differences and omit to outline what is common. Unfortunately, a perusal of recent contributions in Arabic dialectology can only strengthen this impression. I intend to deal with these aspects in detail below, referring to three volumes produced by AIDA (Association Internationale de Dialectologie Arabe) based on three conferences - the first in 1993 in Paris, the second in 1995 in Cambridge and the third in 1998 in Malta. My observations will be grouped under three headings: dominance of foreign scholars; discussion of methodologies and types of studies in dialectology; and conclusion. (A) Dominance of foreign scholars. The first volume in this collection (1993) is divided into four sections: systems and functions, comparative dialectology, historical dialectology and sociolinguistics. Of the 36 papers, four are written by native speakers of an Arabic dialect from Arab universities and another four by native speakers of Arabic from universities abroad. Two contributions are from Malta on Maltese. Volume 2 (1995) 52

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology contains 30 contributions of which only two are by native speakers from Arab universities, in addition to two by native speakers of Maltese from Malta. The third volume (1998) presents 34 articles and 26 abstracts (i.e. a total of 60 papers). The Arabic native speakers' contribution from Arab universities rose to ten to which a further seven from European universities may be added, as well as three native speakers from Malta. In other words, at these three international conferences, native speakers of Arabic were very much in the minority and would have been negligible without the Arabic native speakers from European universities and the native speakers from Malta. The argument that nobody stopped Arab scholars from attending does not hold, as attendance was by invitation and scholars needed to get financial support from their universities. Judging by the table of contents of these three volumes it becomes clear that there is no specific theme and that the choice of topics is determined by the scholars' own preoccupations. Hence, there is considerable imbalance in the areas of dialectology and the regional or historical dialects covered. For instance, in the first volume alone, there are six contributions focussing on Judeo-Arabic – the Arabic dialect spoken by Jews in the Middle Ages. Among the regional variations some are better represented than others – e.g. Maltese – and Maltese is a special case, as studies on this dialect / language were carried out exclusively by native speakers. It would, of course, be an over-simplification to accuse non-native scholars of an orientalist bias, yet among the many studies presented 53

Gerda Mansour by Israeli scholars a colonialist attitude is often quite transparent. Despite the many protestations to the contrary, scholarship in the social sciences can never be entirely free of ideology since those who carry it out do not exist in a social void. Thus, Israeli scholars often fall into the trap of misunderstanding and misinterpreting their data, particularly when it relates to sociolinguistic situations. An assessment of one of these studies should suffice to make this point. The contribution by Roni Henkin (Ben-Gurion University of the Negev) "Code Mixing in the Negev Bedouin City of Rahat", (vol.2) is a technically competent sociolinguistic study and the author seems to be aware of all the methodological pitfalls, yet the actual social context is misrepresented. Other than a brief mention that “Hebrew is learnt at school as of grade 3”, there is no mention of any of the aspects of domination and oppression: neither politico-economic nor socio-cultural. Only the fact of "different social functions" of languages is mentioned: Arabic is described as the "home language" (but also, derogatively, as the language of women and children) whereas Hebrew is the "language of authority, professionalism and objectivity". Code switching is assigned a "neutral" function and described as the "relaxed discourse mode". However, it becomes very clear from the situational context of the speech sample that the CS observed cannot possibly demonstrate this neutral function. The recording was taken in the municipal offices (the place of authority!) and apart from the 3 bilingual Bedouin participants the other persons present were 2 monolingual Hebrew 54

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology secretaries and the bilingual Israeli researcher. Any sociolinguist would agree that this context, in fact, prescribes the use of Hebrew most of the time. What is remarkable is that within the short hour of recording there is any switching to Arabic at all, and rather than attributing to it a neutral function, I would interpret this fact as a subtle signal of defiance. The discussion of ‘influence’ of one language on the other is brief, mentioning phonological interference of Arabic in Hebrew, but focusing mainly on the influence of Hebrew on Arabic as shown from lexical examples. These are either the required bureaucratic jargon or cultural loan words (such as television, telephone) which happen to be loan words in Hebrew too. From this she concludes that in the Hebrew/Arabic bilingual context Hebrew "carries the informational load" whereas Arabic is said to fulfil mainly a phatic role (in fact, many of the openings and tags are in Hebrew which contradicts this statement). One gets the feeling that the distinction between code switching and the use of loan words is deliberately avoided because it would further underline the bad choice of the situational context. Because of the restricted role that Arabic plays in Israel (by decree!) Arabic speakers have little opportunity to acquire an educated or modern-professional vocabulary and the minor differences of the Hebrew rendering of these loan words should have been thus explained. The only interesting point is made in connection with a third bilingual − a "customer" who was the researcher's former student, on vacation from higher education abroad. According to the researcher, this bilingual rarely code-switches, while respecting the 55

Gerda Mansour functions of the two languages, because he is a ‘linguistic outsider’, not familiar with the local habit of CS (?) and possibly because he may be addressing her, his former teacher of Hebrew. Comparison with other code switching would have been useful if the aspect of dominant official language versus dominated minority language had been taken into account. While the parameters ‘intimate’ versus ‘formal’ are of course valid, these are only the tip of the iceberg, as any comparison with other colonial situations would have shown.3 Henkin falls into a similar trap in her otherwise interesting contribution to Vol. 3 where she misinterprets Bedouin "values" because she is unable or does not want to see these in the context of power relations between occupier and occupied. (B) Discussion of methodologies and types of studies in dialectology. In this section I'll try to combine an outline of what is generally studied in dialectology with a critical assessment of what I found in these three volumes, supported by a few other papers. As with linguistics in general there are two basic approaches to the study of dialects: synchronic descriptive studies and diachronic studies. Based on these two pillars are two more types: comparative studies and sociolinguistic studies. Descriptive studies form the foundation on which any further dialect studies can be based − they should focus on all levels: phonology, morphology, syntax and lexicon. Diachronic 3 Cf. Myers-Scotton (1993) 56

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology studies are based on the observation that languages change in the course of history and focus on manner of change and type of change. The aim of comparative studies is to place findings into a larger geographical or historical context, whereas sociolinguistic studies are inspired by the recognition that languages cannot be studied without reference to the social matrix. 1. Descriptive studies. Comprehensive dialect descriptions, i.e. those giving a full account of the phonological and morpho-syntactic structure of 'major' dialects, are likely to be subjects for monographs or Ph.D. theses. Other monographs focus on the characteristic phonological features (isoglosses) of a dialect; in some cases presented in the form of maps or dialect atlases. In Europe this methodology was effectively used in the early 19th century, at a time when there was little social mobility and before the great wars and population movements of the 20th century. Some Arabic dialect atlases are now at our disposal. 4 In publications of papers given at conferences, addressing themselves to specialists, studies tend to focus on one or two distinctive linguistic features − such as the phenomenon of the "qaf / gim / glottal stop " − which makes its appearance in studies on many different Arabic dialects and is usually interpreted as a sign of the 4 Behnstedt & Woidich (1985) 57

Gerda Mansour divide between Bedouins and settled populations.5 Also, well represented in these and other collections are lexical studies − studies on loan words, mixed words and other innovations and the manner by which loan words are integrated into the Arabic structural pattern. My main problem with many descriptive studies is the "participant- observer method" adopted from anthropology and used extensively by descriptive linguists for data gathering. The researcher, in most cases a foreigner, goes with his recorder to the area of study selected, lives there, makes friends, selects one or two "informants" and records their speech. Such a situation has three pitfalls. The easiest to avoid is the problem of ideolect − variation due to the individual's limitations, experiences and conscious choices − by recording as many speakers as possible so as to be sure to get representative samples. This enormously increases work at the second stage, that of analysis of the recorded material and is therefore often avoided. The other two are what is called sources of interference in sociolinguistics. It is in the nature of communication for the speaker to adapt to his interlocutor in order to facilitate this process and as a strategy for producing a favourable communicative environment. In other words, the outsider will not hear the "typical local speech" he is attempting to study, but an adaptation. Even if the outsider comes to be accepted by the community this problem is likely to remain, as speech patterns are difficult to change once established. The only way out of this dilemma 5 e.g. the phonological study with maps provided by H. Skik "La prononciation de 'qaf' arabe en Tunisie" (AIDA, Vol. 3). Otherwise, there are many studies of sub-dialects (Bedouins, mountain tribes of Yemen, etc.) 58

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology is to train a local and send him / her to record natural conversation samples from the community to be studied. The second interference is equally tricky: the recorder makes the subjects aware of what they are saying and, unless long hours of recording wear down the speakers' self-consciousness, the result will rarely be spontaneous speech but what the speakers consider to be prestigious speech. Even the most uneducated speakers are aware that there are "better" levels of speech than what they normally produce in informal situations. One could of course record at random and in secret, but that is not ethical. In this case various devices can be used to make the speaker forget that he/ she is being recorded, but the most reliable is again the use of an insider interviewer. The strategies outlined above were inspired by sociolinguistic and sociological surveys, but are rarely used in dialectology. For this reason the findings of many studies are of limited validity. Further reservations concern phonological data collected for context-sensitive aspects such as: word stress, elision of short vowels and allophonic changes. Here we have to raise the question whether these are stable features or only occur in a particular context (in other words whether formality/ informality of the situation, speed of utterance, level of education of speakers, etc. was taken into account).6 Maps of isoglosses and dialect atlases may no longer present an 6 cf. English "he is >he's" in informal context compared to "shiribt > shribt", presented as one of the isoglosses of the Bedouin dialect (R. de Jong, vol. 2: "Aspects of phonology and morphology of dialects of the Northern Sinai littoral." 59

Gerda Mansour accurate picture because we live in an age of rapid change due to urbanisation, labour migration, spread of education and the media (especially television). However, when accompanied by more socio- historical studies, they can help explain population movements and displacements and also shed light on the historical development of a dialect. Another problem is related to the fact that foreign financial resources appear to be more readily available for the study of peripheral Arabic dialects (spoken in Turkey, Central Asia, Eritrea, Chad and Malta), resulting in disproportionate attention given to these. There is no doubt that they represent interesting phenomena, namely the effects of language contact and isolation from the main linguistic group as well as trends of internal language development. However, to render them relevant scholars should attempt to go beyond description, place their findings systematically into a comparative and sociolinguistic frame – with the ultimate aim of throwing new light on the development of the major Arabic dialects. Otherwise they run the risk of becoming a mere collection of exotica, especially in cases where we are dealing with very small dialect 7 communities which are unlikely to survive for very long. An exception to this is the case of Malta, which will be dealt with later. 7 E.g. the Qashqadarian Arabic speakers in Georgia numbering 1500 60

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology 2. Diachronic studies Diachronic studies, also referred to as 'historical dialectology' provide insight into the process of language change and divergence. They are based on general theoretical considerations such as the scope and principles of language change, in other words change that can be identified as internal development. In order to assess the degree of diversification of a particular group of dialects we need a tool like Ferguson's (1959) concept of drift, i.e. the general tendency of development of languages or groups of languages to reduce inflectional categories and make other simplifications. It is important to underline this linguistic principle in order to counter arguments of the "deterioration" and "corruption" of the Arabic language, or more precisely, Arabic dialects. In fact, the complex morpho-syntactical structure of Arabic seems relatively well preserved in comparison with many other languages and scholars focus on those features which have changed (Woidich, 1995).8 Among the diachronic studies in the 3 volumes of the AIDA conferences we also find studies dealing with the pre-literate ancestors of Arabic and its language family as well as studies dealing with extinct historical varieties such as Andalusian, Sicilian and Cypriot dialects of Arabic. They are undoubtedly of historical interest and the well documented case of Andalusian with its contemporary comments 8 cf. M. Woidich (1995, AIDA, Vol.2), "Some cases of grammaticalisation in Egyptian Arabic" discussing the process by which content words like "rayih", "ahsan" became function words. 61

Gerda Mansour on bilingualism and language shift are equally interesting to the Arabic linguist. More important, however, are the studies retracing features of modern Arabic dialects in historical documents, as they help to pin down specific changes in time and area of distribution.9 Furthermore, they show the Arabic dialect situation today in a different perspective and form a good point of departure for synchronic comparison. That there existed originally a diversity of dialects in the Arabian Peninsula has been documented by Arab historians. This has led some scholars to speculate that, while Classical Arabic descended from one dialect (Quraish), the modern Arabic dialects may well have descended from one or more parallel dialects − namely those spoken by soldiers taking part in the conquest coming from different Arabian tribes. These dialects were then transported to different places and re- enforced by later immigrants at different periods. Cohen (1962) proposes that separate koinés developed in several urban centres and spread from there, forming the basis of modern dialects. Other scholars postulate the existence of a common spoken form used for intertribal communication before Islam, side by side with the literary language (Fück, 1955). According to Versteegh (1984) the above inter-tribal koiné used by the conquering armies became mixed with 9 cf. J. Lentin on the b-prefix of imperfect verb forms being an ancient innovation used in Arabia, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine and the Maghreb in the 9th century. (AIDA, vol. 1) Also J. Lentin "Existait-il un "arabe levantin" a l'epoque ottomane? " (AIDA, vol. 2). and M. Doss (AIDA, vol. 2) “Comparative sources for the study of 17th Century Egyptian Arabic”; also M. Doss (1996)"Réflexions sur les débuts de l'écriture dialectale en Egypte" in: Egypte/Monde arabe, No. 27-28, and H. Davies (2000) in: Al-Logha 2. 62

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology pidginized forms of Arabic in the new environment and that this pidginization of Arabic was the origin of present diversity. On the other hand, he attributes similarities between dialects to the later efforts of Arab grammarians. Ferguson (1959) proposes that modern Arabic dialects descended from a koiné developed in the early period of language spread in the various urban centres and armies, which was different from the ancient Arabic dialects of the Arabian peninsula and al-fuSHa. This "koiné came into existence through a complex process of mutual borrowing and levelling among various dialects and not as a result of diffusion from a single source." As evidence he cites features in which Arabic dialects agree but differ from CA, such as the loss of dual forms of adjectives, pronouns and verb forms; some changes in the verb system; additions of suffixes with resulting phonological changes; change in the form of cardinal numbers; etc… Lastly, there are those scholars who attribute dialect divergence mainly or partly to different substratum influence of the languages previously spoken in the area of Arab conquest, namely Persian, Syriac, Aramaen, Coptic and Berber. Such studies focus on special features of a dialect (phonological, morpho-syntactic or lexical) which are not present in CA nor in any other dialect, nor attributable to internal development. For Egypt the interest in Coptic and its survival in Colloquial Arabic goes back to the 19th and early 20th century. Palva (1969) focuses on grammatical features identified 63

Gerda Mansour previously10 and other studies, such as Subhy (1921) and Bishai (1962) concentrate on substratum vocabulary. In Egypt there are historical reasons why some semantic fields are more conservative than others and more likely to retain substratum vocabulary, e.g. vocabulary concerned with agriculture and fishing, names of plants and traditional food items, but also place names - which is a general phenomenon wherever language shift took place. The Arab conquerors and their descendents in Egypt were not peasants, and for a long time they were not allowed to own land nor did they take active part in agricultural activities. (Fück, 1955) Most theories on the development of Arabic dialects agree on one point: the separate descent of Bedouin dialects, due to later tribal migrations from the Arabian peninsula, explaining the urban / rural dichotomy of modern dialects present in almost every Arabic dialect (e.g. the /q/, /g/ and glottal stop variable, and other features of Upper Egyptian and Sharqiyya, compared to the "central" dialect of Cairo). Another theory attempting to explain language change is the wave theory, demonstrating how language expansion leads to contact with neighbouring languages and hence to change. The linguistic outcomes investigated in contact studies tend to be more drastic than the ones 10 E.g. word order in questions (final position of interrogative); demonstrative + personal pronoun /da huwwa/ -- which he considers certain Coptic influence; comparative + /can/ (not so certain); ma +imperative /ma tigi/ as request, which he excludes since it occurs in other dialects; and the 'a- prefix in /ahu simic/, which he likewise attributes to internal development. Cf. also T. Nishio (1995) "Word order and word order change of wh-questions in Egyptian Arabic: the Coptic substratum reconsidered" ( AIDA, vol. 2) 64

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology produced by substratum influence involving a complete structural shift towards a hybrid language. The emergence of Maltese is a case in point in the Arabic context. M. Mifsud analyses the extent to which Arabic derivational morphology (among others) was applied to a huge bulk of loan words from Italian and English.11 His conclusion: there is only partial integration through what is described as an "attempt to fix root structure". His explanation for this phenomenon is that the flexible Arabic morphological system had already become dysfunctional at time of contact with English and consequently Arabic structure shifted to European structure, a shift which is characteristic of a hybrid language. It seems to me that this is more than an isolated study on a peripheral contact phenomenon as his findings and methodology have implications for the study of loan words in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) and modern dialects, as well as being of importance to linguistic theory in general. 3. Comparative studies The main purpose of synchronic comparative studies is to put specific dialect features into a larger frame by comparing or contrasting them with those of other dialects. However, diachronic and synchronic comparisons often tend to overlap. Inter-dialect variations are most noticeable and most frequent at the phonological and lexical level. Historically, this can be explained by the fact that phonological changes are known to occur naturally and consistently but that they usually affect either the speech of a limited geographical 11 "The productivity of Arabic in Maltese", in AIDA, vol. 2, 1995 65

Gerda Mansour area or of a social class. An example of this kind of study is Laria's contribution to AIDA (vol. 2), which compares the "eastern nomadic" pronunciation of /q/ > /g/ over a geographical area covering eastern Libya, Negev (Israel) and southern Jordan. The same paper also deals with syllable structure and vowel changes with shifting accents (as well as some lexical items) where the Libyan features are compared to western Maghreb dialects. Lexical variation occurs through contact with other languages from which words may be borrowed; through the survival of words from a substratum language; through coining on the basis of the language's own resources and through semantic shift. As a whole the lexicon of a language continuously grows in size mainly for reasons related to technical and social development while many old words are dropped from active use. Inevitably, this process is subject to different circumstances in different parts of the Arab world and therefore has different linguistic results. Morpho-syntactic variation is rarer because this is an area of language that is more stable and more conservative. I am not aware of any full-scale comparison (at all linguistic levels) between two or more of the major dialects, which may well be ignorance on my part. As would be expected, most studies in these collections are short and concentrate on one or two limited features or focus on dialect variation within one of the modern states. 66

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology 4. Sociolinguistic studies Since language variation is by definition caused by the geographical and social context the study of dialects derives most of its validity from a sociolinguistic approach. Such an approach can demonstrate how linguistic variation is linked to social change. Rural migration to the cities brings about new contact situations; increase in education promotes greater social mobility through access to higher employment; modernisation of the infrastructure facilitates contact; widespread use of the media creates "prestige" dialects − to name but a few such factors. All these factors have an effect on linguistic change or absence of change, on divergence or convergence and hence need to be considered in dialect studies. An example of such a study is 12 Miller's. I would claim that certain situations clearly demand a sociolinguistic approach and a descriptive study limiting itself to phonological features rather than investigating questions of language maintenance and language attitudes under changed circumstances appears rather arid. 13 To make this point I would like to draw attention two articles by De Jong. One of them: "Aspects of phonology and morphology of 12 cf. Miller "Accommodation dialectale chez les migrants de Haute Egypte au Caire." (AIDA, vol. 2) 13 Such an investigation would have lent more meaning to Khan's "The Arabic dialect of the Karaite Jews of Hit" (AIDA, vol. 2) dealing with the Arabic dialect of a Jewish sect transferred to Israel. That their dialect shares most of its characteristics with other Iraqi urban dialects (the former neighbours) - although it deserves mention - is not the most interesting point, but rather why they continue to speak it in the Israeli environment which is hostile to everything Arabic. 67

Gerda Mansour dialects of the Northern Sinai littoral" in AIDA, Vol. 2 is purely descriptive, to which my reaction was: in the modern context of Bedouin settlement the studies on Bedouin dialects quickly become outdated. Bedouin children go to school with others and even for the adults there is a tendency for recently settled dialect speakers to avoid features which will set them apart too much in their new social environment and to accommodate to the majority dialect. Then, in 1996 De Jong gave a paper entitled "Examples of Levelling and Counter-reactions in the Dialects of Bedouin Tribes in Northwestern Sinai" where he deals precisely with this new sociolinguistic situation.14 He also mentions another type of accommodation of the older generation males − that towards "purer" Bedouin dialect on social occasions requiring identification with older Bedouin tradition. One sociolinguistic phenomenon of the Arabic dialect situation is a much deserving topic and has been given a fair amount of attention. I am referring to the phenomenon of diglossia, the parallel use of two varieties − cammeyya and fuSHa − in the daily life of Arabic-speaking communities which results in specific communication strategies, such as code switching or code mixing. Studies in this field are numerous, beginning with Ferguson (1959b), further elaborated by Badawi 14 P. 369 Listing the major factors of change in the Bedouin dialect : "They are fully settled, no longer semi-nomadic; they live directly along the main road along the norther coast [..]; large numbers [of this tribe] spent several years in Egypt proper during the Israeli occupation of Sinai; [..] tribe with the highest level of education; […] considerable numbers settled in the nile Delta; […] geographically near the Nile Delta." 68

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology (1973), El-Hassan (1977), Haeri (1997), etc. but also Ferguson's own refinements (1991). There are also many studies on specific communication strategies, such as code switching or code mixing involving the two varieties (e.g. Mazraani, AIDA, 2, 1995, Mejdell, 2000 and Bassiouney in this issue). What appears to be lacking are comparative studies between style variation, as common in the daily use of other languages, and Arabic code switching. Obviously, there is above all the difference of degree, but the phenomenon as such seems to have been exaggerated in early studies, especially during the colonial period (Kouloughli, 1996). Over-emphasis on the problems associated with diglossia in past studies on the Arabic language could have fostered the notion that there is no or little connection between the two varieties. (C) Conclusion No reflection is complete without some thought given as to the kind of studies that are needed in the future. Undoubtedly more work is needed at all levels in order to revitalise the field of Arabic dialectology and help it assume its legitimate place at universities in the Arab world. However, for many reasons I would give priority to comparative studies and sociolinguistic studies. For one thing, a lot of the groundwork in the form of descriptive studies of the main dialects seems to have been done and, speaking as a sociolinguist, I would caution against describing dialects in purely static terms. In times of social change new sociolinguistic variables may be created in 69

Gerda Mansour a relatively short period while the spread of more or less "standard" spoken varieties through the media favours linguistic convergence. Perhaps it needs to be repeated that language change can occur in two directions − diversification and convergence. Diversification is more likely to occur in times of conflict, in geographically isolated areas, through diminishing socio-economic contacts and minimal literacy. Convergence is the result of increased contacts through socio- economic integration (in a state or nation), free movement of the labour force as well as social mobility through an increase in education. Needless to say, the use of a common written language and the existence of a common literary heritage are fundamental requirements for convergence, but it has become evident that the spread of the media – TV in particular – also plays a big role in this matter. Assuming that this is the dominant trend of the present phase of language development sociolinguistic studies should focus on this phenomenon and identify its specific linguistic features. One aspect worth studying is the recent spread of urban dialects through popular TV serials and pop music beyond the borders of individual Arab countries, resulting in increased familiarity with such dialects and hence improved inter-dialect comprehension. Another aspect, affecting more the formal register − i.e. spoken MSA − is the influence of satellite TV, particularly "Al Jazeera", displaying a reality of minor variables in contexts ranging from carefully produced speech (news broadcasts) to more spontaneous speech in discussions. 70

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology Among other things, we owe to sociolinguistics the recognition that there is a universal tendency to create or maintain distinguishing linguistic features that serve as foci of local identities and that no standardised modern language lacks these kind of variables. They can be clearly observed in TV or radio news broadcasts in formal standard English that preserve some phonological features of local dialects. In the Arabic context we have the example of the maintenance of the Egyptian pronunciation of the letter gim (/g/ instead of /j/) occurring even in the formal speech of the highly educated. The reverse of this phenomenon is likewise an important sociolinguistic aspect worth studying. Here I am thinking of accommodation strategies employed by dialect speakers when they avoid extreme or incomprehensible features in inter-dialect communications, while maintaining others as identity markers.15 More emphasis on comparative studies (both synchronic and diachronic) would help to pin down the precise areas of variability and put them in a quantitative and historical perspective. They might have an additional benefit in the sense that a systematic analysis at the synchronic level, especially of the morpho-syntactic structure of the main dialects, is likely to reveal more similarities than differences. This in itself could lay to rest many fears that dialects are a threat to inter-Arab communication and potential Arab unity. 15 Cf. Miller (1995), "Accommodation dialectale chez les migrants de haute Egypte au Caire". AIDA, vol. 2 71

Gerda Mansour Mutual intelligibility in inter-dialect communication in itself could become the focus of studies dealing with particular problem areas. The layman's perception of dialect divergence is essentially based on variations in pronunciation (particularly stress shift) and vocabulary. Many of these areas have been identified but, undoubtedly, could benefit from more attention. Concerning lexical studies it would be useful to identify lexical fields in which variation is common and which may create initial barriers to comprehension (i.e. food items, names of plants, household goods, clothing, etc…). The same fields are likely to display two other common phenomena: the existence of loan words due to a long history of trade contact and foreign domination, as well as words displaying substratum influence. Ultimately, lexical studies should aim at the establishment of a multi- dialect dictionary, preferably conducted as a long-term joint project between several Arab universities. Such a dictionary would also identify so-called "faux amis" - identical Arabic words used with a different meaning in different dialects, either through a process of semantic shift or because two meanings were always available, but one of them became dysfunctional in one dialect. More comparisons between al-fuSHa and modern dialects, especially at the morpho-syntactic level, are needed and here the role of the communicative context, in particular the medium of communication should be stressed. For instance, the syntactic rules of Classical Arabic require a "verb-subject-object" (VSO) word order, whereas in most of the spoken dialects this does not seem to be the case. The question concerning this divergence would have to take into 72

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology account that the constraints of the written medium require specific communication strategies because the interlocutor is physically isolated from the writer. The written text has to make everything explicit and must inevitably develop different styles from those used in the spoken language where the immediacy of the situation helps to disambiguate the communication. Hence the VSO order is a feature specific to the written language, made possible by the use of "icrab" and may have always been used side by side with the SVO (without icrab) in the spoken language.16 All in all, one would expect a revaluation of the spoken language to follow the scientific evidence that the types of changes which resulted in the present dialect variation occurred systematically and relatively evenly in all Arabic dialects. Furthermore it needs to be underlined that standardisation of the written language, or what is usually referred to in linguistic literature as Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), is by no means a closed subject. Rapid social and technological development and the daily concerns of the media require a continuous process of coining new Arabic vocabulary to translate new concepts, inventions and events transmitted through the international news agencies and scientific literature. A real danger exists that writers, journalists and scientists go ahead independently, each creating a new Arabic derivation for the missing vocabulary item, thus producing a new (written) dialect. To prevent this each country has its Arabic Academy (magmac al-logha al-carabiyya). 16 For more on this subject cf. M. Doss (1992) 73

Gerda Mansour However, it seems that despite considerable efforts on the part of the members of these institutes they cannot keep pace with the demand and it is likely that the language planning procedures adopted by the individual academies are not adequate. Unfortunately the same would have to be said about the co-ordination with other Arab academies. Coming from a non-specialist the remarks made here are bound to misrepresent some aspect or other of the present situation of Arabic dialectology and omit others more worthy of mention. However, they are offered in the spirit of challenge to those who are better equipped to deal with this subject. 74

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology REFERENCES AIDA (1993) Vol. 1, Actes des premières journées internationales de dialectologie arabe de Paris, Paris: INALCO AIDA (1995) Vol. 2, Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference of AIDA, Cambridge, AIDA (1998) Vol. 3, Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference of AIDA, Malta BADAWI, El-S. (1973), Mustawayaat al-carabiyya al-mucaasira fi Misr, Cairo, Dar al-Macaarif BEHNSTEDT, P. & M. WOIDICH (1985) Die ägyptisch- arabischen Dialekte. Vol.2 Dialektatlas von Ägypten. Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert Verlag BISHAI, W. (1962) "Coptic Grammatical Influence on Egyptian Arabic" in: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 82 COHEN (1970) "Koinè, langues communes et dialectes arabes" in:Etudes de Linguistique Sémitique et Arabe. Janua Linguarum, 81, The Hague: Mouton DAVIES, H. (2000) "Yusuf al-Shirbini's 'Hazz al-Quhuf': Issues relevant to its assessment as a source for 17th century Egyptian Colloquial" in: Al-Logha, 2, Cairo: Arab Research Center DOSS, M. (1992) “L’idéologie linguistique à travers un débat sur l’ordre des mots en arabe” in: Itinéraires d’Egypte. Mélanges offerts au père Maurice Martin, IFAO, Cairo. DE JONG, R. (1996) "Examples of Levelling and Counterreactions in the Dialects of Bedouin Tribes in Northwestern Sinai", in: Egypte/ Monde Arabe, 27-28, Cairo, CEDEJ 75

Gerda Mansour EL-HASSAN, A. (1977) "Educated Spoken Arabic in Egypt and the Levant: A critical review of diglossia and related concepts", in: Archivum Linguisticum, 8 FERGUSON, C.A. (1959) "Diglossia", in: Word, 15 FERGUSON, C.A. (1959) "The Arabic Koine". in: Language, 35 FERGUSON, C.A (1991) "Diglossia Revised", in A. HUDSON (ed.) Southwest Journal of Linguistics 10, 1 FÜCK, J. (1955) cArabiya: Recherches sur l' histoire de la langue et du style arabe. (Transl. C. Denizeau) Paris: Librairie Marcel Didier HAERI, N. (1996) "Conceptualizing Heterogeneity in Arabic", in: Egypte/ Monde Arabe, 27-28, Cairo: CEDEJ KOULOUGHLI, D. (1996) "Sur quelques approches de la réalite sociolinguistique arabe", in: Egypte/ Monde Arabe, 27-28, Cairo: CEDEJ MEJDELL, G. (2000) "Aspects of Formal Spoken Arabic in Egypt: Lugha Wusta or Lughat al-Muthaqqafiin", in: Al-Logha, 2, Cairo: Arab Research Center MYERS-SCOTTON, C. (1993) Social Motivations for Codeswitching. New York, Oxford University Press PALVA, H. (1969) "Notes on the Alleged Coptic Morphological Influence on Egyptian Arabic." In: Orientalia Suecana, vol. 18 SOBHY, G.P.G. (1921) "Survivals of Ancient Egyptian in Modern Dialect". In: Ancient Egypt, 3 VERSTEEGH (1984) Pidginization and creolization: the case of Arabic. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing 76

‫2002 ,3 ,‪Al-Logha‬‬ ‫‪REFLECTIONS ON ARABIC DIALECTOLOGY‬‬ ‫‪By Gerda Mansour‬‬ ‫‪Cairo University‬‬ ‫ﻳﻔﺘ ﺘﺢ ه ﺬا اﻟﺒﺤ ﺚ ﺑﻄ ﺮح ﻋ ﺪة أﺳ ﺌﻠﺔ ﺣ ﻮل ﻋﻠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻨ ﺎﺣﻴﺘﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ و اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﺔ و ﺳ ﺒﺐ اﺑﺘﻌ ﺎد اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻴﻦ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻌ ﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑ ﻲ ﻋ ﻦ اﻟﻘﻴ ﺎم ﺑﺄﺑﺤ ﺎث ﻓ ﻲ ه ﺬا اﻟﻤﺠ ﺎل. و رﺑﻤ ﺎ آ ﺎن ﻣ ﻦ أﺳ ﺒﺎب‬ ‫ه ﺬا اﻻﺑﺘﻌ ﺎد أن ﻋﻠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻳﻌﺘﻤ ﺪ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻮﺻ ﻒ وﻟ ﻴﺲ ﻋﻠ ﻰ‬ ‫وﺿ ﻊ اﻟﻤﻌ ﺎﻳﻴﺮ، آﻤ ﺎ أن دراﺳ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت واﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜ ﺔ ﺑﺸ ﻜﻞ ﻋ ﺎم ﺗﻘ ﻮم ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻓﺤ ﺺ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻮﻗ ﺔ وﻟ ﻴﺲ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻜﺘﻮﺑ ﺔ. ﻓﺎﻟﺒﺎﺣ ﺚ اﻟﻌﺮﺑ ﻲ ﻗ ﺪ اﻋﺘ ﺎد ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻋﺘﺒ ﺎر اﻟﻔﺼ ﺤﻰ وﺣ ﺪهﺎ‬ ‫ﺟ ﺪﻳﺮة ﺑ ﺎﻟﻔﺤﺺ واﻟﺪراﺳ ﺔ، واﻟﻔﺼ ﺤﻰ ه ﻲ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌ ﺔ اﻟﺤ ﺎل ﻣﻌﻴﺎرﻳ ﺔ‬ ‫وﺗﻘ ﻮم ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺗ ﺮاث أدﺑ ﻲ ﻣﻤﺘ ﺪ. ﻟﻜ ﻦ هﻨ ﺎك ﺳ ﺒﺒﺎ ﺁﺧ ﺮ ﻻﻧﺼ ﺮاف‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮﻳﻴﻦ اﻟﻌ ﺮب ﻋ ﻦ ﻋﻠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت، وه ﻮ أن ه ﺬا اﻟﻌﻠ ﻢ ﻗ ﺪ اﻧﻔ ﺮد ﺑ ﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻮن اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴ ﻮن، ﻣﻤ ﺎ أﺛ ﺎر اﻟﺸ ﻜﻮك ﺣ ﻮل ﻧﻮاﻳ ﺎ ه ﺬا اﻟﻔ ﺮع ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ، ﺧﺎﺻ ﺔ وأن ﻋﻠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻗ ﺪ ﻧﺸ ﺄ ﻓ ﻲ إﻃ ﺎر‬ ‫اﻻﺣ ﺘﻼل اﻟﻐﺮﺑ ﻲ ﻟﺒﻠ ﺪان ﻋﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ، وأن أول اﻟﺪارﺳ ﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت آ ﺎﻧﻮا‬ ‫ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻤﺴ ﺘﻌﻤﺮﻳﻦ. وأﺧﻴ ﺮا ﻓﺪراﺳ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت ﺗﻬ ﺪد ﻓ ﻲ ﻧﻈ ﺮ اﻟ ﺒﻌﺾ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﻮﺣﺪة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ.‬ ‫اﻧﻄﻠﻘ ﺖ ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﺘ ﺄﻣﻼت ﻣ ﻦ ﻗ ﺮاءة ﻧﻘﺪﻳ ﺔ ﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋ ﺔ ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫اﻷﺑﺤ ﺎث اﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﺛﻼﺛ ﺔ ﻣ ﺆﺗﻤﺮات ﻧﻈﻤﺘﻬ ﺎ "اﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴ ﺔ ﻟﻌﻠ ﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ" . وﺧﺮﺟ ﺖ اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜ ﺔ ﺑﻌ ﺪ ﺗﻘ ﺪﻳﻢ اﻟﻤﺤ ﺎور اﻷﺳﺎﺳ ﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻬ ﺬﻩ اﻷﺑﺤ ﺎث ﺑﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋ ﺔ ﻣﻼﺣﻈ ﺎت ﺗﻠﻴﻬ ﺎ ﺑﻌ ﺾ اﻟﺘﻮﺻ ﻴﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻮﺟﻬ ﺔ إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﻌ ﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﻓ ﻲ ﻋﻠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت. ﻓﺎﻟﻤﻼﺣﻈ ﺔ ﺗﺘﻨ ﺎول‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺸ ﺎآﻞ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺗﺒ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ هﻴﻤﻨ ﺔ اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻴﻦ ﻣ ﻦ ﻏﻴ ﺮ اﻟﻌ ﺮب ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫اﻷﺑﺤ ﺎث اﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣ ﺔ، واﻹﻓ ﺮاط ﻓ ﻲ اﻻﻋﺘﻤ ﺎد ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻤ ﻨﻬﺞ اﻟﻮﺻ ﻔﻲ‬ ‫دون اﻻهﺘﻤ ﺎم اﻟﻜ ﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻮاﻧ ﺐ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﺔ واﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴ ﺔ ﻟﻠﻈ ﻮاهﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﻣﺤ ﻞ اﻟﺒﺤ ﺚ. وﻣ ﻦ ﺿ ﻤﻦ اﻟﺘﻮﺻ ﻴﺎت أن ﻳﻌﻄ ﻲ اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻮن‬ ‫اهﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎ أآﺒﺮ ﻟﻠﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﺘﻘﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ وﻟﻠﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ.‬

Gerda Mansour The interest in dialectology is growing in Arabic speaking countries, despite the traditional prejudice against dialects and the many erroneous preconceived notions engendered by an uncritical and rigid education. Many linguists in various departments within the Humanities faculties of Egyptian universities have been trained in western linguistic theories and methods and are using their training in the study of their mother tongue. Others would like to conduct such research but are not familiar with the specific methods required for this subject. I am addressing myself particularly to the latter and to the lay reader interested in language issues. The first problem we encounter is related to the term dialect itself and here we have to admit that so far no linguist has come up with a satisfactory linguistic definition, distinguishing dialect from language. All the commonly mentioned distinctions - other than prejudices - are extra-linguistic or sociolinguistic; for instance, that dialects are generally not written, that they are used in informal communication, that they are limited to small geographic areas or social groups, etc… Dialect is always used as being subordinate to language (X is a dialect of Y), and yet this categorisation may in itself be problematic in areas of geographic contiguity. For instance, on both sides of the German/ Dutch border the same dialect is spoken − at least the native speakers conceive it as such. Officially, however, on the right side of the river Rhine it is referred to as a German dialect, whereas on the left side it is a Dutch dialect; and the two standardised languages have quite distinct features. In fact there is a dialect continuum in these and other areas with linguistic divergence gradually increasing with 48

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology geographical distance. Needless to say, dialects can become languages once they are standardised, written and adopted as the official language/s of an independent country. In other words, the humorous definition "a language is a dialect with an army" gives a fairly realistic picture of the situation. The second problem relates to the branch of linguistics devoted to the study of dialects, dialectology, which requires specific methodologies. Ideally, a dialectologist should master both – the latest methodologies of dialectology and be a native speaker. While a non- native speaker may eventually acquire similar competence, he/she will always be handicapped in having his/her findings accepted by native speakers. This is particularly the case against the background of colonialism and orientalism. I find myself in a double bind, being a non-native speaker and a non-dialectologist, but having been pushed to look at some research on Arabic dialectology, the following are some of my reactions and reflections, in the hope that others in a better position than myself may find them useful. There are a number of reasons why, up to date, dialectology does not enjoy a very good reputation in Arab countries. One is of course ignorance among the educated general public concerning the basic principles of linguistics, namely that linguists are engaged in describing, not prescribing language. Linguistics is not to be confused with language teaching nor language planning, although both those activities should presuppose a thorough knowledge of this science. Most linguistic studies concentrate on analysing the spoken rather 49

Gerda Mansour than the written language, as well as the day-to-day communicative strategies used by native speakers. When studying the spoken language anywhere in the world the question of dialect is unavoidable. In all this Arabic linguists are on a collision course with the main concern of the educated public − those who are understandably proud of the Arabic literary heritage and want to maintain the supremacy of the vehicle of this heritage − al fuSHa.1 The study of dialects − it is feared − might challenge this supremacy and produce a break with tradition. And although the spoken dialects are every native speaker's real mother tongue and should be the focus of feelings of identity and affection − an expectation confirmed by the fact that every public speaker wanting to reach the "hearts and minds of the people" makes use of the dialect's appeal, yet the attitude of the native speakers of Arabic is ambivalent. As the citations in footnote 1 from two leading intellectuals of the 20th century show, dialects are considered by many to be a perversion and corruption of the written language. And it is this negative image which interferes with the normal attitude to the mother tongue, without 1 I am taking over two citations from Haeri (1996) "I am and shall remain, unalterably opposed to those who regard the colloquial as a suitable instrument for mutual understanding and a method for realizing the various goals of our intellectual life because I simply cannot tolerate any squandering of the heritage, however slight, that classical Arabic has preserved for us. The colloquial lacks the qualities the qualities to make it worthy of the name of a language. I look upon it as a dialect that has become corrupted in many respects." (Taha Hussein, 1954) "The colloquial is one of the diseases from which the people are suffering and of which they are bound to rid themselves as they progress. I consider the 50

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology helping in any way with the difficult task of acquiring the written standard language. What might help to change this situation is creating the awareness that all languages start as spoken languages/dialects; that they evolve with time − not as the result of ignorance or negligence but as the result of changing social conditions. It needs to be underlined that there is a general linguistic principle at work − the older the literary tradition the greater is the gap between the spoken language and the written text (unless there have been many deliberate reforms of the written language). The training of native speaker linguists should thus cover the theories of language change and methodologies used in dialectology elsewhere. Another reason for the negative attitude towards dialectology may be related to the fact that, until recently, the field of Arabic dialectology has been exclusively the domain of western scholars. That this raised sensitivities and negative attitudes is not surprising when seen in the context of the colonial history of Arab countries. For instance, it seems that in Algeria and Morocco, dialect studies were first carried out by military men of the colonial administration and had as their ideological context the attempt to replace Arabic by French. 2 Last, but not least, the cultural and political dimension of Pan- Arabism may have created one of the most powerful barriers to the colloquial one of the failings of our society, exactly like ignorance, poverty and disease." (Duwwarah, 1965) 2 Kouloughli (1996) describes the tone and intent of an article by Marcais (1930) and how the latter considers that "cet idiome sémitique affligé d'une 51

Gerda Mansour study of Arabic dialects. One must not forget that political division was imposed by the colonial powers. Despite this division Pan-Arab cultural identity is still strong and can only be strengthened in the present hostile international environment. The Pan-Arab opposition to dialect studies is also based on the misconception that dialectology has as its aim the establishment of separate languages and thus removing one of the most important factors uniting the Arab world. This misconception may be partly linked to the dominance of foreign scholars in the field and partly to the prevalent methodologies that tend to emphasise differences and omit to outline what is common. Unfortunately, a perusal of recent contributions in Arabic dialectology can only strengthen this impression. I intend to deal with these aspects in detail below, referring to three volumes produced by AIDA (Association Internationale de Dialectologie Arabe) based on three conferences - the first in 1993 in Paris, the second in 1995 in Cambridge and the third in 1998 in Malta. My observations will be grouped under three headings: dominance of foreign scholars; discussion of methodologies and types of studies in dialectology; and conclusion. (A) Dominance of foreign scholars. The first volume in this collection (1993) is divided into four sections: systems and functions, comparative dialectology, historical incurable diglossie ne peut prétendre à aucun rôle dans l'avenir culturel et politique de l'Algérie, voire du Maghreb." 52

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology dialectology and sociolinguistics. Of the 36 papers, four are written by native speakers of an Arabic dialect from Arab universities and another four by native speakers of Arabic from universities abroad. Two contributions are from Malta on Maltese. Volume 2 (1995) contains 30 contributions of which only two are by native speakers from Arab universities, in addition to two by native speakers of Maltese from Malta. The third volume (1998) presents 34 articles and 26 abstracts (i.e. a total of 60 papers). The Arabic native speakers' contribution from Arab universities rose to ten to which a further seven from European universities may be added, as well as three native speakers from Malta. In other words, at these three international conferences, native speakers of Arabic were very much in the minority and would have been negligible without the Arabic native speakers from European universities and the native speakers from Malta. The argument that nobody stopped Arab scholars from attending does not hold, as attendance was by invitation and scholars needed to get financial support from their universities. Judging by the table of contents of these three volumes it becomes clear that there is no specific theme and that the choice of topics is determined by the scholars' own preoccupations. Hence, there is considerable imbalance in the areas of dialectology and the regional or historical dialects covered. For instance, in the first volume alone, there are six contributions focussing on Judeo-Arabic – the Arabic dialect spoken by Jews in the Middle Ages. 53

Gerda Mansour Among the regional variations some are better represented than others – e.g. Maltese – and Maltese is a special case, as studies on this dialect / language were carried out exclusively by native speakers. It would, of course, be an over-simplification to accuse non-native scholars of an orientalist bias, yet among the many studies presented by Israeli scholars a colonialist attitude is often quite transparent. Despite the many protestations to the contrary, scholarship in the social sciences can never be entirely free of ideology since those who carry it out do not exist in a social void. Thus, Israeli scholars often fall into the trap of misunderstanding and misinterpreting their data, particularly when it relates to sociolinguistic situations. An assessment of one of these studies should suffice to make this point. The contribution by Roni Henkin (Ben-Gurion University of the Negev) "Code Mixing in the Negev Bedouin City of Rahat", (vol.2) is a technically competent sociolinguistic study and the author seems to be aware of all the methodological pitfalls, yet the actual social context is misrepresented. Other than a brief mention that “Hebrew is learnt at school as of grade 3”, there is no mention of any of the aspects of domination and oppression: neither politico-economic nor socio-cultural. Only the fact of "different social functions" of languages is mentioned: Arabic is described as the "home language" (but also, derogatively, as the language of women and children) whereas Hebrew is the "language of authority, professionalism and objectivity". Code switching is assigned a "neutral" function and described as the "relaxed discourse mode". 54

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology However, it becomes very clear from the situational context of the speech sample that the CS observed cannot possibly demonstrate this neutral function. The recording was taken in the municipal offices (the place of authority!) and apart from the 3 bilingual Bedouin participants the other persons present were 2 monolingual Hebrew secretaries and the bilingual Israeli researcher. Any sociolinguist would agree that this context, in fact, prescribes the use of Hebrew most of the time. What is remarkable is that within the short hour of recording there is any switching to Arabic at all, and rather than attributing to it a neutral function, I would interpret this fact as a subtle signal of defiance. The discussion of ‘influence’ of one language on the other is brief, mentioning phonological interference of Arabic in Hebrew, but focusing mainly on the influence of Hebrew on Arabic as shown from lexical examples. These are either the required bureaucratic jargon or cultural loan words (such as television, telephone) which happen to be loan words in Hebrew too. From this she concludes that in the Hebrew/Arabic bilingual context Hebrew "carries the informational load" whereas Arabic is said to fulfil mainly a phatic role (in fact, many of the openings and tags are in Hebrew which contradicts this statement). One gets the feeling that the distinction between code switching and the use of loan words is deliberately avoided because it would further underline the bad choice of the situational context. Because of the restricted role that Arabic plays in Israel (by decree!) Arabic speakers have little opportunity to acquire an educated or modern-professional vocabulary and the minor differences of the 55

Gerda Mansour Hebrew rendering of these loan words should have been thus explained. The only interesting point is made in connection with a third bilingual − a "customer" who was the researcher's former student, on vacation from higher education abroad. According to the researcher, this bilingual rarely code-switches, while respecting the functions of the two languages, because he is a ‘linguistic outsider’, not familiar with the local habit of CS (?) and possibly because he may be addressing her, his former teacher of Hebrew. Comparison with other code switching would have been useful if the aspect of dominant official language versus dominated minority language had been taken into account. While the parameters ‘intimate’ versus ‘formal’ are of course valid, these are only the tip of the iceberg, as any comparison with other colonial situations would have shown.3 Henkin falls into a similar trap in her otherwise interesting contribution to Vol. 3 where she misinterprets Bedouin "values" because she is unable or does not want to see these in the context of power relations between occupier and occupied. (B) Discussion of methodologies and types of studies in dialectology. In this section I'll try to combine an outline of what is generally studied in dialectology with a critical assessment of what I found in these three volumes, supported by a few other papers. As with 3 Cf. Myers-Scotton (1993) 56

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology linguistics in general there are two basic approaches to the study of dialects: synchronic descriptive studies and diachronic studies. Based on these two pillars are two more types: comparative studies and sociolinguistic studies. Descriptive studies form the foundation on which any further dialect studies can be based − they should focus on all levels: phonology, morphology, syntax and lexicon. Diachronic studies are based on the observation that languages change in the course of history and focus on manner of change and type of change. The aim of comparative studies is to place findings into a larger geographical or historical context, whereas sociolinguistic studies are inspired by the recognition that languages cannot be studied without reference to the social matrix. 1. Descriptive studies. Comprehensive dialect descriptions, i.e. those giving a full account of the phonological and morpho-syntactic structure of 'major' dialects, are likely to be subjects for monographs or Ph.D. theses. Other monographs focus on the characteristic phonological features (isoglosses) of a dialect; in some cases presented in the form of maps or dialect atlases. In Europe this methodology was effectively used in the early 19th century, at a time when there was little social mobility and before the great wars and population movements of the 20th century. Some Arabic dialect atlases are now at our disposal. 4 4 Behnstedt & Woidich (1985) 57

Gerda Mansour In publications of papers given at conferences, addressing themselves to specialists, studies tend to focus on one or two distinctive linguistic features − such as the phenomenon of the "qaf / gim / glottal stop " − which makes its appearance in studies on many different Arabic dialects and is usually interpreted as a sign of the divide between Bedouins and settled populations.5 Also, well represented in these and other collections are lexical studies − studies on loan words, mixed words and other innovations and the manner by which loan words are integrated into the Arabic structural pattern. My main problem with many descriptive studies is the "participant- observer method" adopted from anthropology and used extensively by descriptive linguists for data gathering. The researcher, in most cases a foreigner, goes with his recorder to the area of study selected, lives there, makes friends, selects one or two "informants" and records their speech. Such a situation has three pitfalls. The easiest to avoid is the problem of ideolect − variation due to the individual's limitations, experiences and conscious choices − by recording as many speakers as possible so as to be sure to get representative samples. This enormously increases work at the second stage, that of analysis of the recorded material and is therefore often avoided. The other two are what is called sources of interference in sociolinguistics. It is in the nature of communication for the speaker to adapt to his interlocutor in order to facilitate this process and as a strategy for producing a 5 e.g. the phonological study with maps provided by H. Skik "La prononciation de 'qaf' arabe en Tunisie" (AIDA, Vol. 3). Otherwise, there are many studies of sub-dialects (Bedouins, mountain tribes of Yemen, etc.) 58

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology favourable communicative environment. In other words, the outsider will not hear the "typical local speech" he is attempting to study, but an adaptation. Even if the outsider comes to be accepted by the community this problem is likely to remain, as speech patterns are difficult to change once established. The only way out of this dilemma is to train a local and send him / her to record natural conversation samples from the community to be studied. The second interference is equally tricky: the recorder makes the subjects aware of what they are saying and, unless long hours of recording wear down the speakers' self-consciousness, the result will rarely be spontaneous speech but what the speakers consider to be prestigious speech. Even the most uneducated speakers are aware that there are "better" levels of speech than what they normally produce in informal situations. One could of course record at random and in secret, but that is not ethical. In this case various devices can be used to make the speaker forget that he/ she is being recorded, but the most reliable is again the use of an insider interviewer. The strategies outlined above were inspired by sociolinguistic and sociological surveys, but are rarely used in dialectology. For this reason the findings of many studies are of limited validity. Further reservations concern phonological data collected for context-sensitive aspects such as: word stress, elision of short vowels and allophonic changes. Here we have to raise the question whether these are stable features or only occur in a particular context (in other words whether formality/ informality of the situation, speed of 59

Gerda Mansour utterance, level of education of speakers, etc. was taken into account).6 Maps of isoglosses and dialect atlases may no longer present an accurate picture because we live in an age of rapid change due to urbanisation, labour migration, spread of education and the media (especially television). However, when accompanied by more socio- historical studies, they can help explain population movements and displacements and also shed light on the historical development of a dialect. Another problem is related to the fact that foreign financial resources appear to be more readily available for the study of peripheral Arabic dialects (spoken in Turkey, Central Asia, Eritrea, Chad and Malta), resulting in disproportionate attention given to these. There is no doubt that they represent interesting phenomena, namely the effects of language contact and isolation from the main linguistic group as well as trends of internal language development. However, to render them relevant scholars should attempt to go beyond description, place their findings systematically into a comparative and sociolinguistic frame – with the ultimate aim of throwing new light on the development of the major Arabic dialects. Otherwise they run the risk of becoming a mere collection of exotica, especially in cases where we are dealing with very small dialect 6 cf. English "he is >he's" in informal context compared to "shiribt > shribt", presented as one of the isoglosses of the Bedouin dialect (R. de Jong, vol. 2: "Aspects of phonology and morphology of dialects of the Northern Sinai littoral." 60

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology 7 communities which are unlikely to survive for very long. An exception to this is the case of Malta, which will be dealt with later. 2. Diachronic studies Diachronic studies, also referred to as 'historical dialectology' provide insight into the process of language change and divergence. They are based on general theoretical considerations such as the scope and principles of language change, in other words change that can be identified as internal development. In order to assess the degree of diversification of a particular group of dialects we need a tool like Ferguson's (1959) concept of drift, i.e. the general tendency of development of languages or groups of languages to reduce inflectional categories and make other simplifications. It is important to underline this linguistic principle in order to counter arguments of the "deterioration" and "corruption" of the Arabic language, or more precisely, Arabic dialects. In fact, the complex morpho-syntactical structure of Arabic seems relatively well preserved in comparison with many other languages and scholars focus on those features which have changed (Woidich, 1995).8 Among the diachronic studies in the 3 volumes of the AIDA conferences we also find studies dealing with the pre-literate ancestors of Arabic and its language family as well as studies dealing with 7 E.g. the Qashqadarian Arabic speakers in Georgia numbering 1500 61

Gerda Mansour extinct historical varieties such as Andalusian, Sicilian and Cypriot dialects of Arabic. They are undoubtedly of historical interest and the well documented case of Andalusian with its contemporary comments on bilingualism and language shift are equally interesting to the Arabic linguist. More important, however, are the studies retracing features of modern Arabic dialects in historical documents, as they help to pin down specific changes in time and area of distribution.9 Furthermore, they show the Arabic dialect situation today in a different perspective and form a good point of departure for synchronic comparison. That there existed originally a diversity of dialects in the Arabian Peninsula has been documented by Arab historians. This has led some scholars to speculate that, while Classical Arabic descended from one dialect (Quraish), the modern Arabic dialects may well have descended from one or more parallel dialects − namely those spoken by soldiers taking part in the conquest coming from different Arabian tribes. These dialects were then transported to different places and re- enforced by later immigrants at different periods. Cohen (1962) proposes that separate koinés developed in several urban centres and 8 cf. M. Woidich (1995, AIDA, Vol.2), "Some cases of grammaticalisation in Egyptian Arabic" discussing the process by which content words like "rayih", "ahsan" became function words. 9 cf. J. Lentin on the b-prefix of imperfect verb forms being an ancient innovation used in Arabia, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine and the Maghreb in the 9th century. (AIDA, vol. 1) Also J. Lentin "Existait-il un "arabe levantin" à l'époque ottomane? " (AIDA, vol. 2). and M. Doss (AIDA, vol. 2) “Comparative sources for the study of 17th Century Egyptian Arabic”; also M. Doss (1996)"Réflexions sur les débuts de l'écriture dialectale en Egypte" in: Egypte/Monde arabe, No. 27-28, and H. Davies (2000) in: Al-Logha 2. 62

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology spread from there, forming the basis of modern dialects. Other scholars postulate the existence of a common spoken form used for intertribal communication before Islam, side by side with the literary language (Fück, 1955). According to Versteegh (1984) the above inter-tribal koiné used by the conquering armies became mixed with pidginized forms of Arabic in the new environment and that this pidginization of Arabic was the origin of present diversity. On the other hand, he attributes similarities between dialects to the later efforts of Arab grammarians. Ferguson (1959) proposes that modern Arabic dialects descended from a koiné developed in the early period of language spread in the various urban centres and armies, which was different from the ancient Arabic dialects of the Arabian peninsula and al-fuSHa. This "koiné came into existence through a complex process of mutual borrowing and levelling among various dialects and not as a result of diffusion from a single source." As evidence he cites features in which Arabic dialects agree but differ from CA, such as the loss of dual forms of adjectives, pronouns and verb forms; some changes in the verb system; additions of suffixes with resulting phonological changes; change in the form of cardinal numbers; etc… Lastly, there are those scholars who attribute dialect divergence mainly or partly to different substratum influence of the languages previously spoken in the area of Arab conquest, namely Persian, Syriac, Aramaen, Coptic and Berber. Such studies focus on special features of a dialect (phonological, morpho-syntactic or 63

Gerda Mansour lexical) which are not present in CA nor in any other dialect, nor attributable to internal development. For Egypt the interest in Coptic and its survival in Colloquial Arabic goes back to the 19th and early 20th century. Palva (1969) focuses on grammatical features identified previously10 and other studies, such as Subhy (1921) and Bishai (1962) concentrate on substratum vocabulary. In Egypt there are historical reasons why some semantic fields are more conservative than others and more likely to retain substratum vocabulary, e.g. vocabulary concerned with agriculture and fishing, names of plants and traditional food items, but also place names - which is a general phenomenon wherever language shift took place. The Arab conquerors and their descendents in Egypt were not peasants, and for a long time they were not allowed to own land nor did they take active part in agricultural activities. (Fück, 1955) Most theories on the development of Arabic dialects agree on one point: the separate descent of Bedouin dialects, due to later tribal migrations from the Arabian peninsula, explaining the urban / rural dichotomy of modern dialects present in almost every Arabic dialect (e.g. the /q/, /g/ and glottal stop variable, and other features of Upper Egyptian and Sharqiyya, compared to the "central" dialect of Cairo). 10 E.g. word order in questions (final position of interrogative); demonstrative + personal pronoun /da huwwa/ -- which he considers certain Coptic influence; comparative + /can/ (not so certain); ma +imperative /ma tigi/ as request, which he excludes since it occurs in other dialects; and the 'a- prefix in /ahu simic/, which he likewise attributes to internal development. Cf. also T. Nishio (1995) "Word order and word order change of wh-questions in Egyptian Arabic: the Coptic substratum reconsidered" ( AIDA, vol. 2) 64

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology Another theory attempting to explain language change is the wave theory, demonstrating how language expansion leads to contact with neighbouring languages and hence to change. The linguistic outcomes investigated in contact studies tend to be more drastic than the ones produced by substratum influence involving a complete structural shift towards a hybrid language. The emergence of Maltese is a case in point in the Arabic context. M. Mifsud analyses the extent to which Arabic derivational morphology (among others) was applied to a huge bulk of loan words from Italian and English.11 His conclusion: there is only partial integration through what is described as an "attempt to fix root structure". His explanation for this phenomenon is that the flexible Arabic morphological system had already become dysfunctional at time of contact with English and consequently Arabic structure shifted to European structure, a shift which is characteristic of a hybrid language. It seems to me that this is more than an isolated study on a peripheral contact phenomenon as his findings and methodology have implications for the study of loan words in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) and modern dialects, as well as being of importance to linguistic theory in general. 3. Comparative studies The main purpose of synchronic comparative studies is to put specific dialect features into a larger frame by comparing or contrasting them with those of other dialects. However, diachronic and synchronic comparisons often tend to overlap. Inter-dialect 11 "The productivity of Arabic in Maltese", in AIDA, vol. 2, 1995 65

Gerda Mansour variations are most noticeable and most frequent at the phonological and lexical level. Historically, this can be explained by the fact that phonological changes are known to occur naturally and consistently but that they usually affect either the speech of a limited geographical area or of a social class. An example of this kind of study is Laria's contribution to AIDA (vol. 2), which compares the "eastern nomadic" pronunciation of /q/ > /g/ over a geographical area covering eastern Libya, Negev (Israel) and southern Jordan. The same paper also deals with syllable structure and vowel changes with shifting accents (as well as some lexical items) where the Libyan features are compared to western Maghreb dialects. Lexical variation occurs through contact with other languages from which words may be borrowed; through the survival of words from a substratum language; through coining on the basis of the language's own resources and through semantic shift. As a whole the lexicon of a language continuously grows in size mainly for reasons related to technical and social development while many old words are dropped from active use. Inevitably, this process is subject to different circumstances in different parts of the Arab world and therefore has different linguistic results. Morpho-syntactic variation is rarer because this is an area of language that is more stable and more conservative. I am not aware of any full-scale comparison (at all linguistic levels) between two or more of the major dialects, which may well be ignorance on my part. As would be expected, most studies in these collections are short and 66

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology concentrate on one or two limited features or focus on dialect variation within one of the modern states. 4. Sociolinguistic studies Since language variation is by definition caused by the geographical and social context the study of dialects derives most of its validity from a sociolinguistic approach. Such an approach can demonstrate how linguistic variation is linked to social change. Rural migration to the cities brings about new contact situations; increase in education promotes greater social mobility through access to higher employment; modernisation of the infrastructure facilitates contact; widespread use of the media creates "prestige" dialects − to name but a few such factors. All these factors have an effect on linguistic change or absence of change, on divergence or convergence and hence need to be considered in dialect studies. An example of such a study is Miller's. 12 I would claim that certain situations clearly demand a sociolinguistic approach and a descriptive study limiting itself to phonological features rather than investigating questions of language maintenance and language attitudes under changed circumstances appears rather arid. 13 12 cf. Miller "Accommodation dialectale chez les migrants de Haute Egypte au Caire." (AIDA, vol. 2) 13 Such an investigation would have lent more meaning to Khan's "The Arabic dialect of the Karaite Jews of Hit" (AIDA, vol. 2) dealing with the Arabic dialect of a Jewish sect transferred to Israel. That their dialect shares 67

Gerda Mansour To make this point I would like to draw attention two articles by De Jong. One of them: "Aspects of phonology and morphology of dialects of the Northern Sinai littoral" in AIDA, Vol. 2 is purely descriptive, to which my reaction was: in the modern context of Bedouin settlement the studies on Bedouin dialects quickly become outdated. Bedouin children go to school with others and even for the adults there is a tendency for recently settled dialect speakers to avoid features which will set them apart too much in their new social environment and to accommodate to the majority dialect. Then, in 1996 De Jong gave a paper entitled "Examples of Levelling and Counter-reactions in the Dialects of Bedouin Tribes in Northwestern Sinai" where he deals precisely with this new sociolinguistic situation.14 He also mentions another type of accommodation of the older generation males − that towards "purer" Bedouin dialect on social occasions requiring identification with older Bedouin tradition. One sociolinguistic phenomenon of the Arabic dialect situation is a much deserving topic and has been given a fair amount of attention. I am referring to the phenomenon of diglossia, the parallel use of two most of its characteristics with other Iraqi urban dialects (the former neighbours) - although it deserves mention - is not the most interesting point, but rather why they continue to speak it in the Israeli environment which is hostile to everything Arabic. 14 p. 369 Listing the major factors of change in the Bedouin dialect : "They are fully settled, no longer semi-nomadic; they live directly along the main road along the northern coast [..]; large numbers [of this tribe] spent several years in Egypt proper during the Israeli occupation of Sinai; [..] tribe with the highest level of education; […] considerable numbers settled in the nile Delta; […] geographically near the Nile Delta." 68

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology varieties − cammeyya and fuSHa − in the daily life of Arabic-speaking communities which results in specific communication strategies, such as code switching or code mixing. Studies in this field are numerous, beginning with Ferguson (1959b), further elaborated by Badawi (1973), El-Hassan (1977), Haeri (1997), etc. but also Ferguson's own refinements (1991). There are also many studies on specific communication strategies, such as code switching or code mixing involving the two varieties (e.g. Mazraani, AIDA, 2, 1995, Mejdell, 2000 and Bassiouney in this issue). What appears to be lacking are comparative studies between style variation, as common in the daily use of other languages, and Arabic code switching. Obviously, there is above all the difference of degree, but the phenomenon as such seems to have been exaggerated in early studies, especially during the colonial period (Kouloughli, 1996). Over-emphasis on the problems associated with diglossia in past studies on the Arabic language could have fostered the notion that there is no or little connection between the two varieties. (C) Conclusion No reflection is complete without some thought given as to the kind of studies that are needed in the future. Undoubtedly more work is needed at all levels in order to revitalise the field of Arabic dialectology and help it assume its legitimate place at universities in the Arab world. However, for many reasons I would give priority to 69

Gerda Mansour comparative studies and sociolinguistic studies. For one thing, a lot of the groundwork in the form of descriptive studies of the main dialects seems to have been done and, speaking as a sociolinguist, I would caution against describing dialects in purely static terms. In times of social change new sociolinguistic variables may be created in a relatively short period while the spread of more or less "standard" spoken varieties through the media favours linguistic convergence. Perhaps it needs to be repeated that language change can occur in two directions − diversification and convergence. Diversification is more likely to occur in times of conflict, in geographically isolated areas, through diminishing socio-economic contacts and minimal literacy. Convergence is the result of increased contacts through socio- economic integration (in a state or nation), free movement of the labour force as well as social mobility through an increase in education. Needless to say, the use of a common written language and the existence of a common literary heritage are fundamental requirements for convergence, but it has become evident that the spread of the media – TV in particular – also plays a big role in this matter. Assuming that this is the dominant trend of the present phase of language development sociolinguistic studies should focus on this phenomenon and identify its specific linguistic features. One aspect worth studying is the recent spread of urban dialects through popular TV serials and pop music beyond the borders of individual Arab countries, resulting in increased familiarity with such dialects and hence improved inter-dialect comprehension. Another aspect, affecting more the formal register − i.e. spoken MSA − is the 70

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology influence of satellite TV, particularly "Al Jazeera", displaying a reality of minor variables in contexts ranging from carefully produced speech (news broadcasts) to more spontaneous speech in discussions. Among other things, we owe to sociolinguistics the recognition that there is a universal tendency to create or maintain distinguishing linguistic features that serve as foci of local identities and that no standardised modern language lacks these kind of variables. They can be clearly observed in TV or radio news broadcasts in formal standard English that preserve some phonological features of local dialects. In the Arabic context we have the example of the maintenance of the Egyptian pronunciation of the letter gim (/g/ instead of /j/) occurring even in the formal speech of the highly educated. The reverse of this phenomenon is likewise an important sociolinguistic aspect worth studying. Here I am thinking of accommodation strategies employed by dialect speakers when they avoid extreme or incomprehensible features in inter-dialect communications, while maintaining others as identity markers.15 More emphasis on comparative studies (both synchronic and diachronic) would help to pin down the precise areas of variability and put them in a quantitative and historical perspective. They might have an additional benefit in the sense that a systematic analysis at the synchronic level, especially of the morpho-syntactic structure of the 15 Cf. Miller (1995), "Accommodation dialectale chez les migrants de haute Egypte au Caire". AIDA, vol. 2 71

Gerda Mansour main dialects, is likely to reveal more similarities than differences. This in itself could lay to rest many fears that dialects are a threat to inter-Arab communication and potential Arab unity. Mutual intelligibility in inter-dialect communication in itself could become the focus of studies dealing with particular problem areas. The layman's perception of dialect divergence is essentially based on variations in pronunciation (particularly stress shift) and vocabulary. Many of these areas have been identified but, undoubtedly, could benefit from more attention. Concerning lexical studies it would be useful to identify lexical fields in which variation is common and which may create initial barriers to comprehension (i.e. food items, names of plants, household goods, clothing, etc…). The same fields are likely to display two other common phenomena: the existence of loan words due to a long history of trade contact and foreign domination, as well as words displaying substratum influence. Ultimately, lexical studies should aim at the establishment of a multi- dialect dictionary, preferably conducted as a long-term joint project between several Arab universities. Such a dictionary would also identify so-called "faux amis" - identical Arabic words used with a different meaning in different dialects, either through a process of semantic shift or because two meanings were always available, but one of them became dysfunctional in one dialect. More comparisons between al-fuSHa and modern dialects, especially at the morpho-syntactic level, are needed and here the role of the communicative context, in particular the medium of 72

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology communication should be stressed. For instance, the syntactic rules of Classical Arabic require a "verb-subject-object" (VSO) word order, whereas in most of the spoken dialects this does not seem to be the case. The question concerning this divergence would have to take into account that the constraints of the written medium require specific communication strategies because the interlocutor is physically isolated from the writer. The written text has to make everything explicit and must inevitably develop different styles from those used in the spoken language where the immediacy of the situation helps to disambiguate the communication. Hence the VSO order is a feature specific to the written language, made possible by the use of "icrab" and may have always been used side by side with the SVO (without icrab) in the spoken language.16 All in all, one would expect a revaluation of the spoken language to follow the scientific evidence that the types of changes which resulted in the present dialect variation occurred systematically and relatively evenly in all Arabic dialects. Furthermore it needs to be underlined that standardisation of the written language, or what is usually referred to in linguistic literature as Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), is by no means a closed subject. Rapid social and technological development and the daily concerns of the media require a continuous process of coining new Arabic vocabulary to translate new concepts, inventions and events transmitted through the international news agencies and scientific literature. A real danger 16 For more on this subject cf. M. Doss (1992) 73

Gerda Mansour exists that writers, journalists and scientists go ahead independently, each creating a new Arabic derivation for the missing vocabulary item, thus producing a new (written) dialect. To prevent this each country has its Arabic Academy (magmac al-logha al-carabiyya). However, it seems that despite considerable efforts on the part of the members of these institutes they cannot keep pace with the demand and it is likely that the language planning procedures adopted by the individual academies are not adequate. Unfortunately the same would have to be said about the co-ordination with other Arab academies. Coming from a non-specialist the remarks made here are bound to misrepresent some aspect or other of the present situation of Arabic dialectology and omit others more worthy of mention. However, they are offered in the spirit of challenge to those who are better equipped to deal with this subject. 74

Reflections on Arabic Dialectology REFERENCES AIDA (1993) Vol. 1, Actes des premières journées internationales de dialectologie arabe de Paris, Paris: INALCO AIDA (1995) Vol. 2, Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference of AIDA, Cambridge, AIDA (1998) Vol. 3, Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference of AIDA, Malta BADAWI, El-S. (1973), Mustawayaat al-carabiyya al-mucaasira fi Misr, Cairo, Dar al-Macaarif BEHNSTEDT, P. & M. WOIDICH (1985) Die ägyptisch-arabischen Dialekte. Vol.2 Dialektatlas von Ägypten. Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert Verlag BISHAI, W. (1962) "Coptic Grammatical Influence on Egyptian Arabic" in: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 82 COHEN (1970) "Koinè, langues communes et dialectes arabes" in:Etudes de Linguistique Sémitique et Arabe. Janua Linguarum, 81, The Hague: Mouton DAVIES, H. (2000) "Yusuf al-Shirbini's 'Hazz al-Quhuf': Issues relevant to its assessment as a source for 17th century Egyptian Colloquial" in: Al- Logha, 2, Cairo: Arab Research Center DOSS, M. (1992) “L’idéologie linguistique à travers un débat sur l’ordre des mots en arabe” in: Itinéraires d’Egypte. Mélanges offerts au père Maurice Martin, IFAO, Cairo. DE JONG, R. (1996) "Examples of Levelling and Counterreactions in the Dialects of Bedouin Tribes in Northwestern Sinai", in: Egypte/ Monde Arabe, 27-28, Cairo, CEDEJ EL-HASSAN, A. (1977) "Educated Spoken Arabic in Egypt and the Levant: A critical review of diglossia and related concepts", in: Archivum Linguisticum, 8 FERGUSON, C.A. (1959) "Diglossia", in: Word, 15 75

Gerda Mansour FERGUSON, C.A. (1959) "The Arabic Koine". in: Language, 35 FERGUSON, C.A (1991) "Diglossia Revised", in A. HUDSON (ed.) Southwest Journal of Linguistics 10, 1 FÜCK, J. (1955) cArabiya: Recherches sur l' histoire de la langue et du style arabe. (Transl. C. Denizeau) Paris: Librairie Marcel Didier HAERI, N. (1996) "Conceptualizing Heterogeneity in Arabic", in: Egypte/ Monde Arabe, 27-28, Cairo: CEDEJ KOULOUGHLI, D. (1996) "Sur quelques approches de la réalite sociolinguistique arabe", in: Egypte/ Monde Arabe, 27-28, Cairo: CEDEJ MEJDELL, G. (2000) "Aspects of Formal Spoken Arabic in Egypt: Lugha Wusta or Lughat al-Muthaqqafiin", in: Al-Logha, 2, Cairo: Arab Research Center MYERS-SCOTTON, C. (1993) Social Motivations for Codeswitching. New York, Oxford University Press PALVA, H. (1969) "Notes on the Alleged Coptic Morphological Influence on Egyptian Arabic." In: Orientalia Suecana, vol. 18 SOBHY, G.P.G. (1921) "Survivals of Ancient Egyptian in Modern Dialect". In: Ancient Egypt, 3 VERSTEEGH (1984) Pidginization and creolization: the case of Arabic. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing 76

Al-Logha, 3, 2002 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SPEAKER’S ROLE AND CODE CHOICE: A DETAILED ANALYSIS OF A MODERN POLITICAL SPEECH IN EGYPT. Reem Bassiouney, Oxford University ‫ﻳﻘ ﻮم ه ﺬا اﻟﺒﺤ ﺚ ﻋﻠ ﻰ دراﺳ ﺔ ﻇ ﺎهﺮة اﻻزدواﺟﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ‬ ُ .‫اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤ ﻊ اﻟﻤﺼ ﺮي ﺗﺤ ﺖ إﻃ ﺎر ﻧﻈﺮﻳ ﺎت اﻟﻤ ﺰج اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮي اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜ ﺔ‬ ‫وﻳﺤ ﺎول اﻟﺒﺎﺣ ﺚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴ ﻞ اﻟﻌﻮاﻣ ﻞ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗ ﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻤ ﺰج اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮي ﺑ ﻴﻦ‬ .‫اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ واﻟﻌﺎﻣﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺘﻤ ﺪ ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺧﻄﺒ ﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ﻴﺔ ﺣﺪﻳﺜ ﺔ ﻟﻠ ﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﻤ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ ﻨﻲ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك وﺗﺤ ﺎول اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺔ أن ﺗﺜﺒ ﺖ أن اﻟﻤﺘﺤ ﺪث ه ﻮ اﻟﻤﺴ ﺌﻮل‬ ‫اﻷول واﻟﻤﺒﺎﺷ ﺮ ﻋ ﻦ اﻟﻤ ﺰج اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮي اﻟﻤﺴ ﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﺼ ﺮ. آﻤ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺤ ﺚ ﻋ ﻦ اﻷﺳ ﺒﺎب اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗ ﺪﻓﻊ اﻟﻤﺘﺤ ﺪث إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﻤ ﺰج ﺑ ﻴﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﻔﺼ ﺤﻰ واﻟﻌﻼﻗ ﺔ ﺑ ﻴﻦ ه ﺬا اﻟﻤ ﺰج واﻟﺘﻐﻴ ﺮ اﻟ ﺬي ﻳﻄ ﺮأ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟ ﺪور‬ ‫اﻟ ﺬي ﻳﻘ ﻮم ﺑ ﻪ اﻟﻤﺘﺤ ﺪث وﻳﺘﻔﺎﻋ ﻞ ﻣﻌ ﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴ ﺒﺔ إﻟ ﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺘ ﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺴ ﺘﻤﻊ‬ .‫و ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮع‬ 1. Introduction Egypt is a diglossic community, i.e. a community in which two varieties exist, Egyptian colloquial Arabic (ECA) and Modern standard Arabic (MSA). Very few studies have attempted to explain diglossia within the framework of code switching, or tried to apply recent theories of code switching to diglossia. I think diglossia and code switching can be studied within the same framework. A number of linguists prefer such an inclusive rather than an exclusive definition

Reem Bassiouney of code switching (see for example Romaine 1995:121). Therefore, there is an urgent need to study diglossia as part of code switching, and apply recent theories of code switching to diglossia. This is what I will try to do in this paper though on a smaller scale. In this paper, I examine code choice – Egyptian Colloquial Arabic (ECA) or Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) – in relation to a modern political speech by the President of Egypt, Husni Mubarak, which was delivered on Labour Day in Cairo. I argue that in political speeches in general there is a direct relation between change of role and change of code. This relation, though examined here in a modern political speech, is not a new phenomenon. 2. Speaker’s and audience’s role in discourse Johnstone & Bean (1997) stress the role of the individual in discourse, and argue that “self expression” is a frequently ignored but crucial factor that influences linguistic variation. In the article "Self expression and linguistic variation" they analyse the speech of two Texan women in a public context and postulate that speakers do not just use language to identify with a certain group, or to distance themselves from a certain group, but that language is used mainly to express one’s individuality. They claim that all language use is both “idiosyncratic and syncretic”, and emphasise the active role of the speaker in choosing and shaping the resources provided to him by his environment. This is because, just as there are no two people who 78

The Relationship between Speaker's Role and Code Choice speak in exactly the same way, there are also no two situations that are exactly the same (Johnstone, 1996). Other linguists, like Gal (1978), emphasise this point in their studies. The following is Gal’s opinion on the role of the individual in language choice: “A speaker’s choice of code in a particular situation is part of that speaker’s linguistic presentation of self. The speaker makes the choice as part of a verbal strategy to identify herself or himself with the social categories and activities the code symbolises”(1978:4). On the other hand, there are some linguists who emphasise the role of the audience in a specific discourse. Bell, in his article, "Language style as audience design" (1984) discusses the crucial role of the audience in affecting the way people speak. He posits that a person’s style is no more than his response to his audience. In that sense, he downplays the role of situation and topic and highlights the role of the addressee or the audience. He argues that a situation is, in fact, defined by the audience. However, according to him, speakers can nonetheless, use style to redefine an existing situation. That is to say, the role of the speaker is active, and not situation governed. Bell proceeds to support his theory by referring to accommodation theory, according to which, speakers tend to converge (Giles and Powesland 1975). In other words, the speaker’s style shifts to become more like that of the addressee. He is concerned not only with shifts in style within one language, but he also refers to bilingual and diglossic communities. 79

Reem Bassiouney A study that supports Bell’s emphasis on the defining role of the audience is the one carried out by Scollon and Scollon (1984). They show that Athabaskan storytellers shape their stories in response to their audience in a given instance, and that the performance differs depending on the audience. Bell stresses the relationship between the speaker and the audience, although he believes that it is the audience that has the upper hand. He interprets the fact that the speaker can initiate a change in the situation as also being audience dependent: “A speaker who takes the initiative and redefines the situation through speech is still responding to the audience. Initiative shift is essentially a redefinition, by the speaker, of the relationship between speaker and addressee.” (1984:185) Although I think Bell is going too far by saying that the audience is more important than the speaker, I think he is correct to highlight the interrelated synergistic roles of speaker and audience in any kind of interaction. 3. Speaker’s role and code choice Gumperz (1982) emphasises the relationship between change of code and change of role. According to Gumperz, people may mark a change in the role they are playing (or wish to be perceived as playing) by using a different code. Goffman (1981), in a different study, defines the individual as a speaker who plays different roles and who uses code choice to show the new role he plays. 80

The Relationship between Speaker's Role and Code Choice However, Myers Scotton (1993) finds problems with this claimed relationship between change of role and change of code. She proposes that code switching does not always entail a change of role; the speaker can switch between different codes without changing his role. Also according to her, placing undue emphasis on the individual’s creative role in code switching may make one lose sight of the rule-governed nature of code switching. According to Myers-Scotton, choice of role is often associated with an illocutionary aim, which is the thing that determines the speaker’s role in a speech or conversation at a particular point within it. His aim may, for example, be to give advice, or to give an opinion. He may wish to explain something, or make a show of his anger or happiness. These are all examples of possible aims or functions for his communication. The speaker will usually choose a linguistic code in order to convey his aim. In my data, this means essentially whether he chooses to do so using ECA or MSA. However, there are some types of ‘moves’ a speaker may make in relation to his audience, and some ways of expressing his intention, which appear to be particularly significant for what they tell us about how he perceives his role towards them. These ‘moves’, are often signalled by specific types of syntactic or phonological choices. For example, the use of exclamations rather than declaratives may indicate a change in the speaker’s role vis-à-vis the audience. The choice of the first, second or third person of the verb can also be very significant. For example, 81

Reem Bassiouney in developing an argument, if the speaker starts by using verbs in the first person, and then shifts to verbs in the third person, then this may be a sign of a change in his role vis-à-vis both his message and the audience. Syntactic processes like negation, deixis, and the expression of verbal aspect require the speaker to make code choices between ECA and MSA (as we shall see), and these choices, quite apparent from his actual message, send signals as to the role he is adopting to his audience. I will examine the idea of speaker’s role in this political speech in order to see whether there is a consistent relationship between change of role and code switching, and thus test the rival theories which have been put forward to explain it. 4. Data analysis After examining my political data I found that there is a direct relationship between change of role and change of code. This agrees with what linguists like Gumperz and Goffman, found in their studies. However, this relationship will be examined now in detail. The speech analysed This speech was delivered on Labour Day , the first of May 1999. This date, since President Nasser, has become an opportunity for the president to discuss with the people current issues of importance to Egypt. The speech is broadcast on TV, and the audience is therefore 'the people of Egypt'. The speaker is the President while the live 82

The Relationship between Speaker's Role and Code Choice audience consists of government ministers and government employees from all classes of society. In this speech the President gives the people of Egypt an account of the achievements of the year, as well as problems that still need to be tackled. The speaker (President Mubarak) switches between pure MSA to pure ECA and back twice in the speech. The speech is, therefore, divisible into four parts. 4.1 Part one of the speech Speaker’s role Mubarak starts his speech by outlining the political agenda of the past year, the country’s achievements and aspirations. He assigns himself his basic ‘default’ role – that of a head of state giving an account of what he did throughout the year. By doing so, he creates a formal relation with the audience of ‘governor’ / ‘governed’. For example, he states the importance of an increase in exports, and a decrease in imports. He also mentions the fact that it is important for the economy of Egypt not to be dependent on fluctuations of price in a small number of raw materials like petrol. Consider the following example from part one: (1) thaaniyan ’iSlaaH il-khalali fil-mizaani t-tugaari can Tariiq ziyaadat iS-Saadiraat wa tarshiid il-’istiiraad/ fa qaDiyyatu S-Saadiraat il-miSriyya qaDiyyatun maSiiriyya yagib ’an tashghala ’ihtimaama kull il-fi’aat allati tataHammalu gaaniban min cib’ wa mas’uuliyyati l-’intaag fi maSr/ wa kull il-mu’assasaati allati tacmalu min ’agl salaamat il-’iqtiSaad il-maSri/ wa nuqTat il-bad’ il-SaHiiH fi taqdiirii 83

Reem Bassiouney hiya ’an takuun hunaaka siyaasatun waaDiHa hadafuha tawsii qaacidat wa nawciyyati S-Saadiraat il-miSriyya/ Hatta la takuuna curDatan li-taqallubaatin kabiiratin murtabiTatin bi- ’as caari cadadin qaliilin min is-silaci kal bitrool (Secondly, redressing the deficit in the trade balance by increasing exports and controlling imports. This is because the issue of Egyptian exports is a crucial issue that has to occupy the minds of everyone who is involved in Egyptian production. This issue should also occupy the mind of all establishments that work for the security of the Egyptian economy. The true starting point in my estimation is to have a clear policy that aims at increasing the scale and quality of Egyptian exports, so that it is not susceptible to great fluctuations, related to the price of a few raw materials like petrol.) Code choice The code used here is pure MSA in which even case and mood endings are respected. The reason for this choice of code seems connected to the role the speaker is playing in this part of the speech. There are no verbs in the first person at all. In fact, there is a high degree of de-personalising nominalisation, which adds to the ‘objectivity’ of the message, e.g. c (2) thaaniyan ’iSlaaH il-khalali fil-mizaani t-tugaari an Tariiq ziyaadat iS-Saadiraat wa tarshiid il-’istiiraad (Secondly, redressing the deficit in the trade balance, by increasing exports and controlling imports.) Had the speaker chosen to do so, these nouns could have been replaced by verbs like nuSliH, nurashshid …etc. 84

The Relationship between Speaker's Role and Code Choice Mubarak also uses several highly marked MSA features: He uses ’i craab (mood and case endings) in many instances. Consider the following example: (3) fa qaDiyyatu S-Saadiraat il-miSriyya qaDiyyatun maSiiriyya yagib ’an tashghala ’ihtimaama kull il-fi’aat allati tataHammalu gaaniban min cib‘ wa mas’uuliyyati l-’intaag fi maSr (This is because the issue of Egyptian exports is a crucial issue that has to occupy the minds of everyone who is involved in Egyptian production.) He also uses MSA relative pronouns. (4) wa kull il-mu’assasaati allati tacmalu min ’agl salaamat il- ’iqtiSaad il-maSri… (This issue should also occupy the mind of all establishments that work for the security of the Egyptian economy.) He uses MSA negative structures: (5) Hatta la takuuna c urDatan li-taqallubaatin kabiiratin murtabiTatin / (So that it is not susceptible to great fluctuations.) He also uses highly marked MSA phraseology and vocabulary: (6) Hatta la takuuna c urDatan li-taqallubaatin kabiiratin murtabiTatin … 85

Reem Bassiouney (So that it is not susceptible to great fluctuations which are connected to...) Phonologically, this whole section of his speech conforms to MSA, rather than to ECA norms. Thus, he consistently uses MSA phonemes like /q/, instead of the ECA glottal stop in cases where theoretically either /q/ or /‘/ could have occurred, e.g. taqdiiri, rather than ta’diiri. 4.2 Part two of the speech Now let us consider the role of Mubarak in part two of the same speech. In this part the code changes from pure MSA to pure ECA. The change is sudden and quite drastic. This drastic change in the code level from pure MSA to pure ECA corresponds to equally radical change of role in the part of the speaker, vis-à-vis the audience and the way he mediates his message. Speaker’s role Here, Mubarak narrates a story to support his abstract argument about the trade balance. In narrating the story, he also changes his role vis-à-vis the audience to that of a ‘good old friend’, or a ‘fellow Egyptian’. He takes it for granted that the audience will understand what he is talking about. The audience here is treated like someone who was born, like him, in the countryside, and who like him, used to make kites out of paper and pieces of string as a child. The kites he and his audience used to make as children are now being imported from Brazil. He goes on to make a similar point, this time about the import of ice cream cups and spoons. These concrete examples are 86

The Relationship between Speaker's Role and Code Choice given to make his point, that something needs to be done about the increase of imports into Egypt, clear in a code all will not only understand, but identify with. Here he is nowhere near as formal as in part one of the speech, but seems more like a concerned friend chatting with his audience over the garden fence. (7) da ’ana marra ’ana kunt fi sharm ish-shiikh/ carfiin T- Tayyaraat illi kunna bi-nicmilha fil-fallaHiin di/ il-wara’ di wi nilza’ha bi-buus wi kuryit dubaara wi niTayyarha/ gaybinha mil-baraziil/ Tabcan da mablagh haayif bi-yi’uul lak wi da mablagh/ ’ana ba-Drab mathal/ sharyinha mil baraziil … (applause) il…/ il maHall illi bi-yibiic ays kreem bi-yaftakhir il-ays kreem min barra ik-kubbaaya gayya min barra l-macla’a gayya min barra ya farHiti/ Tabb ma candina maSaanic (I was in Sharm El Sheikh the other day. Do you know these kites we used to make in the countryside, the ones made from paper, the ones we used to fix with reed and a piece of string and then we would let them fly? They import these kites from Brazil. Of course this is a trivial amount of money. Then someone comes and tells you, ”is this an amount worth bothering about?” I am just giving an example. They buy them from Brazil! (Applause.) The shop that sells ice cream is very proud to say that the ice cream is from abroad, the cups are from abroad, and the spoons are from abroad. How wonderful! Come on! Don’t we have factories?!) It is noteworthy that there is no change in topic between parts one and two. Mubarak is explaining the same thing: that it is important for 87

Reem Bassiouney Egypt to have a stable economy, and to reduce imports and increase exports. The difference in approach is not in the subject matter, but rather in the way he chooses to tackle it, that is in the ‘ideation’ triggered by a change in his role and approach, and not by a change in topic. In the first part of his speech, on the other hand, he took a ‘presidential’ look at economic problems. In the second, he alludes to everyday experiences and observations he shares with the audience. Code choice Milroy in her book Social Networks (1980) indicates the relationship between heavy usage of vernacular speech, and the internal structure of the group using that speech. She also indicates that people, whether educated or uneducated, exploit dialect as a means of projecting their local identity and emphasising it. Now consider the following typical examples of the use of ECA: (8) Tabcan da mablagh haayif bi-yi‘uul lak da mablagh.. (Of course this is a trivial amount of money. Then someone comes and tells you ‘is this an amount worth bothering about?’) (9) Tabb ma candina maSaanic (Come on! Don’t we have factories?) The use of the underlined expression ‘some one comes and tells you’, and the use of the word Tabb are typical features of ECA, but in fact the whole passage is in pure ECA. Furthermore, Mubarak refers to a very special thing that children (he and his audience in earlier 88

The Relationship between Speaker's Role and Code Choice years) used to do in the countryside, which is making kites out of papers and pieces of strings. As a consequence, the verbs are in the first person singular, first person plural, and second person plural. (ana kunt, carfiin … (I was….do you know…). Moreover, Mubarak starts with a question rather than a proposition to involve the audience and remind them of their shared past: (10) carfiin iT-Tayaraat illi kunna bi-nicmilha fil-fallaHiin di/ (Do you know these kites we used to make in the countryside?) There is also a quintessentially ECA exclamation used here ironically. (11) yaa farHiti (How wonderful!) It may seem surprising that this expression is used by an Arab head of state, but it seems less surprising if one takes account of the fact that the president is now playing a different role, a role which no doubt appeals very much to his audience. The degree of the audience’s empathy is indicated by a big burst of applause. The applause suggests that the audience approves of his change of role, and appreciates his popular mode of addressing them. The tone of voice of the speaker also changes in this part to a much more conversational one. One can even hear a trace of a countryside accent in this part. Obviously, the speaker uses ECA rather than MSA phonology. For example, he uses Egyptian glottal stop /’/ rather than 89

Reem Bassiouney MSA /q/ in wara’ (paper), nilza’ (fix, stick) yi’uul (says), macla’a (spoon) (compare this with /q/ in part one of his speech). 4.3 Part three Speaker’s role The basic role of the head of state giving an account of past achievements and future plans returns in part three, and the code is again pure MSA. In part three, as in part one, Mubarak again constructs an abstract economic argument, this time partly historical. Egypt is personified as an abstract entity, competing with other countries, and obtaining the respect of financial organisations. This was only achieved very recently, and Mubarak (by implication) had a role to play in this achievement: (12) wa Hatta l-’ams il-qariib lam yakun fi wusc miSr/ lam yakun fi wusc miSr wa ’ukarrir ’an tufakkira fil-ghadi l-baciidi ’aw il-qariib/ kaan ig-guhdu mustanfaran fi muwaagahati mushkilaati l-‘ams/ muHaaSaran fi ’iTaari ruduudi ’af caal aw Huluulin waqtiyya mutafarriqa wa fi haadha l-munaakh lam yakun mumkinan ’abadan/ ’an nufakkira ’an tufakkira miSru fi- d-dukhuuli ’ila ’aSr il-mashruucaat il-kubraa/ ’illa bacd ’i caadati tashyiidi binyaatiha l-’asaasiyya wa ziyaadati qudrati mu’assasaatiha il-mukhtalifa fi tanfiidh il-mashruucaat iD- Dakhma/ wa rtifaaci naSiibiha min il-’istithmaaraat il-kabiira bacd ’an ’aSbaHat nuqTata gadhbin lil-’istithmaaraat il- c aalamiyya taHDHaa b-thiqat il-mu‘assasaat il-maaliyya k- kubraa/ (And until very recently Egypt could not, I repeat, Egypt could not think of the far or near future. All efforts were exerted to face the problems of the past. And all efforts were limited to 90

The Relationship between Speaker's Role and Code Choice various temporary solutions and reactions. In this environment, it was not possible for us, for Egypt to think about entering an era of big projects, except after rebuilding its main base, increasing the ability of its different institutions to implement big projects, and increasing its share of great investments. All of this after Egypt became attractive for international investment that had the confidence of great financial institutions.) Code choice The speaker here, as in part one, uses highly marked MSA features: MSA phraseology (underlined): (13) wa Hatta l-’ms il-qariib lam yakun fi wusc miSr (And until very recently Egypt could not,) Case marking: (14) kaan ig-guhdu mustanfaran fi muwaagahati mushkilaati l- ’ams/ (All efforts were exerted to face the problems of the past.) Negative and demonstrative features: (15) lam yakun fi wusc miSr wa ’ukarrir ’an tufakkira fil-ghadi l-baciidi ’aw il-qariib (I repeat, Egypt could not think of the far or near future.) (16) wa fi haadha l-munaakh lam yakun mumkinan ’abadan/ ’an nufakkira ’an tufakkira miSru fi-d-dukhuuli ’ila ’aSr… 91

Reem Bassiouney (In this environment, it was not possible for us, for Egypt to think about entering an era ..) The speaker also goes back to using a highly nominalised style: (17) ’illa bacd ’i caadati tashyiidi binyaatiha l-’asaasiyya (Except after rebuilding its main base,) (18) wa ziyaadati qudrati mu’assasaatiha … (Increasing the ability of its institutions,) In both these latter two cases the speaker could have used verbs rather than the noun phrases. He also uses MSA rather than ECA phonology. For example, he uses the MSA /q/ instead of the glottal stop in qariib (near) and qudra (ability). 4.4 Part four Speaker’s role Here the role of the ‘good old friend’ returns, and the code is again pure ECA. Mubarak narrates the history of a shared Egyptian crisis that Egyptians managed to overcome because of their good luck, hard work, and because God was on their side. He again appeals to the past he shares with the audience, but this time he does not remind them of their childhood. He rather reminds them of the crisis the country went through, a crisis which was felt by him ‘as an Egyptian’, as well as by them. When there is victory at the end for them all, it is a victory that he as a fellow Egyptian shares with them. Egypt had been losing its 92

The Relationship between Speaker's Role and Code Choice economical reputation, internationally. As president, he had no choice but to borrow money from abroad. He did, and the problem was solved. He (as well as all Egyptians), managed to return all the money borrowed. (19) ’intum carfiin ir-raagil il-mustathmir lamma kaan yiigi hina/ ’ana kunt ba-shuuf/ caawiz yiDrab tilifoon calshaan yis’al c ala micaad walla haaga/ yi’uum yaakhud bacDu wi yisaafir min hina ya ’imma l-’ubruS ya ’imma lil-yunaan yitkallim wi yirgac wi bacdeen waaHid ’alha li ’ana calshaan kull ma ’a cuuz qiTac ghiyaar Ha-ruuH ’asaafir ’ubruS wa la il-yunaan…/ ah ma-fii- sh fayda macaakum ’alha li kida biSaraaHa/ ’ulna ba’a nistilif min il-khaarig ’ahu il-mukawwinaat il-khaarigiyya wi ’amrina l-illaah/ wi rabbina la-budd Ha-yifrigha/ ’istalafna wi mishiina wi bacdeen ya khwanna rabbina faragha wi shilna khamsa wi c ishriin milyaar min id-diyuun illi caliina wi rigicna Tabiciyiin …big applause… fa rabbina dayman maca maSr …big applause… audience: yiHmiik ya rayyis (You know, when an investor used to come to Egypt, I could see that if he wanted to make a phone call to ask about an appointment or something of that sort, he had to go to Cyprus or Greece to make a phone call and then come back. And then some one told me, ”do I have to travel to Greece or Cyprus whenever I need spare parts?…oh! There is no hope for you”. He told me so quite frankly. So we said, “lets borrow money from abroad, get those materials from abroad for heavens sake! and God will surely make it better.” We borrowed money. We progressed. Then, brothers, God did make it better, and we paid back 25 billion pounds, of debt. We are back as we were before, (with no debts). …/Applause/… So God is always with Egypt. …/Applause/… 93

Reem Bassiouney (Audience): May God protect you, Mr. president) The story has a happy ending, and the audience shows its pleasure by spontaneously shouting “may God protect you, Mr. President.” Note that Mubarak does not claim it is just his doing, it is not even just the people’s doing; it is also God’s doing. God ‘as usual’ was with Egypt. Again the topic is essentially the same as in part three, the lack of economic planning in Egypt. Again, Mubarak emphasises the fact that Egypt has achieved a lot in a short period of time, but this time he puts this across to his audience with everyday examples, and very concrete ones like the difficulties people had in making a phone call and obtaining spare parts. This story could have been narrated in MSA, but much of the vividness of the story would have been lost. Code choice Mubarak in this part uses ECA. He starts with the introductory phrase: (20) ’intum carfiin… (You know,…) People in Egypt usually start telling an anecdote with this phrase. Mubarak uses a similar tactic in part two. In this part, he also uses a story to speak about his achievements, and those of Egyptians. As any other normal ECA story, he uses ECA conjunctions and other linking phrases: the ECA inchoative 94

The Relationship between Speaker's Role and Code Choice verb yi’uum to introduce a new episode, and wi bacdeen (and then). He employs a dialogue to make the story more vivid to the audience: (21) wi bacdeen waaHid ’alha li ’ana calshaan kull ma ’a cuuz qiTac ghiyaar Ha-ruuH ’asaafir ’ubruS wa la il-yunaan…/ ah ma-fii-sh fayda macaakum ’alha li kida biSaraaHa … (And then some one told me, ”do I have to travel to Greece or Cyprus whenever I need spare parts? oh! There is no hope for you”. He told me so quite frankly.) Egypt’s problem is posed and ‘we’ (the speaker and the audience) have to deal with it. He does not claim that he dealt with it himself, but that ‘we’ did it, and ‘we’ decided. This use of the inclusive first person plural is strongly associated with the use of colloquial. (22) ’istalafna wi mishiina wi bacdeen ya khwanna rabbina faragha (We borrowed money. We progressed. Then, brothers, God did make it better.) This is a good example of the ‘we’ and ‘they’ dichotomy that Gumperz (1982:95) mentions. Mubarak uses ECA and the inclusive first person plural to create solidarity with his audience. (23) ’ulna ba‘a nistilif min il-khaarig ’ahu il-mukawwinaat il- khaarigiyya wi ’amrina l-illaah/ wi rabbina la-budd Ha- yifrigha/ ’istalafna wi mishiina wi bacdeen ya khwanna rabbina faragha wi shilna khamsa wi cishriin milyaar min id-diyuun illi c aliina wi rigicna Tabiciyiin 95

Reem Bassiouney (Then we said, lets borrow money from abroad, get those materials from abroad for heavens sake! and God will surely make it better. We borrowed money. We progressed. Then, brothers, God did make it better, and we paid back 25 billion pounds, which we had as a debt. We are back as we were before, with no debts.) The verbs in this part of the speech are mostly in the first person singular or plural, ’ulna, nistilif (we said), (we borrowed)...etc. Mubarak also uses a host of other ECA linguistic features, like the relative marker illi, and negative structures like the ma…sh in ma-fii- sh fayda. Phonologically, this section of the speech is entirely in accordance with ECA norms, the only exception being the imported MSA word mustathmir (investor). General pattern of the speech In this speech the speaker adopts a particular strategy of code switching. He states abstract facts in MSA, and then explains these facts in ECA with concrete personalised examples, changing his role in the process. This strategy of moving back and fore from MSA and ECA and back to MSA once more is the basic feature of the ‘design’ of this speech. The following table will summarise the above discussion: Kind of Speaker’s Role Role given Speaker’s monologue public adopted by to audience Code identity speaker Part one President President Citizens Pure MSA Part two President Friend Friends/ Pure ECA Fellow 96

The Relationship between Speaker's Role and Code Choice Egyptians Part three President President Citizens Pure MSA Part four President Friend Friends/ Pure ECA Fellow Egyptians Table 1: Relation between code choice and speaker’s role As was said earlier, this phenomenon of switching between ECA and MSA, which corresponds to a change in role in the part of the speaker, is not a new phenomenon. To complement my data I would like to refer to an older political speech by Nasser, the late President of Egypt. Nasser (president from 1954 until 1971), was an excellent manipulator of language. He was known for using ECA in his speeches (see Holes 1993). By using ECA in his speeches, he was trying to tell Egyptians that he is one of them. On the 26th of October 1954, the same year of his becoming president, and in one of Alexandria’s oldest areas, Manshia, Nasser delivered a speech to all Egyptians, students, peasants, workers and politicians. While delivering the speech, a man stood up and tried to assassinate him by shooting a gun at him. This was all in front of the audience and also on air so that all people listening to the radio at that time could, in fact, perceive what was going on. That was a very famous incident in history. The man was arrested instantly, but Nasser refused to move and decided to continue to speak to the people. Indeed his speech was taking another line now. He had 97

Reem Bassiouney nearly lost his life. This is enough to explain his feelings at that moment. He must have been frustrated and shocked if not terrorised. He asked the people to listen to him and not to panic or move. He told them that they had to be aware of the fact that, if Nasser died, they were all Nasser. What is quite surprising is that he spoke in pure MSA (Bassiouney, 1998). (24) ’ayyuha l-muwaaTiniin ’idhaa maata gamaal cabd al- naaSir fa-’ana ’al’aan amuut wa ‘ana muTma’inn fa/ kullakum gamaal cabd al-naaSir/ tudaaficuun can il-cizza wa-tudaaficuun c an al-Hurriyah wa tudaaficuun can ik-karaama/ ’ayyuha al- rigaal siiruu cala barakat illaah/ ‘Citizens, if Gamal Abd-El Nasser dies, he will die happily because you are all Gamal Abd-El Nasser (3 times). You all fight for freedom and dignity. Men, move, with God’s blessing.’ These words are still resonating in Egypt today. He spontaneously, in the heat of the moment, spoke in pure MSA, repeating sentences and words with a moving voice, probably because he was excited and shocked. It seems MSA is used in danger, when one is shocked or furious. Nasser had changed his role at that moment. He was no more the friend or peer. He was giving himself a more subtle status. He was a symbol, an idea, and this idea is inherent in all Egyptians. Anyone can be him, and any one can play his role. He was not trying to identify with them, rather, he was trying more to express his anger and defiance. Even if they killed him, he would still live in every Egyptian. When challenging all those who wanted to get rid of him, he used MSA. 98

The Relationship between Speaker's Role and Code Choice This is another example of the direct relation between change of role and code choice. 5. Conclusion There is a clear tendency in political speeches for speakers to change their code when they change their role. Given that the point of much political speech-making is to persuade, it is unsurprising that there is such a large amount of switching between ECA and MSA. Persuasion often involves role-change. The question remains whether the relationship between change of role and code switching is limited to political speeches, or whether it is a general phenomenon like some linguists claimed (Goffman (1981), Romaine (1995)). But this is the subject of another paper. There is also a general pattern, in the way both MSA and ECA are used in the political speech analysed. The older speech by Nasser helps to prove that the relation between change of role and code change is an old one. Note that in Egypt as a diglossic community, it is the speaker rather than the situation that influences language choice. 99

Reem Bassiouney REFERENCES BASSIOUNEY, R. (1998) Functions of diglossic switching in the Egyptian community. unpublished M.Phil thesis, Oxford University BELL, A. (1984) "Language style as audience design" in: Language in Society 13:145-204 GAL, S. (1978) "Peasant men can’t get wives: Language change and sex roles in a bilingual community" in: Language and Society 7:1-16 GOFFMAN, E. (1981) Forms of talk. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania GUMPERZ, J.J. (1982) Discourse strategies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press HOLES, C.D. (1993) "The uses of variation: a study of the political speeches of Gamal Abdul-Nasir" in: Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics 5: 13-45 JOHNSTONE, B. and BEAN, J.M. (1997) "Self-expression and linguistic variation" in: Language in Society 26:221-246 JOHNSTONE, B. (1996) The linguistic individual: Self-expression in language and linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press MILROY, L. (1980) Language and Social Networks. Oxford: Blackwell MYERS-SCOTTON, C. (1993) Social motivations for codeswitching: Evidence from Africa. Oxford: Oxford University Press ROMAINE, S. (1995) Bilingualism. Oxford: Blackwell SCOLLON, R. & SCOLLON, S.B.K. (1984) "Cooking it up and boiling it down: Abstracts in Athabaskan children’s story retelling" in: TANNEN (ed.) (1984) Coherence in spoken and written discourse. Norwood, N.J. Ablex, 173-197 100

‫2002 ,3 ,‪Al-Logha‬‬ ‫‪SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC PARAMETERS OF THE‬‬ ‫‪ARABIZATION OF EGYPT‬‬ ‫‪Muhammad al-Sharkawi‬‬ ‫‪The Catholic University Nijmegen‬‬ ‫ﻳﺒﺤ ﺚ ه ﺬا اﻟﻤﻘ ﺎل ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﺳ ﺒﺎب اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﺔ واﻟﺴ ﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺳ ﻬﻠﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳ ﺐ ﻣﺼ ﺮ وﻣﻨﻌ ﺖ دﻣ ﺞ اﻟﻌ ﺮب ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺸ ﻌﺐ اﻟﻤﺼ ﺮي‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻮﻳ ﺎ ﺑ ﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣ ﻦ ﻗﻠ ﺔ ﻋ ﺪد اﻟﻌ ﺮب ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴ ﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺼ ﺮﻳﻴﻦ. ه ﺬﻩ اﻷﺳ ﺒﺎب‬ ‫ه ﻲ ﺑﻨ ﺎء اﻟﻤ ﺪن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ، واﻟﻬﺠ ﺮات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻟﻬ ﺎ دون ﻏﻴﺮه ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫ﻣ ﺪن وﻗ ﺮى اﻟ ﺒﻼد اﻟﻤﻔﺘﻮﺣ ﺔ، وآﺜﺎﻓ ﺔ ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﻤ ﺪن اﻟﺴ ﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ. ﻳﻔﺘ ﺮض‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻘ ﺎل أن ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻷﺳ ﺒﺎب ﻟ ﻢ ﺗﻜ ﻦ ﻗﺎﺻ ﺮة ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺣﺎﻟ ﺔ ﻣﺼ ﺮ ﺑ ﻞ آﺎﻧ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼ ﺮ ﺣﺎﻟ ﺔ داﻟ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺑ ﺎﻗﻲ اﻟﻌ ﺎﻟﻢ اﻟ ﺬي ﻧﺴ ﻤﻴﻪ اﻵن ﺑﺎﻟﻌ ﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑ ﻲ.‬ ‫وﻟ ﺬﻟﻚ ﺳ ﻴﻼﺣﻆ اﻟﻘ ﺎرئ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧ ﺎت آﺜﻴ ﺮة ﺑ ﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟ ﺔ ﻣﺼ ﺮ وﺣﺎﻟ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺼﺮة واﻟﻜﻮﻓﺔ واﻟﺸﺎم.‬ ‫ﻳﺒ ﺪأ اﻟﻤﻘ ﺎل ﺑﺪراﺳ ﺔ ﻋﻨﺎﺻ ﺮ اﻟﺒﻨﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺤﻀ ﺮﻳﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﺼ ﺮ ﻗﺒ ﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻔ ﺘﺢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑ ﻲ ﻟﻴﺜﺒ ﺖ أن اﻟﻌﻨﺼ ﺮ اﻟﻴﻮﻧ ﺎﻧﻲ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻤ ﺪن اﻟﻤﺼ ﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳ ﺘﺜﻨﺎء اﻹﺳ ﻜﻨﺪرﻳﺔ ﻟ ﻢ ﻳﻜ ﻦ ﻣ ﺘﻐﻠﻐﻼ وﻻ ﺳ ﺎﺋﺪا، ﺑﻌﻜ ﺲ اﻟﻌﻨﺼ ﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑ ﻲ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻤ ﺪن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﺑﺪاﻳ ﺔ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻘ ﺮن اﻟﺴ ﺎﺑﻊ اﻟﻬﺠ ﺮي. ﺛ ﻢ‬ ‫ﻳ ﺪرس اﻟﻘﺴ ﻢ اﻟﺜ ﺎﻧﻲ ﻣ ﻦ ه ﺬا اﻟﺠ ﺰء اﻻﺳ ﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮي ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻘ ﺮى‬ ‫واﻟﻤ ﺪن ﺑﻐ ﺮض ﺗﻮﺿ ﻴﺢ أن وﻇﻴﻔ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎﻧﻴ ﺔ آﺎﻧ ﺖ ﻣﺤ ﺪودة‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻘﺎرﻧ ﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣ ﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﻨﻮﻋ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ اآﺘﺴ ﺒﺘﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﺑﻔﻀ ﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﻤﺪن.‬ ‫ﺛ ﻢ ﻳﻨﺘﻘ ﻞ اﻟﻤﻘ ﺎل ﺑﻌ ﺪ ذﻟ ﻚ ﻟﺘﻌﻴ ﻴﻦ اﻷﺳ ﺒﺎب اﻷﺳﺎﺳ ﻴﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠ ﺖ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﺑﻌ ﺪ اﻟﻔ ﺘﺢ اﻟﺨﻴ ﺎر اﻟﻮﺣﻴ ﺪ أﻣ ﺎم اﻟﻤﺼ ﺮﻳﻴﻦ اﻟ ﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤ ﺘﻢ ﻋﻠ ﻴﻬﻢ اﺳ ﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﺑﻌ ﺪ اﻟﻔ ﺘﺢ دون ﻏﻴﺮه ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت.‬ ‫ﻓﺒﺠﺎﻧ ﺐ اﻟﺤ ﺪﻳﺚ ﻋ ﻦ اﻟﻤ ﺪن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ وﺗ ﻮاﺗﺮ اﻟﻬﺠ ﺮات واﻟﻜﺜﺎﻓ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴ ﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ، ﻳﺤ ﺎول اﻟﻤﻘ ﺎل إﺛﺒ ﺎت أن ﺣ ﻮل ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﻤ ﺪن ﻇﻬ ﺮت‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻌ ﺎت ﺳ ﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻤﺼ ﺮﻳﻴﻦ دﻓﻌ ﺘﻬﻢ اﻟﻈ ﺮوف اﻻﻗﺘﺼ ﺎدﻳﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺒﻴﺌﻴ ﺔ إﻟ ﻰ ﺗ ﺮك اﻟﺮﻳ ﻒ واﻟﻬﺠ ﺮة ﻟﻤﻨ ﺎﻃﻖ ﻳﺴ ﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬ ﺎ اﻟﻌ ﺮب‬ ‫وﻳﺸ ﻜﻠﻮن ﻓﻴﻬ ﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻌ ﺎت ﺑﺸ ﺮﻳﺔ ذات آﺜﺎﻓ ﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻴ ﺔ، وﻟ ﺬﻟﻚ اﺿ ﻄﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺼ ﺮﻳﻮن ﻓ ﻲ ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﻤﻨ ﺎﻃﻖ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣ ﻞ ﻣ ﻊ اﻟﻌ ﺮب ﻓ ﻲ أآﺜ ﺮ ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎل.‬

Muhammad al-Sharkawi 1. Introduction It is now widely claimed that the arabization of Iraq, the Levant, Egypt, and North Africa was a process of informal second language acquisition (Holes, 1995). In addition, I would suggest, that the differences between the resulting modern Arabic dialects and whatever type of Old Arabic are a function of, not only the informal acquisition process, but also the modification of input by native speakers in the learning process. Both the learning process and the input modification are triggered off and conditioned by non-linguistic factors. In this article, I will introduce the socio-demographic circumstances of the conquest which, in my opinion, caused the acquisition of Arabic and the input type used for the process. The critical role of non-linguistic factors in language change and language shift has been stressed by several authors (Thomason & Kaufmann 1988; Fück, 1950; Versteegh, 1984). The case of the arabization of Egypt is, however, unique. The novelty in the case of Arabic in Egypt is that not only did the circumstances concomitant to the conquest affect the process of language acquisition, but the sociolinguistic circumstances before the conquest were also conducive to the rapid language shift to Arabic, if not imperative for it. To substantiate this claim I will, in this rather skeletal article, outline the relevant non-linguistic factors that affected the manner of language acquisition in Egypt and the modification of the learnable input used in this process, both in Graeco-Roman Egypt and in Egypt after the Arab conquest. In section two, I will highlight three relevant points concerning Graeco-Roman Egypt: the socio-demographic situation; the linguistic situation and functional distribution of languages before the conquest and the position of Greek in non-Greek urban Egypt. 102

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization In the third section, I will briefly outline the non-linguistic factors that from my point of view enhanced the arabization process after the Arab conquest and prevented the Arabs from melting linguistically in the surrounding majority population. Three main factors will be discussed in this section: the number of Arab soldiers and immigrants to the conquered territories in the first half century of the conquest; the establishment of garrison towns in Iraq, the Levant and Egypt; and the development of intercommunication between Arabs and non- Arabs in the conquered territories. These three points will be discussed for the reason that there is, I assume, a positive correlation between the numerical concentration of Arabs in a certain region or area and the choice of Arabic as a language of communication in and around that particular region. There is also another causative relationship between the manner in which Arabic has been acquired, as well as the input used in acquiring Arabic, and the demographic distribution of Arabs in the conquered territories. The validity of these assumptions is supported by the opposite case of Arabic in Persia, where Arabic-speaking tribes were not able to maintain their language as the spoken vernacular in the region after its initial spread in the first two centuries. As a result, they melted linguistically in the Persian speaking population. In Persia, Arabs did not establish garrison towns or urban centers to receive constant big waves of Arab immigrants. Instead, Arab migrations to Persia were scattered, and Arabs never established majority groups to enable them to impose their own language as a language of communication. Arabs lived in small numbers on the fringes of existing Persian cities, where they had to communicate with the Persian speaking people for commercial purposes. 103

Muhammad al-Sharkawi I hope to show that the socio-demographic circumstances of the Arab conquest and the manner of Arab settlement were the important factors in the emergence of New Arabic vernaculars in the way they developed. The brief comparison between the Arab world and Persia must be taken in this light merely to underline the potential weight of urbanization in the process of informal second language acquisition, at least in the particular case at hand. The investigation into the linguistic situation in late antique Egypt is intended to prove that – in conjunction with the patterns of migration and urbanization after the conquest – the difference in function between Arabic and Greek (as the dominant language in the conquered territories before the conquest) facilitated the acquisition of the former and hindered the acquisition of the latter as a native tongue. I chose here to limit the discussion to the particular case of Egypt for two main reasons: the first is that Egypt in late antiquity has been recently thoroughly studied and the recent excavations shed more light on social, political, and demographic circumstances in this particular Roman province. Second, Egypt after the conquest, and to an extent before the conquest, was a representative case for Arab provinces. Therefore, investigating the socio-demographic parameters of arabizing Egypt may, with some adjustments, work for other Arab provinces too. Thus, the reader will notice in the third section that there is always a comparison between Egypt and other Arab provinces. This comparison is intended to be as detailed as possible in order to introduce to the reader the universality of the socio- demographic situation in the Arab provinces after the conquest of the Middle East. 104

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization 2. Egypt on the Eve of the Conquest In the following paragraphs I will introduce three factors that may have facilitated, in conjunction with the Arabs' manner of settlement, the arabization of Egypt: the socio-demographic situation in the cities and villages of Egypt, the linguistic situation in the country immediately before the conquest and the position of Greek in the urban centers of Egypt. Of critical importance in the case at hand is the function of a certain linguistic variety in society and the social group that uses it. I assume that the social stratification and compartmentalization of languages in late antique Egypt is vital to the arabization process, as I will try to show. 2.1 The Socio-demographic Situation The physical form of the late antique Egyptian cities was typically Greek and similar to other Greek urban settlements in the Roman Middle East (Bagnall, 1993)1. All cities acquired the political institutions required to grant them the status of a polis (city), namely the city council. They also established the social institutions required for this status, such as the gymnasium. But how far is this appearance telling of the real identity of cities in Roman Egypt? Latest excavations in Edfu revealed that the inner city and the poorer quarters had very few wide streets and houses without courtyards. Poor and popular quarters resembled villages more than they resembled cities; for the ground floors of houses were normally 1 For Egyptian cities and regional capitals see Bowman (1992), and see Lukaszewicz (1986) for public buildings and their construction in Roman Egypt. 105

Muhammad al-Sharkawi occupied by shops or workshops, and animals were kept inside houses (Bagnall, 1993). In short, poor quarters outside the main Greek streets had none of the visible signs of Greek urbanism, such as colonnades and arches. This physical form indicates that, in general, if we exclude Alexandria, the Egyptian regional capitals were only superficially Greek. Human beings and animals were crammed in a tiny space, as the size of an average Roman Egyptian town was scarcely over a single square kilometer. Besides their small size they housed fewer inhabitants, compared to the Arab garrison town of Fustat in the beginning of the second half of the first Islamic century. The evidence from papyri shows that a city like Hermopolis, which occupied 120 hectares of land, contained approximately 7,000 houses (Roeder, 1959) and somewhere between 25,000 and 50,000 inhabitants. However, Hermopolis was larger than the average city, which would probably house around 16,000 inhabitants (Bagnall, 1993).2 The image one gets from an Egyptian city in late antiquity is that of a small semi-urban community of small land plots and limited number of inhabitants, but with a high density of population. Such communities, although featuring Greek social and political institutions and some Greek architectural elements, were not typically Hellenistic. Egyptian villages in late antiquity numbered between 2000 and 2500, cultivating around 1,000 hectares of land (Bagnall, 1993). The number of village inhabitants ranged from a few hundred in small villages to five thousand in large villages, with a broad spectrum in 2 For more on the estimates of population in late antique Egypt, see Rathbone (1990). 106

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization between these two figures.3 Likewise, the size of villages ranged from very small ones occupying around 15 ha. to city-size villages, such as Karanis, which occupied 89 ha. (Husselman, 1979). Although it is difficult to make any generalizations from these figures – for the data we have concerning village sizes is limited to the Fayoum region – the size range of villages overlaps with the sizes of some provincial capitals (e.g. the village of Karanis was as large as the town of Thmouis). The small villages were densely populated, but lacked independent internal political structures and institutions. There was hardly any trace in the Graeco-Roman papyri of resident officials from the provincial capitals in villages – hence, the lack of identifiable public buildings. However, there were military garrisons and posts situated outside the village proper. But these military camps did not interfere with the village housing or work areas. Temples, as religious institutions that occupied village centers, dwindled as early as the fourth century (Bagnall, 1993). On the eve of the Arab conquest temples had become largely dysfunctional at the administrative level. The overlapping between the size of some villages and that of regional capitals is by no means unique. Villages shared with towns a similar density of population on small plots of land. Also, the life style of most of the lower strata of the city dwellers was similar if not, in some respects, identical with the life style of villagers, for some city dwellers took farming and fishing as occupations. In some cases, the economic role of city dwellers is complementary to the agricultural economy of the county. In the production of olive oils and wine, the olives and grapes were produced in the countryside and processed in 3 For the population of the villages and Egypt in general see Rathbone (1990) and Bagnall (1985: 289-308). 107

Muhammad al-Sharkawi the adjacent city. The same may also have happened with grain and flax (Bagnall, 1993). Moreover, some of the city-size villages started to acquire some Greek physical features in the fourth century that had hitherto been reserved to the Greek cities, such as public baths (Rowlandson, 1998). This does not, however, mean that cities and villages were identical in their social structure and in their share of wealth. They differed from one another because of the existence of wealthy land-owning Hellenistic upper classes in the former. Another difference was that there were no local government bodies, such as village councils or assemblies in villages, many of which were abolished after the third century. In this matter, villages depended on the cities. Egypt in late antiquity hosted three distinct groups: Roman citizens, Greek citizens of the metropoleis (Greek cities), and the rest of the population, collectively called Aiguptioi, 'Egyptians'. The population was largely hierarchical in organization.4 It is presumed that this collective census entry was a reflection of the strong degree of integration of the descendants of the original Greek migrants in the local population outside the Greek cities (Rowlandson, 1998). Inside the classification of Aiguptioi, however, there was a sharp distinction between the more hellenized inhabitants who formed the elite in the provincial capitals and most probably controlled the largest portions of the farming lands in the villages − and the masses of Egyptians, mostly residing in the villages. Although the upper-class Greeks lived in the cities and Egyptians dominated the villages as working classes, the boundaries between urban life and rural life was not that clear-cut. 4 see Bowman (1992) and Rathbone (1990) 108

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization In addition to geographical proximity and similar life style, the villages were economically linked to the cities in more than one way. In the first place, whenever a landowner from a village wanted to have a loan, he or she had to go to the city to get one (Bagnall, 1993). The wealth of the urban elite depended on property in the villages and on deputies and bailiffs residing there.5 Another aspect of the strong link between city and village was government. In the fourth century A. D. administration became a local matter. The office of the logistes was invented to control the city councils, and all the authorities of different urban functions, such as security, market control and supervision, were answerable to him directly and exclusively. The city council no longer answered to the central government, but reported to the local logistes instead. This new urban administrator controlled not only the city apparatus, but also the villages appended to this city. Village officials reported immediately to the logistes, who appointed them to carry out almost every function in the countryside, such as supervising tax collection, security and appointing other officials and subordinates (Bagnall, 1993). The city controlled the village through the Greek landed city dwellers. But the central government was minimally represented in both village and city. The administrative position from the fourth 5 E.g. in Hermopolis, six percent (450) of the population (7,000 families) were landowners capable of living entirely off their farm lands in the villages (Bagnall 1993). Below this pyramid peak, there were two groups of land owners: one group owned portions of land ranging from 10 to 100 arouras which mainly supported itself by the land. The other and larger group was that of owners of less than ten arouras. Members of this latter group were merely cushioned by the income from their small farming property. 109

Muhammad al-Sharkawi century onwards showed a decentralization of government and the concentration of power in the hands of the local Greeks. The central government's representation was merely visible in the form of military garrisons stationed on the borders of villages. But not a single official came from outside the region to hold office (Bagnall 1993). Greeks controlled the administrative positions in Alexandria and the provincial capitals as well. As from the third century A. D. wealthy Greek landowners controlled the government of these cities by means of managing the councils. Thus they were able to collect both wealth and power, and became the prestigious part of the population outside the Greek cities. But the Greeks lost their high position when Christianity became the faith of the majority of the population. Not only was paganism in general discredited, but the Greek institutions connected with it, such as the gymnasium, dwindled as well (Bagnall, 1993). It was this privileged status of the Greeks in the provincial capitals and their sense of class and identity that had maintained them as a separate group. Had it not been for the maintenance of Greek as the language of government, it would have been natural for this group to lose its language and acquire that of the surrounding local population. Egyptians in the villages were not much exposed to Greek as an administrative language, because the Greek authorities in the cities carried out their duties by means of local deputies . The interesting points in this quick and sketchy survey are the following: (1) the difference between ethnic Egyptians and ethnic Greeks was blurred at the geographical and political level; (2) ethnic Greeks derived their separate identity from administrative functions and cultural institutions – which were largely endangered by the advent of Christianity as the religion of most Egyptians. 110

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization 2.2 The Linguistic situation in Late Antique Egypt In the provincial capitals, and to a lesser extent in the villages, three languages were commonly used side by side, Egyptian, Greek and Latin. The functional relationship between these languages is not clear, despite the fact that there is a wealth of papyri from the Graeco- Roman period at our disposal. The functional allocation of Latin is clearer than that of the other two languages. The function of the Latin language in Roman Egypt before Diocletian was summarized by Kaimio (1979) as follows: "The edicts and decrees of the central government were Latin, when they concerned the Roman armies, Roman magistrates, or Roman individuals; the correspondence between the Roman magistrates was mainly written in Latin; the official language of the Roman army was Latin and the documents of the Roman citizens inside the sphere of ius civile had to be originally written in Latin". Kaimio further remarks that Latin was a marginal language in Egypt, since it was not spoken by any social group of substance, and was not even dominant in the army. However, to judge by the papyri, more Latin was used from the fourth century onwards than before. More Latin came to be used in court proceedings and in letters written by high officials who appeared to be keen to put some token Latin in their correspondences. Otherwise, the same functions of Latin in the third century continued in the fourth and thereafter (Bagnall, 1993). Documents from the sixth century show an interesting phenomenon at the sociological level. There existed glossaries of Latin words in Greek transliteration, with case and declinational endings. These glossaries were bilingual or trilingual tools for 111

Muhammad al-Sharkawi Egyptians who felt the need to use some Latin without being really well versed in it. There were, in addition, conversation manuals including besides Latin, Greek and Coptic. Although no such documents were discovered earlier than the fourth century, it is unlikely that Latin acquired more importance in the later period than in the period before the fourth century. The importance of these guides is that they show a tendency towards using Latin in conversation, and that Latin had a role in the linguistic community, especially in the domain of careers, where the higher one expected to climb, the more Latin one needed. However, Latin was not a widely spoken language in every-day life despite its relative importance in the government. The vernacular function was carried out by the other two languages, Egyptian and Greek. Bearing in mind the previously mentioned fact that the village in late antique Egypt was a satellite of the city, administratively and in economic activities, one should expect that Latin was minimally represented in the villages, if at all. It must have been a code largely reserved to the cities and to the army units situated outside the villages. Turning now to the other two languages – it is difficult to define a functional distribution setting Greek apart from Egyptian, due to the numerous factors at play in language use in the sixth and seventh centuries. Gender, class, occupation, and wealth are factors to be recorded within any description of the linguistic situation during this period. It is perhaps easier to try to describe the use of Greek in the villages by different groups, and do the same with the cities. It has been commonly assumed that Greek was barely used in the countryside (Youtie, 1975; Harris, 1989), and that Coptic was the vernacular language of the bulk of Egyptians (Rubenson, 1996). On 112

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization the whole, this generalization is viable, however, one has to resort to the Greek written documents to know the number and status of those capable of using the Greek language in the countryside, because the written papyri are the sole source of evidence for the period (Bagnall, 1993). In the fifth, sixth and seventh centuries, Coptic was used mainly for religious purposes and in the monastic literature and correspondence. Egyptians did not use the Coptic script for secular purposes to record every-day matters in their local language. Coptic started to gain more ground in secular and legal matters only in the sixth century, albeit restricted. It gained a wider range of use after the Arab conquest (Wipszycka, 1984).6 From the fourth century onward, Greek functioned as the most common vehicle of written documents. Egyptians could not run the temples, write tax receipts, send official or private letters in their native language, but had to do this in Greek. It is difficult to imagine that the individuals who did the recording and writing were not capable of speaking Greek, for it is not usual to write a language and not be able to speak it. Recording letters in Greek meant structuring utterances in Greek. Nevertheless, Youtie (1975) states that Greek was barely heard in the countryside. There are several types of documents and an abundance of personal documents written in Greek in the villages. As shown earlier, the Greeks were concentrated in the urban communities, and if they owned land or held an office in the countryside, this was usually done through Egyptian deputies. Therefore, the persons who wrote Greek in the village were most probably native bilinguals. By the same token, 6 For the Coptic documents in the archive of Dioskoros of Aphrodite in the pre-Arab period, see MacCoull (1988: 36-47). For sources and references on the question of language in late antique Egypt, see Rubenson (1995, 95-99 and 109-115) 113

Muhammad al-Sharkawi illiterate people must have been mainly monolingual, for they did not need Greek (Youtie, 1975; Wipszycha 1984). Although the documents are plenty, they do not provide accurate information as to the authors and their socio-economic background. We do not know whether the person who wrote a certain letter in the village was the author or a professional scribe. (Bagnall, 1993). There are only a few exceptions.7 We can make two assumptions here – some of the landed elite of the villages were able to speak / write Greek. Another assumption is that public officials, by virtue of their office, were more able to use Greek than other elite members, let alone the community of villagers. Although it is difficult to come up with generalizations (especially when the abundance of late-antique documents is less forthcoming with information than we expect), one may speculate that Greek speaking/writing was mainly reserved to the elite and officials of the villages. Within these relatively small groups, there were individuals who were more competent than others, and there were individuals who were barley able to sign their names. In general, the majority of village officials were only able to put their signatures on documents 7 E.g. In three letters from the village of Karanis, the author was one Aurelius Kasios who used his own hand. This fluent writer was one of the few village officials, who came from a rich land-owning elite background. He and his brother together owned around 67 arouras, and both belonged to the liturgist elite of the village. The same author also wrote on behalf of two half-brothers, hence not all elite family members were proficient or able writers, let alone speakers of Greek as a foreign language. However, comparing these letters to others written by liturgists, one realizes that few were as fluent as our Karanis author (Bagnall, 1993). 114

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization and receipts written for them by others (Bagnall, 1993). There are many examples of illiterate wealthy officials who owned more land than their literate peers.8 This shows that Greek literacy and oral competence were not a requirement for office in the villages but were more likely to coincide with office and land owning than with the poor and those working on the land, as the latter groups did not need these abilities. Illiteracy was, in fact, the norm for the village dwellers, especially women who did not hold any office that required writing. Women were always represented by another, usually male, person in writing. Moreover, when letters were directed to them, they were often addressed through an intermediate translator/interpreter. In the Roman army, the sole official presence of the empire in the villages, some soldiers were literate in Greek, while others were not, and relied on literate friends for documentation purposes. Moreover, nothing suggests that Greek literacy/speaking was linked to any of the army offices.9 Moreover, scholars assume, albeit without any real evidence, that literacy declined in the Roman army in Egypt in late antiquity (Harris 1989: 294). Did this mean that illiteracy meant not being able to speak Greek? It is difficult to imagine that Egyptian was the language of military operation, although it could very well have been the language of natural conversation among soldiers, because 8 One of these, Aurelius Isidoros, left us a complete archive of documents he did not write himself. He was a rich landowner who held official duties, including tax collection for two decades. As documents show, he was completely illiterate, as were the majority of tax collectors in his time and office. 9 For a useful study of the literacy in the army under the Roman rule, see Harris (1989), and also refer to Bowman (1991: 126) for the complexity of evidence concerning this matter in the army . 115

Muhammad al-Sharkawi these were mainly local recruits. Officers spoke to their soldiers in Greek, therefore it is likely that, at least in the army, the bilingual individuals were greater in number than the literate individuals. Another institution where bilingualism was not related to literacy was monastic life. In the monasteries in late antiquity, there were groups of bilingual monks who were able to translate for their monolingual peers (Dummer, 1968; Rouseau, 1985). The existence of bilingual monks in the monasteries gives a stronger indication as to the spread of the phenomenon of bilingualism in Egypt in late antiquity than one initially expects. This is mainly because monastic life attracted people from different backgrounds and occupations. There is one question that I find relevant in this context – did the emergence of Christianity as the official religion of the empire affect Greek, and did the struggle of the Egyptian church to maintain its autonomy and monophysite religion against the imperial orthodox faith affect the position of Greek? There is no evidence in the papyri as to the attitude of Egyptians towards the Greek language in late antique Egypt. But one can speculate that a negative attitude could have developed, which in turn must have later helped in the abolition of Greek after the Arab conquest. 2.3 Greek in the Cities Certainly, Egyptian cities and provincial capitals were more Greek than the villages: they hosted schools, administrative centers and, above all, ethnic Greek citizens. However, the countryside was not isolated, and therefore, the difference in the use of Greek between cities and villages must have been a matter of degree. Social groups to whom the Greek language was not a native tongue, nor a functional tool in office, were illiterate in Greek and monolingual. The civil 116

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization officials on the top of the social ladder, if they were not themselves Greek, were literate and had to use Greek. Some public offices even required literacy (Bagnall, 1993). In fact, there are plenty of examples of literate civil servants in the cities, which means that these officials were bilingual in one way or another. Women of the urban Egyptian upper classes were most probably monolingual as they did not need to use Greek for their daily lives. Rich women who owned property and land must have dealt with lots of written documents, but they may not have had to process them themselves. For most of them it sufficed to be able to draft their signatures, and in some cases, this was done for them by their male relatives or business agents. In such contexts, these women did not need to use Greek. There were groups whose occupations obliged them to be versed in the Greek language, in particular the private and public scribes (Harris, 1989). Some Egyptians with positions in the church were also bilingual and literate. But there is no direct evidence for the phenomenon of Greek monolingual individuals in the Egyptian cities. Even some of the new monks, who were Greek speakers, learnt dialects of Coptic in the monasteries where they lived. How many these were is not known. There were certainly some cases of Greek speaking monolinguals who managed without having to learn Egyptian, especially in Alexandria. These were helped by deputies and servants (Bagnall, 1993). Whether it was common for Greek speakers to be unable to use Egyptian is also not known. In addition to the ethnic Greeks who were self-conscious of their status, provincial capitals hosted the emblems of Greek culture, such as schools and government offices. These institutions were run by Greeks in Greek, giving the cities a superficial appearance of bilingualism. Unlike the linguistic situation in the countryside, the 117

Muhammad al-Sharkawi difference between the vernacular and the language of writing and office in the cities was not solely functional – it was functional and ethnic as well. In both communities, however, the majority of monolingual Egyptians outside the government offices did not need Greek, and the few monolingual Greeks did not need Egyptian to get by in their daily lives. Even those Egyptians whose occupation required the knowledge of Greek did not need this functional language for purposes other than their office. One is thus inclined to say that, in urban Egypt, the use of Egyptian and Greek was compartmentalized to a large extent. Compartmentalization of language use in Egypt increased in the fourth and fifth centuries when Christianity became the dominant religion of the masses of Egyptians, and especially after the schism between the Coptic and Byzantine Church became definite in the wake of the Council of Chalcedon in 451 A.D. (Rubenson, 1996). The spread of Christianity resulted in the near-complete eradication of paganism and its vehicle, Greek cultural tradition, which affected the use of Greek. Moreover, after this date the use of Greek in church and its literature was a sign of betrayal of the 'true faith' of the Coptic Church. Although Coptic used in the literature of the church was heavily affected by the Greek technical and common vocabulary and Greek form and content, its use was a sign of the Coptic Church.10 Thus, in the sixth and seventh centuries Coptic was able to take over from the Greek language some of its written functions (church and religious writings), but not the administrative function. From the above rather simple sketch of the linguistic situation before the Arab conquest, one could conclude that the Greek language 10 For features of the Coptic texts in the fifth century, see Lefort (1850: 65- 71) and Nagel (1971: 327-355) 118

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization was confined to administrative functions. It did not have any social function of significance outside the ethnic Greek communities, which were concentrated in Alexandria and a few regional capitals. In fact, the Greek language acquired negative associations as, not only the language of the pagan civilization of the Greeks, but also as the language of the oppressive Orthodox Church. An administrative language with a bad reputation is always readily abandoned when the system that supports it loses power. The functional compartments left empty by Greek after the conquest were to be filled either with the new language of power or with the vernacular. Judging by the papyri, one can say that the written functions of every-day life, such as contracts, receipts, and marriage documents were written in Arabic, Coptic, or both. This left Greek with one compartment of importance − the general administration of the province was carried out in Greek until the last quarter of the first century of the Islamic era, when a political decree of arabization removed Greek from Egypt after long centuries of dominance. The same fate befell Latin, which lost its few functions in the army and the legal jargon, after the Roman military retreated from Egypt and after the Arab Muslim legal system substituted its Roman counterpart. The Egyptian vernacular was not affected in the first centuries of the Islamic era, as it maintained its compartments of daily speech and religious writings. In fact, Coptic became largely a literary language in the second and third centuries of the Islamic era and gained more ground as a written language at the expense of Greek after the appearance of the Arabs on the scene in Egypt. The coming of the Arabs to Egypt as conquerors did not shake the position of Coptic, because it never occupied the compartments of an administrative language in the previous era. But the coming of Arabs as settlers did, 119

Muhammad al-Sharkawi as we will see in the coming section, because the two languages competed in fields where Coptic was used before. 3. Arab Conquest and Migration When the Arabs entered Egypt, Greek was only a language of government, and Coptic was a language of everyday speech. At the same time Greek was not spoken by a large group of monolingual urban citizens. The achievement of the Arabs was the establishment of garrison towns, which provided the Arabs with areas where their language could be spoken as a native language in everyday speech. 3.1 The Number of Arabs in the Conquest The numbers of Arab soldiers in the conquest of Iraq, Syria, and Egypt were initially minimal in comparison to the native populations of the conquered territories. In the year 13 of the Islamic era (A.H.) the conquest of Syria started, and the period 13−15 A.H. witnessed the major confrontations between Arab and Byzantine forces (Donner, 1981). The pacification of the northern regions of Syria as well as the coastal cities took place during the years 16−27 A.H. Before the end of the second decade of the Islamic era, Northern and Southern Palestine were captured by means of small forces and no major battles. Although there is a lot of disagreement among historians as to the date of the conquest of Iraq, one can estimate the date of the battle of al-Qadisiyya as between years 14-16 A.H. (Donner, 1981).11 Many 11 Al-Tabari and al-Waaqidi claimed that the battle of al-cUbla in southern Iraq must have taken place in the year 14 A.H. The occupation of al- Madaa’in was also claimed to be in the year 16. Al-Tabari claimed that the conquest of Ahwaz and Khuzistan took place between the years 16 and 20 A.H. 120

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization Arab historians date the conquest of Egypt in the year 18 (Kennedy, 2000), but modern historians date the beginning of the conquest in the year 19 A.H. 12 Up to the completion of the conquest, no major contacts between Arabs and non-Arabs are likely to have taken place, since the Arab armies were constantly in battle, and no settled life style was yet devised. Therefore, it is unlikely that any major migrations to Egypt, Syria, and Iraq took place before the years 31, 27 and 20 A.H, respectively. It is equally difficult to believe that the Arab troops of the early conquest engaged in civil social interaction before the completion of the conquest. In fact, we have no references in the literature to such activities in such an early period. The number of Arab troops taking part in the conquest of Syria was around 24,000 soldiers.13 Similarly, the conquest of Southern Iraq took place by means of an army of 2000 soldiers. However, the number of soldiers who took part in the battle of al-Qaadisiyya was estimated by Al- Tabari to have been between 6 and 12 thousand men. Donner (1981) estimates this army as only 6000. The number of troops participating in the conquest of Egypt was around 3,500 to 4,000 men, doubled by 12 The fall of Babylon took place in the year 20 and was followed by the fall of Alexandria, which, according to the Arab sources, took place in the same year. Modern sources, however, date the fall of Alexandria in the second half of the year 21. The second conquest of Alexandria, according to Ibn Abdul Hakam, took place in the year 25. In the year 31 the Arabs reached as far south as Aswan, where they signed a peace treaty with the Nubian kings. 13 They were divided into four army divisions − each under a different leader. Three leaders commanded 7000 each, and the fourth, CAmr Ibn al-CAas, commanded 3000. Around another thousand troops were later added to the meager number of troops as a reinforcement (Donner, 1981). 121

Muhammad al-Sharkawi later reinforcements.14 By the time Alexandria came under Arab siege an additional reinforcement of 12,000 troops came to the aid of the Arab army. The total number of troops in Egypt, therefore, must have been between 16,000 and 20,000 troops. It is difficult to imagine that such a relatively small number of soldiers in the conquest caused tangible demographic changes in the social and demographic structure in the conquered territories. 3.2 The Establishment of Garrison Towns The distribution of Arabs in the conquered territories was also a factor which kept them separate from the native populations of the conquered lands and helped the Arabs, not only in retaining their language, but also in establishing themselves as a concrete ethnic body in these provinces. The circumstances of the Arab settlement in the Middle East vary from one place to another. There is, however, a common feature in the behavior of the Arab armies in this respect – the establishment of garrison towns and the concentration of troops in these camps, which were situated far from densely populated native areas. Arab armies in Iraq established their main headquarters for conquest on the borders between the Arabian motherland and Iraq. In Syria, the same strategy was initially observed, but after the plague of the year 18 A.H. al-Gaabiya was abandoned. In Egypt, there were no direct borders between the conquered land and the motherland and camps were established in desert areas near Babylon, Giza and Aswan. Moreover, apart from the case of al-Gaabiya in Syria, Arab garrison camps developed into semi-urban centers, and eventually into complete urban centers of dense population as soon as the conquest 14 cf. Ibn CAbdul Hakam, p. 56, 61 and Kennedy (2000: 62) however, it is interesting that Ibn CAbdul Hakam is the only historian who mentions this reinforcement 122

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization proved successful and lucrative (Al-Musawi, 1982). The positive outcome of the conquest encouraged more Arab civilians to migrate to the new garrison encampments and establish permanent dwellings there. Chief among the reasons for this process was the desire to benefit from the financial gains and grants given to the soldiers and migrants. Arab historians tell us that news of the success of the conquests reached the peninsular Arabs and invited migrations from the Tamiim and Bakr tribes in particular. Others mention that soldiers sent for their wives and children to catch up with them when they felt that their position in the new garrison towns was becoming permanent.15 Migration to garrison camps not only developed them into semi- urban and later to urban centers, but also caused a gradual demographic change and population displacement in the conquered territories themselves. Arabs built new dwellings in areas that were hitherto only slightly populated. In these communities Arab migrations immediately after the end of conquest formed majority groups, where their culture and language were the norm. However, these demographic changes did not initially influence the largely rural societies in the conquered territories, because Arab migrations were mostly directed to non-cultivated land. It was the policy of the early Caliphs to avoid using the cultivated land for purposes other than agriculture by their native owners and users, and not to take over estates and fields (Kennedy, 2000). I claim that it is this isolation of the early Arab garrison towns that formed Arab majority groups and allowed them to spread horizontally and vertically, without fear of 15 Cf.especially al-Balaadhuri and al-Yaacquubi, also al-Sayyad, (1991) and al-GaaHiZ, (vol. II) 123

Muhammad al-Sharkawi being integrated or absorbed into the native communities and languages. Basra was established on the borders between pre-Islamic Arabia and the Aramaic speaking Persian province, in the place of an old market (Shalabi, 1974). Similarly, Kufa was established in a place that was not inhabited by non-Arabs before, a few hundred miles to the northwest of Basra. In Egypt, as in Iraq and initially in Syria, the Arabs did not live in existing centers of administration, but rather in encampments on the edge of the desert. In Egypt, and in Syria, the Arabs may have shunned the coastal cities in order to avoid potential Byzantine sea raids (Kennedy, 2000). The site eventually chosen for a garrison town was a desert area to the north of the famous Roman fortress of Babylon. The only exception to the rule of Arabs choosing desert locations in the conquered territories was the case of Syria, where Arabs settled in already existing cities, namely Damascus, Aleppo, and Homs – the early center for Arab administration of the province (Donner, 1981). Although the Arabs did not live in isolation from the conquered populations in Syria, they lived in cities that were largely abandoned by pro-Roman citizens. In these cities, Arabs were not a tiny minority vulnerable to integration since the Syrian cities were partly inhabited by Arabs long before the Arab conquest. One also assumes that Arabs were particularly attracted to Syrian cities, because of the potential commercial benefits they hoped to reap in these booming commercial centers, an aspect relatively lacking in other urban centers occupied by Arabs. Apart from the cases of al-Gaabiya and al-Ramla, for which hardly any information is available, all garrisons grew fairly rapidly into towns of relative importance and size. It seems that the early Arab 124

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization leadership had a clear policy against the settlement of Arabs in the middle of densely populated areas, where they would form a linguistic and ethnic minority. In addition, Arab garrisons were not to be built on sites that were separated from the motherland by any natural geographical barriers, such as rivers (El-cAli, 1953). This policy was very clear in the case of the establishment of Basra, where the second Caliph openly rejected the choice of any site to the east of the Euphrates (Al-Sayyad, 1991). In the case of Kufa, the Caliph commanded that the Arab soldiers be moved to the desert outside al- Madaa'in, where no water barrier separated them from their Caliph (al-Balaadhuri). Similarly, in Egypt, the leader of the Arab armies initially preferred to establish Alexandria as headquarters of the Arab divisions in Egypt. But the Caliph objected to this choice on the basis of the long established settlement policies (Kubiak, 1987) as the Nile runs to the east of the city. The lack of natural barriers guaranteed a relative facility in commuting to and from the young garrison towns, which in turn granted the peninsular Arabs the chance to migrate safely and easily to these towns. To conclude this part, a relatively small number of Arab troops took part in the conquest of the Middle East and camped in relatively isolated spots in the conquered lands. Such a situation could not have led to the language shift of densely populated provinces like Egypt, Syria, and Iraq. At the same time, this isolation helped the Arab troops to maintain their identity and language untouched, presumably because it did not lead to a sudden demographic change with related communication problems. The geographic location of the garrison towns, moreover, granted Arabs the ability to migrate to the new communities, but barred non-Arabs from doing the same, as these communities were not in agricultural land. Originally, garrison towns did not interfere in the economic and/or political make-up of the 125

Muhammad al-Sharkawi conquered territories. Thus, migration to the garrison towns was easy and lucrative for the Arabs, but difficult and non-lucrative for non- Arabs, at least in pre-Umayyad times. The manner of Arab settlement in the provinces is also significant to our discussion here. Two particular aspects warrant special attention: the first is that Arabs, apart from the case of Syria, did not direct their migration to the already existing cities. The second is that garrison towns grew into important densely populated urban centers. These two aspects allowed the Arabic language to become an important majority language in the conquered territories, despite the small number of Arabs in comparison to the native population in the first few centuries after the conquest. 3.3 Manner of Communication between Arabs and Non-Arabs In Egypt, until the beginning of the Umayyad period, the presence of Arabs outside Fustat was minimal (Kennedy, 2000). Although there were around 12 000 troops in Alexandria in the year 43 of the Islamic era, this number was apparently very limited since the governor complained of the threat his men felt (Al-Kindi). In Iraq, as we have seen above, living in already existing cities was not desirable for more than the policy reasons (Ibn Khayat, vol. I). Arab settlement in the countryside of the provinces was also minimal; there were very few Arabs in the flood plains of Iraq in comparison to the number of Arabs in and around the garrison towns. In the first three decades of the conquest, the presence of Arabs outside the garrisons was limited to a few outposts of military personnel sent to the vicinities of Basra and Kufa in order to maintain security and aid in tax collection. However, the guards in outposts on the eastern and northern frontiers of Persia were recruited from the Persian troops that joined the Arab armies in the wake of the conquest of Persia (Donner, 1981). 126

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization Inside the villages of the countryside Arabs were also minimally represented. The native farmers remained on the land they had farmed before the conquest. Very few pieces of land were granted to Arab chiefs before the Umayyad period and these were the estates whose owners had abandoned them during the conquest. When these Sawaafi were granted to Arabs, they were given to tribes who had contributed troops in the conquest (Donner, 1981). It does not seem, however, that Arab farmers or land lords worked on, or ran, these estates. The first major Arab presence in the Egyptian countryside dates to the year 109 of the Islamic era, when al-Waliid Ibn Rifaaca, the Umayyad governor of Egypt, transferred a group of Qaysi Arabs to Upper Egypt (Kennedy, 2000). During approximately the same period, another group of around 5000 Qaysi Arabs migrated to the Eastern Hawf in the northeast of the province. These two moves were the first of their kind, where Arabs settled outside Fustat or the other garrisons of Giza and Aswan in considerable numbers (Kennedy, 2000). If these figures are accurate, we must assume that up to the beginning of the second Islamic century, Arab presence in the Egyptian countryside was meager, and the main destination of migration was the garrison towns. Bearing in mind that the conquest brought several waves of migration to Egypt and other parts of the new Arab provinces, the garrison towns must then have been booming beyond expectation. The garrison towns attracted most of the Arab migrants from the peninsula and, at least in the case of Egypt, the mobilization of big numbers of Arabs directed to the countryside resulted from the fear of the reaction of the residents of garrison towns against newcomers. In the aforementioned case of moving a few thousand Qaysis to the Eastern Hawf in Lower Egypt, the Umayyad Caliph Hisham agreed on 127

Muhammad al-Sharkawi settling the migrants in Egypt only under the condition that they do not live in Fustat, probably to avoid conflict with the local Arabs. If this incident tells us anything, it indicates that Arabs had more incentive to migrate to garrison towns than to the countryside. It seems clear from several anecdotes and traditions in the Arabic sources, that the garrison towns of Iraq and Egypt grew rapidly after the conquest had proved successful, because residents of these towns received caTaa' from the diwaan. Donner (1981) estimates that Arab migration to the garrison towns in the conquered territories by the end of the conquest of Iraq began in the year 17 A.H. Migration started with members of the same tribes that had participated in the conquest, probably because they were thought to deserve the privilege more than other tribesmen. These migrants were identified in the historical literature of the Arabs as rawaadif (followers), since they came at a later period. The economic attraction of towns and the initial ban from residing in the countryside allowed these early communities to grow vertically in terms of density of population as well as horizontally. Migration to garrison towns was characterized by two conflicting phenomena: the first was the steady growth of these towns in number of residents and probably in size as well. The opposite phenomenon was the reluctance of the early inhabitants of garrison towns to receive new migrants. The resistance of Egyptian Arabs, whose names were recorded in the diwaan al-gund of Fustat, to receive new migrants stemmed from the fact that they were jealous of the caTaa’ they earned. They were, in other words, determined to protect their share of the revenues of the country (Kennedy, 2000; Hinds, 1972). We do not have much data on the reaction of Iraqi Arabs as to the waves of migration from the motherland. But due to the rapid expansion of Basra and Kufa , one expects that there was not much of a resistance there. However, one is inclined to believe that this resistance, 128

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization wherever it existed, was selective, not only in Iraq, but also in Egypt. It seems that the resisted migrants were those who belonged to tribes other than those taking part in the initial conquest and whose names were not in the diwaan. The rawaadif from the already existing tribes were always welcome, and they were like the drops of water that gradually filled the pool of garrison towns. Therefore, a certain degree of homogeneity in the garrison towns resulted, and a constant influx of Arabs was maintained without fear of depopulating Arabia. Garrison towns expanded rapidly, due to consecutive Arab waves of migration. It is assumed that during the early period of the conquest and immediately thereafter, the garrison towns excluded any non-Arab ethnic or linguistic communities. This is due to the fact that garrisons were established to be a springboard for further conquest (Donner, 1981). Therefore, during the reign of CUmar (13-23 A.H.) military encampments that started as mere groups of tents were declared ‘amsaar (sing. misr) because of their newly acquired administrative role in the conquered territories (Al-Sayyad, 1991). The success of the conquest of Iraq brought hundreds of Bakr and Tamiim tribesmen from the peninsula to join relations and friends in Basra (al-Musawi, 1982). Migration to the new garrisons in Iraq and Egypt was under control by CUmar, who feared lest the migration would depopulate Arabia. After the year 23 A.H., however, the third Caliph abandoned this control, and large numbers of Arabs migrated to the garrisons (Al-Tabari, vol. V). By the beginning of the Umayyad rule the number of Arabs in the diwaan of Egypt may have reached 40 000 (Ibn CAbdul-Hakam). In the reign of Marawan Ibn al-Hakam the number of soldiers registered in the diwaan was around 80 000 (CUmar 1990). This expansion of the number of soldiers resulted in a reorganization of the diwaan of Fustat towards the end of the first 129

Muhammad al-Sharkawi Islamic century. After this period, the diwaan was closed, but despite this closure in the Umayyad period, low-key Syrian migration to Egypt continued until the end of the reign of Hisham in the year 125 A.H. Increasing the density of garrison towns was accompanied by expansion through a redistribution of land to accommodate the newcomers. At one moment in the very early history of Basra, for instance, several Arab tribes sought to enlarge their respective shares of the land in the garrison towns, and several disputes and land conflicts threatened the very existence of Arabs in the place (Al- Tabari, vol. 4). To resolve these disputes, Abu Musa al-‘Ashcari, the governor of the city (17-29 A.H.) embarked on a process of redeveloping the town on the basis of khuTaT, issued to each tribe for its residence (Al-Balaadhuri). Enlarging the outer boundaries of the cities and reorganizing their internal structure was in all the cases of Arab garrison towns accompanied by a tendency to exploit farming land in the vicinities. The same Abu Musa made use of the hinterland surrounding Basra, where he distributed lands fit for agriculture among tribal leaders who wanted them (Al-Sayyad, 1991). All through the Umayyad period, qaTaa’ic (land gifts) of varying sizes outside Basra were granted to army leaders and tribal chiefs. In this way, many residents of Basra became land owners, who either worked on their lands and lived in Basra, or had other less wealthy Basra residents work the land while they lived elsewhere as absentee land owners (Lapidus, 1981). The demand for land for purposes of agriculture and building seems to have been so great that it caused the alarm of CUmar, who sent the residents of Basra messages to discourage Arabs to own land (Al-GaaHiZ). 130

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization The expansion of urban centers by means of encouraging agricultural activities seems to have been a common phenomenon among all the garrison towns and was not limited to the hinterlands of Basra. In Kufa, efforts were made to stimulate agricultural production and create more sources of food for the developing town. For this purpose, swamps around the city were drained and prepared for agriculture (Lapidus, 1995). As for the manner of land exploitation in Egypt, it is far less clear than the situation in Iraq. Although we know that Arabs lived in several places in the province, we do not know how they behaved towards agricultural land, especially in the pre- Umayyad period. We know, for example, that 20 000 Arabs lived in a garrison in the southernmost part of Egypt in the third decade of the Islamic era, under the leadership of Abu al-Sarh (Al-Maqrizi, vol. I). But Arab historical sources did not mention any economic activities for these troops. The same can be said about the Arab garrison in Giza, where Arabs lived in khuTaT like those of Fustat (Al-Yacquubi). The aforementioned garrisons could very well have been military posts and not settlement cores. I assume that Arab tribes owned lands in the countryside but whether they lived on these lands or were absentee landowners who merely lived off the revenues is an open question. Although al-Maqrizi (vol. IV) mentioned the villages owned by different Arab tribes, he is ambiguous as to whether they lived on the land and formed Arab agricultural communities on them or not. The garrisons of Fustat, Giza, Alexandria, and Upper Egypt were the only areas of Arab concentration in the fertile Nile valley. The delta and the valley remained exclusively Egyptian. However, Arabs had been living in the Eastern desert and Sinai since pre-Islamic times. By the time of the conquest, Arabs were living in Sharqiyya, Qena, and along the Red See coast (Holes, 1995; CUmar, 1990). Greek historians state that some of the Upper Egyptian towns were semi- 131

Muhammad al-Sharkawi arabized as early as the first century before Christianity (CUmar, 1990). But those Arabs never attempted to penetrate the fertile valley during any period of their existence in the Egyptian desert; they instead lived in isolation from the native peasant population. We have no clear reference to any influence of the Arabic language in Egypt before the conquest. It is, therefore, justified to talk of Arabization as a function of the Arab conquest and of the manner of settlement as a continuation of pre-Islamic strategies. So far, I proposed that the Arab existence in previously non-Arab provinces took the shape of small areas of Arab concentration, which in time grew larger in size and in density. I also proposed that although Arabs were a small minority in comparison to the native populations, they established Arab majorities inside the garrison towns. The question remains – how did the Arabs and non-Arabs communicate and interact, and how did this interaction bring about a full Arabization of such a large part of the Middle East? Although the garrison towns of Iraq and Egypt were designated by the second Caliph as management centers for the conquered territories (Al- Sayyad 1991) we have no clear or explicit reference in the historical literature as to the existence of large non-Arab constituencies inside the garrisons. The latter were not initially attractive for non-Arabs because they were not old centers of administration and government. Although garrison towns were Arab in structure, the subsequent successful urbanization process caused profound but gradual changes in the economic life and demographic structure of the conquered territories. This in turn brought about the mobilization of non-Arabs into and around garrison towns, especially in Iraq. The decline in the irrigation system of the Tigris on the eve of the Arab conquest destroyed the agricultural land east of the river. In Syria, the second 132

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization half of the first Islamic century witnessed an agricultural decline following a commercial catastrophe, due to the barriers established against the flow of produce from Syria to Anatolia, the major supporting market of Syrian grape and olive production. In Egypt, over-taxation and the continuous revolutions in the second half of the first century (A.H.) harmed the agricultural economy of the country greatly, and partly evacuated the countryside. In addition, the transportation of agricultural products was adversely affected after the full success of the conquest of Egypt, which had been the main food basket of the Eastern Byzantine Empire (Kaegi, 2000). However, agricultural destruction was selective: In the areas where Arabs established garrison towns agricultural activities were encouraged as mentioned earlier. The areas around Basra were planted with date- palm forests. The situation in Egypt must have been similar to that of Basra, since the Umayyads had a clear policy of land exploitation for agricultural purposes. Contrary to the rest of the conquered territories, garrison towns enjoyed financial stability and agricultural development. In such situations, it is natural that non-Arabs would flock to the garrison towns voluntarily as tradesmen and craftsmen. In addition, several thousand slaves were imported from East Africa to work on the land around Basra and Kufa (Lapidus, 1995). Especially in Iraq, sizeable groups of non-Arabs resided inside the garrison towns. Soldiers of non-Arab stock always joined the victorious Arab armies and settled in quarters adjacent to the garrisons. In addition to soldiers, there were slaves working in the houses of Arab residents of the garrisons, who were in charge of the household duties. By the second half of the first century, Basra, Kufa and, certainly, Fustat must have been surrounded by quarters of poor non-Arab clients. These groups could not have penetrated the cores of garrison towns in sizeable numbers, simply 133

Muhammad al-Sharkawi because garrison towns were already established and heavily populated by Arab tribesmen. We have several references in the historical literature of the following centuries to communities of non- Arabs in the garrison towns (Al-GaaHiZ, vol.I; Al-Balaadhuri). One indication for this is the establishment of a church in Fustat during the reign of Maslama Ibn Mikhlid (47-68 A.H.) (CUmar, 1990). Furthermore, it was the fashion in the second half of the first century to use non-Arab troops to quell sectarian and/or ideological uprisings. Ibn Qutayba (vol. I) and Yaaquut (vol. I) mention that in the year 54 A.H. CUbaid allah Ibn Ziyad recruited a squad of two thousand Persian archers and positioned them in Basra. The same happened in Kufa, where several thousand troops of Persian origin worked under Arab command, and were known as Hamraa’ al- Daylam (Al-Balaadhuri). These troops lived either outside the garrison towns themselves or resided in quarters isolated from the civilian quarters. In general, they must have been a part of the non- Arab crust surrounding the garrisons. The position of the Arabs was established as hosts, job-givers, and landlords. Although there is nothing in the literature concerning ratios of Arabs to non-Arabs, I feel certain that the constant influx of Arab migrants and the isolation of the garrisons from densely populated native areas prevented the assimilation of Arabs into the non-Arab languages and cultures. It gave them instead the status of a majority group in every respect – political, linguistic, and in terms of the sheer number of people. To recapitulate, the Arab conquest granted Arabs the prestige position in the provinces. As far as we know, Arabs did not inherit, in Egypt at least, the bad reputation of the Roman Empire. The pattern of migration from the Arab peninsula and Arab settlement in the conquered provinces prevented them from being assimilated by the 134

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization native populations. Therefore, when non-Arabs spread around the garrison towns, they found that the Arabs were the host group native to the previously uninhabited areas. 4 Conclusion The difference between Greek and Arabic as two dominant languages, is a difference of minority and majority languages.16 On the demographic level, as we have seen above, minority languages are spoken by a smaller number than other languages in an identified area. Native speakers of Greek in the provincial capitals, where the largest concentrations of ethnic-Greeks existed, were certainly much fewer in number than native Egyptians. The situation in the countryside was even clearer, as Greeks were concentrated in the towns and in the provincial capitals only. Moreover, Greek as the language of a demographic minority group, meets three of the of the ethno-social criteria of a minority language specified by Allardt (1984): (1) common descent; (2) distinctive linguistic, cultural or historical traits related to language; and (3) social organization of the interaction of language groups in such a fashion that the group becomes placed in a minority position (Owens, 2000). Greeks in late antiquity Egypt were self-conscious of their identity as non-locals, and social and political institutions in the provincial capitals intensified this sense. As for the second criterion, Greeks spoke a different language, had a different historical background, were on a different social stratum from the locals and had a different cultural tradition than the native Egyptians. As for the last criterion, Greek was reserved for the administrative and legal domains, besides being the language of the ethnic-Greek 16 See discussion of 'minority' and 'dominant' languages in the introduction given by Owens (2000:1-44). 135

Muhammad al-Sharkawi Egyptians. Starting with the fifth century, some of the literary functions of the Greek language were taken over by Coptic, leaving Greek with fewer functions than before the fourth century. The case of the Arabs as a linguistic and ethnic group in Egypt, and indeed in North Africa, the Levant and Mesopotamia, was very different from the Greeks' case. In the first fifty years of the Arab conquest, the Arabs established a major garrison settlement in Fustat, in which the Arabs formed a linguistic and ethnic majority. All social and interactional functions inside the garrison were carried out in Arabic. Like other Arab garrisons in the Middle East, Fustat expanded vertically in terms of density, and horizontally in terms of space, during the first fifty years of the conquest and beyond, as a result of constant Arab migrations. Hence the firm establishment of Arabic as a vernacular within these towns. The relative isolation of the garrison towns from the Egyptian provincial capitals and villages granted them a free space and prevented the merging of Arabs with non-Arabs. When native individuals in small groups, pushed by harsh economic circumstances, migrated to the vicinities of the garrison towns, they found that the Arabic language was the language of the majority group. Coptic, in this part of the country, was a minority language of no social prestige, public function, or even substantial group of speakers. After the year 78 of the Islamic era, the administrative domain of the Greek language was taken over by the Arabic language, which was used on a small scale from the beginning of the conquest in bilingual receipts and contracts. By the conquest, Greek lost its prestigious status as the language of the ruling elite, and by the arabization of the diwaan, it lost its major function in administration, after it had already lost its position as the language of faith and culture in the fifth century 136

Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization (Rubenson, 1996). Therefore, Greek as a prestigious language before the conquest collapsed so quickly thereafter, because, as Kahana and Kahana (1979) explained, prestigious languages endure only so long as an appropriate socio-political scaffolding exits. When this scaffolding does not exist any longer, like what happened after the Arab conquest, and when a stronger prestige language confronts it, as what happened after the arabization of the government, it decays relatively quickly (Owens, 2000). Native speakers of languages other than Arabic (Greek and Coptic) found themselves in the position of a majority group in terms of numbers of inhabitants outside the garrison towns. Inside and around the garrison towns, however, Arabs were the majority in numerical terms and their language was the majority and prestigious language that carried out all functions, social and political. Arabization of the new urban Egypt, and indeed other parts of the Arab world, took place in two concomitant complementary yet independent processes. These processes were not identifiable as definite steps and time points, but, as a rough estimate, occurred during the first century of the Islamic era. The first process was a redistribution of functions. By the end of the first Islamic century Arabic had already inherited the administrative functions of Greek, although both Greek and Coptic appeared in some contracts and receipts together with Arabic. Then, Arabic soon became the sole medium of such texts. The only written function Coptic maintained was in Christian religious writings. This process left untouched the function of the everyday vernacular for Coptic. The only outcome in the first Islamic century of this process is the emergence of Middle Arabic texts. 137

Muhammad al-Sharkawi The second process concerns Arabic and Coptic being used side by side as spoken languages. The effect of this process was reserved to the garrison towns and their vicinities, wherever garrison towns were established as tangible urban centers of economic power, and when the economic situation pushed peasants away from their farming lands. Small merchants, manual laborers and farmers started to migrate to the vicinities of garrison towns. For these groups, Arabic was essential for obtaining work in the garrison towns. Rudimentary forms of Arabic must have appeared, but due to continuous exposure to Arabic linguistic inputs these interlanguage varieties were drawn nearer to Arabic.17 One would assume, therefore, that the Arab garrison towns were like a core from which Arabic spread in waves of different levels of linguistic complexity. At the end of the first Islamic century, around the garrison towns, Coptic came to be used only as home language, if we exclude the religious functions. Home languages, in general, come under the influence of the prestigious public language, especially when the latter occupies more functions than the home language. Therefore, the two socio-demographic processes of arabization led Coptic to this position, and must have introduced the incentive for its speakers to code-switch between Coptic and Arabic, and eventually to shift. 17 Interlanguage is the degree of proficiency of a second language learner, which is always below that of the native speaker. For more on interlanguage, see Gass and Selinker (1994). 138

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Muhammad al-Sharkawi SHALABI, Ahmad (1974) Mawsucat at-Taarikh wal-Hadara al-Islaamiyya, Cairo, Maktabat al-Anglo al-Misriyya. C UMAR, Ahmad Mukhtaar (1990) Tarikh al-Lugha al-CArabiyya fi Misr wal-Maghrib al-CArabi, Cairo, al-Hay'a al-Misriyya lin-Nashr. WIPSZYCKA, E. (1984) "Le degré d'alphabétisation en Egypte ." Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 30, 279-96. YOUTIE, H. (1971) "Bradeos graphon: Between Literacy and Illiteracy." GRBS 12, 239-61. YOUTIE , H. (1975), "Hypographeus: The social Impact of Illiteracy in Graeco-Roman Egypt." in ZPE 17, 201-21. 142

‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ 3، 2002‬ ‫) (‬ ‫دراﺳﺔ ﺣﻮل "اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ *‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺮ دﻳﻢ )ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ آﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ(‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ : ﺳﻬﻴﺮ ﻃﺮﻣﺎن )ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة(‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻬﻴـــــــﺪ‬ ‫إن ﻣ ﻦ أه ﻢ اﻟﻘﻀ ﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﺘﻨﺎوﻟﻬ ﺎ اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺤ ﺚ‬ ‫ه ﻲ ﻗﻀ ﻴﺔ ﺗ ﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜ ﺔ. ﻓﺎﻟﻤﻘﺎرﻧ ﺔ ﺑ ﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜ ﺔ واﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻔﺼ ﺤﻰ وﻣ ﺎ ﻟ ﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻣ ﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣ ﺎت ﺣ ﻮل اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤ ﺔ ﺗﻜﺸ ﻒ ﻟﻨ ﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘ ﺔ أﻻ وه ﻰ أن أﺻ ﻞ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﺘ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﺮﻓﻬ ﺎ اﻟﻴ ﻮم ﻟﻴﺴ ﺖ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻔﺼ ﺤﻰ1، ﺑ ﻞ ه ﻲ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤ ﺔ،2 ﺑﻤ ﺎ ﻗ ﺪ ﻃ ﺮأ ﻋﻠﻴﻬ ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ ﺗﻄ ﻮرات وﺑﻤ ﺎ ﻗ ﺪ اآﺘﺴ ﺒﺘﻪ ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫ﺳ ﻤﺎت أدت إﻟ ﻰ ﺗﻘﺎرﺑﻬ ﺎ. وهﻜ ﺬا ﻧﻜ ﻮن ﻗ ﺪ وﺻ ﻠﻨﺎ إﻟ ﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠ ﺔ ﺑﺤﺜﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻜ ﺎد ﺗﻜ ﻮن ﺗﺎﻣ ﺔ وﺛﺎﺑﺘ ﺔ؛ ﻟﻜ ﻦ ﻻ زال ﺑﻌ ﺾ اﻟﻐﻤ ﻮض ﻳﺤ ﻴﻂ ﺑﻤﺴ ﺄﻟﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺼ ﻠﺔ ﺑ ﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤ ﺔ واﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜ ﺔ، وﺑﺼ ﻔﺔ ﺧﺎﺻ ﺔ ﻳﻈ ﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻐﻤ ﻮض ﻳﺤ ﻴﻂ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌ ﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴ ﺎت واﻟﻌﻮاﻣ ﻞ اﻟﺘ ﻲ أدت ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳ ﺔ‬ ‫إﻟ ﻰ ذﻟ ﻚ اﻟﺘﺒ ﺎﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻤ ﺎ ﺑ ﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت وﺑﻌﻀ ﻬﺎ، وﻣ ﺎزال ﺑﻌ ﺾ‬ ‫اﻟﻐﻤ ﻮض ﻳﺤﻴﻄﻬ ﺎ ﺑﺴ ﺒﺐ ﻗﻠ ﺔ اﻟﺸ ﻮاهﺪ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﺘﻌﻠ ﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫)*( هﺬﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﻄﻠﺢ اﻷﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ‪ Substrat‬وهﻮ ﻳﺸﻴﺮ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ اﻷﻗﻮام‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﻟﺤﺮوب وﻏﺰوات أدت إﻟﻰ إﺣﻼل ﻟﻐﺎت أﺧﺮى ﻣﺤﻞ ﻟﻐﺘﻬﺎ. هﺬﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺘﺎرات ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﺎل ‪Werner DIEM (1979) "Studien zur Frage des Substrats‬‬ ‫‪im Arabischen". In: Der Islam, 56, 1, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter‬‬ ‫)اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ(‬ ‫1‬ ‫-616 .‪CH. A. FERGUSON: "The Arabic Koine". In: Language 35 (1959), S‬‬ ‫.5691‪630. Also J. BLAU in Proc. Int. Conf. Sem. Studies Jerusalem‬‬ ‫.‪Jerusalem 1969, S. 42ff.; DIEM: Divergenz und Konvergenz, S. 134f‬‬ ‫2‬ ‫‪J. BARTH: "Zur vergleichenden semitischen Grammatik. II. Zu den‬‬ ‫:‪Vocalen der Imperfect-Präfixe." In: ZDMG 48 (1894), S. 4-6; A. BLOCH‬‬ ‫"‪"The Vowels of the Imperfect Preformatives in the Dialects of Old Arabic‬‬ ‫‪In: ZDMG 117 (1967), S. 22-29; M. B. SCHUB: "A Note on the Dialects oof‬‬ ‫‪Abii Tamiim and Barth's Law". In: Arabica 20 (1973), S. 307-308 = ZDMG‬‬ ‫.41-31 ,)4791( 421‬

‫ﻓﺮﻧﺮ دﻳﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤ ﺔ وﺗﻠ ﻚ أﺑ ﺎن اﻟﻌﺼ ﻮر اﻟﻮﺳ ﻄﻰ. وﻗ ﺪ ﺣﻠ ﺖ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻣﺤ ﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳ ﺪ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻷﺧ ﺮى3 ﺧ ﻼل اﻟﻔﺘ ﺮة اﻟﺘ ﻲ أﺧ ﺬت ﻓﻴﻬ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻮﺳ ﻊ، ﻣﻨﻄﻠﻘ ﺔ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻬﻀ ﺒﺔ اﻟﻮﺳ ﻄﻰ ﻟﺸ ﺒﻪ اﻟﺠﺰﻳ ﺮة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ، وﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫أه ﻢ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺣﻠ ﺖ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻣﺤﻠﻬ ﺎ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻟﺴ ﺎﻣﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﻨﻮﺑﻴ ﺔ-‬ ‫اﻟﺸ ﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺠﻨ ﻮب، واﻵراﻣﻴ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺸ ﻤﺎل واﻟﺸ ﺮق واﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫ﱢ‬ ‫ﻣﺼ ﺮ وﻟﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟ َﺮﺑ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻤﻐ ﺮب، اﻷﻣ ﺮ اﻟ ﺬي اﺳ ﺘﺪرج آﺜﻴ ﺮا ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺒ ْ‬ ‫اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻴﻦ وﻣﻨ ﺬ زﻣ ﻦ ﺑﻌﻴ ﺪ إﻟ ﻰ ﻣﻨﺰﻟ ﻖ دﻓﻌﻬ ﻢ إﻟ ﻰ ﺗﻔﺴ ﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﺪﻳ ﺪ ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼ ﺎﺋﺺ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ أﻧﻬ ﺎ أﺣ ﺪ ﺗﻮاﺑ ﻊ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ"،‬ ‫ورأى اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻮن أن ﺗﻨ ﻮع اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﺟ ﺎء آﻨﺘﻴﺠ ﺔ ﻟﻌﺎﻣ ﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ ورأى أﻳﻀ ﺎ اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻮن أﻧ ﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜ ﻦ ﺗﻔﺴ ﻴﺮ‬ ‫4‬ ‫اﻻﺧﺘﻼف ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت آﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﻮر اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ.‬ ‫وﻟﻜ ﻦ اﺣﺘﻤ ﺎﻻت ﺗﻄﺒﻴ ﻖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳ ﺔ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ﻋﻠ ﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﺗﺘﻔ ﺎوت ﺑﻨﺴ ﺒﺔ آﺒﻴ ﺮة ﻓ ﻲ أﺑﻌﺎده ﺎ ﺣﺴ ﺐ اﻟﻤﻨ ﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺘ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺷ ﻬﺪت ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ. وﻗ ﺪ أﺛﺒﺘ ﺖ اﻷﺑﺤ ﺎث ﻣ ﺮارا ﻣ ﺪى ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻇ ﺎهﺮة‬ ‫ً‬ ‫"اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴ ﺒﺔ ﻷﺳ ﻤﺎء اﻷﻣ ﺎآﻦ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺣ ﺪث ﻓﻴﻬ ﺎ إﺣ ﻼل‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻣﺤ ﻞ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻟﺴ ﺎﺑﻘﺔ ؛5 وآ ﺬﻟﻚ آﺸ ﻔﺖ اﻷﺑﺤ ﺎث ﻋ ﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺛ ﺎر "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺑﻌ ﺾ اﻟﻤﺴ ﻤﻴﺎت، اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﺘﻌﻠ ﻖ ﺑﻤﻔ ﺮدات‬ ‫3‬ ‫;)6591( ,)8391( ‪B. SPULER (1954); A. N. POLIAK (1938); W. MARÇAIS‬‬ ‫.‪CH. RABIN: Ancient West-Arabian, S. 42ff‬‬ ‫4‬ ‫.421 .‪COHEN: Études, S‬‬ ‫5‬ ‫.)3791( ‪S. WILD‬‬ ‫8‬

‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻴ ﺎة اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴ ﺔ ﻷه ﻞ اﻟ ﺒﻼد اﻷﺻ ﻠﻴﻴﻦ ؛6 وأﺧﻴ ﺮا ﺗﺠ ﺪر اﻹﺷ ﺎرة إﻟ ﻰ‬ ً 7 .‫ﺑﻌﺾ أﺳﻤﺎء اﻷﻗﺒﺎط ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻴﻮم‬ ‫وإذا آ ﺎن اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻮن ﻗ ﺪ ﺗﻮﺻ ﻠﻮا إﻟ ﻰ ﻧﺘ ﺎﺋﺞ ﺣﺎﺳ ﻤﺔ وﻓﺎﺻ ﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻣﺴ ﺘﻮى اﻟﻤﻔ ﺮدات، ﻓ ﺈذن ﻋﻠﻴﻨ ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴ ﺔ أﺧ ﺮى أن ﻧﺘﺴ ﺎءل‬ ‫ﻋﻤ ﺎ إذا آ ﺎن اﻟﻌﻠﻤ ﺎء ﻗ ﺪ اﺟ ﺮوا أﺑﺤ ﺎﺛﻬﻢ ﺣ ﻮل ﻧﺘ ﺎﺋﺞ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ﺑﺼ ﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣ ﺔ وﺑﺎﻟﺘﻔﺼ ﻴﻞ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺻ ﻌﻴﺪ ﺻ ﻮﺗﻴﺎت اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ‬ ‫وآ ﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﺼ ﺮف واﻟﻨﺤ ﻮ.8 وه ﺬا ﻣ ﺎ ﺳ ﻴﻜﻮن ﻣﺤ ﻂ اهﺘﻤﺎﻣﻨ ﺎ ﺧ ﻼل‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻘ ﺮات اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴ ﺔ، ﺣﻴ ﺚ ﻧﺴ ﺘﻌﺮض ﻓ ﻲ إﻳﺠ ﺎز وﺑﺮؤﻳ ﺔ ﻧﻘﺪﻳ ﺔ اﻟﻨﺘ ﺎﺋﺞ‬ .‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ اﻵن اﻷﺑﺤﺎث ﻓﻲ هﺬا اﻟﻤﺠﺎل‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﻬــــــﺞ‬ ‫إذا آﺎﻧ ﺖ ﻇ ﺎهﺮة "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" وﺁﺛﺎره ﺎ ﻳﺠ ﺐ أن ﺗﺆﺧ ﺬ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ ﻰ أﻧﻬ ﺎ أآﺜ ﺮ ﻣ ﻦ ﻣﺠ ﺮد ﻧﻈﺮﻳ ﺔ اﻓﺘﺮاﺿ ﻴﺔ ، ﻓﻴﺠ ﺐ ﻓ ﻲ اﻋﺘﻘ ﺎدي‬ 9 :‫أن ﺗﺘﻮﻓﺮ اﻟﺸﺮوط اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ وﺻﺤﺔ هﺬﻩ اﻟﻈﺎهﺮة‬ 6 E. ROSSI (1938) + (1940); B. MEISSNER (1902); ČALABĪ (1939); ROSENTHAL: Aramaistische Forschung, S. 170f., 269; M. FEGHALI (1920-1922); M. FEGHALI - A. CUNY (1910-1911); K. VOLLERS (1896); K. LABIIB, K. PERTÁČEK (1956); G. SOBHY BEY (1950); W. B. BISHAI (1964); W. SPIEGELBERG (1926); M. E. GALTIER: De l'influence du copte, S. 214 Fn. 1; K. PERTÁČEK in Ar Or 30 (1962), S. 399 Fn. 47; L. MERCIER (1906); A. GASIM: Some Aspects S. 41-43; G. S. COLIN: "Mots "berbères" dans le dialecte arabe de Malte" In: Mémoirs A. Basset. Paris 1957, S. 7-16; P. P. SAYDON (1956). 7 E. LITTMANN: "Eigennamen der heutigen Ägypter". In: Studi Orientalistici G. Levi della Vida. II. Rom 1956, S. 89f., 93; E. LITTMANN: "Beduinen- und Drusennamen aus dem Hauraan-Gebiet." In: Nachr. Kais. Ges. Wiss. Göttingen. Phil.-hist. Kl. 1921, S. 1f.; A. SOCIN: "Die arabischen Eigennamen in Algier" In: ZDMG 53 (1899), S. 479; E. LITTMANN: "Arabische Hypokoristika" In: Studia orientalia Ioanni Pedersen … dicata. Hauniae 1953, S. 199. 8 W. FISCHER: Demonstrative Bildungen S. VII; P. F. ABBOUD: "Spoken Arabic" In: Current Trends in Linguistics. 6. The Hague-Paris 1970, S. 454. 9 A. SCHMITT Germanen und Indogemanen. Festschrift H. Hirt. II. Heidelberg 1936, S. 354-357, bes. Nr. 3 Ende und Nr. 4, S. 356f. 9

‫ﻓﺮﻧﺮ دﻳﻢ‬ ‫1. )أ( ﻻﺑﺪ وأن ﺗﻜﻮن "اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" ﻣﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﻌﺮوﻓﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ؛‬ ‫)ب( وإذا اﺷﺘﺒﻬﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ وﺟﻮد ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻓﻼﺑﺪ‬ ‫أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻠﻈﺎهﺮة اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ وﺟﻮد ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ. وإن‬ ‫ﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ هﻨﺎك ﺷﻮاهﺪ آﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺟﻮد هﺬﻩ اﻟﺸﻮاهﺪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ، ﻓﻴﺠﺐ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻐﺎت ﺷﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ أو ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮوع أﺧﺮى ﻟﻬﺎ.‬ ‫ﻳﺸ ﺘﺮط أن ﺗﻨﻔ ﺮد اﻟﺨﺎﺻ ﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﻣﻮﺿ ﻊ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫2.‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﻳﺘﺤﻘ ﻖ ﻓﻴﻬ ﺎ ﺛﺒ ﻮت ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ، أو ﺑﻤﻌﻨ ﻰ ﺁﺧ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺠ ﺐ أﻻ ﺗﻮﺟ ﺪ ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﺨﺎﺻ ﻴﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت أﺧ ﺮى ﻻ ﺗﻘ ﻊ ﺗﺤ ﺖ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻔ ﺲ ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ. أﻣ ﺎ إذا ﻇﻬ ﺮت ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﺨﺎﺻ ﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت أﺧ ﺮى ﻓﺮﺑﻤ ﺎ ﺗﻜ ﻮن ﻗ ﺪ اﻧﺘﻘﻠ ﺖ إﻟﻴﻬ ﺎ ﻋ ﻦ ﻃﺮﻳ ﻖ اﻟﻬﺠ ﺮة أو‬ ‫وﻓﻘﺎ ﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎر اﻟﺴﻤﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻇﺎهﺮة "ﺗﺘﺎﺑﻊ اﻟﻤﻮﺟﺎت".‬ ‫وﺗﺼ ﺒﺢ ﻧﻈﺮﻳ ﺔ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴ ﺔ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" أﻣ ﺮا ﻣﺮﻓﻮﺿ ﺎ إذا‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻣ ﺎ ﻟ ﻢ ﻳﺘﺤﻘ ﻖ اﻟﺸ ﺮط اﻷول. وإذا ﺗﺤﻘ ﻖ اﻟﺸ ﺮط اﻷول دون اﻟﺜ ﺎﻧﻲ،‬ ‫أي إذا ﻣ ﺎ ﺻ ﺎدﻓﺘﻨﺎ ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﺨﺎﺻ ﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﺑﺸ ﻜﻞ ﻣﺴ ﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻤﻜ ﺎن ﺁﺧ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ، ﻓ ﺈن ﻇ ﺎهﺮة "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" وﺁﺛﺎره ﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼ ﺒﺢ ﻣﺤ ﻞ ﺷ ﻚ وﺗﺴ ﺎؤل؛ ﻷﻧ ﻪ أﻣ ﺮ ﻏﻴ ﺮ ﻣﺴ ﺘﺒﻌﺪ أن ﺗﻈﻬ ﺮ ﺧﺎﺻ ﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﻟﻬﺠﺘ ﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺘ ﻴﻦ إﺣ ﺪاهﻤﺎ ﺗ ﺄﺛﺮت ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫واﻷﺧ ﺮى ﻇﻬ ﺮت ﺑﺸ ﻜﻞ ﻋﺸ ﻮاﺋﻲ، وﻟﻜ ﻦ ﺗﺼ ﺒﺢ ﺣﻴﻨ ﺬاك اﻓﺘﺮاﺿ ﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻜﺎن ﺷﻚ.‬ ‫وﻓﻴﻤ ﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠ ﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺸ ﺮط اﻟﺜ ﺎﻧﻲ ﻓ ﻨﺤﻦ هﻨ ﺎ ﻧﻮاﺟ ﻪ إﺷ ﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺟﻤ ﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﻤ ﺎدة، إذ ﻳﺼ ﻌﺐ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻤ ﺮء اﻹﻟﻤ ﺎم اﻟﻜﺎﻣ ﻞ واﻟﺸ ﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ وآ ﺬﻟﻚ ﺑ ﺎﻟﻜﻢ اﻟ ﻮاﻓﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﺮاﺟ ﻊ اﻟﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ه ﺬا‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻮﺿ ﻮع، وﻣ ﻦ ﺛﻤ ﺔ ﻓﻬﻨ ﺎك داﺋﻤ ﺎ ﺧﻄ ﺮ ﻳﺘ ﺮﺑﺺ ﺑﺎﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻴﻦ، واﻟ ﺬي‬ ‫ً‬ ‫وﻗ ﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌ ﻞ ﻓ ﻲ ﺷ ﺒﺎآﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼ ﻮن ﺑ ﺎرزون ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﺠ ﺎل اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻋﻨ ﺪﻣﺎ ﻗ ﺎﻣﻮا ﺑﺘﻘﻴ ﻴﻢ ﻇﻬ ﻮر ﻟﻬﺠ ﺔ ﺑﻌﻴﻨﻬ ﺎ ﻋﻠ ﻰ أﻧﻬ ﺎ ﻣﻨﻌﺰﻟ ﺔ‬ ‫وﻣﻨﺤﺮﻓ ﺔ ﻋ ﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻋ ﺪة، ﺛ ﻢ أﺧﻀ ﻌﻮا ﺗﻔﺴ ﻴﺮ ﻧﺸ ﺄﺗﻬﺎ ﻟﻤ ﺆﺛﺮات إﺣ ﺪى‬ ‫"اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ"، ﺑﻴﻨﻤ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘ ﺔ ﻗ ﺪ ﺗﻜ ﻮن ﻧﻔ ﺲ اﻟﺨﺎﺻ ﻴﺔ‬ ‫01‬

‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻨﻄﻘ ﺔ أﺧ ﺮى ﻣ ﻦ ﻣﻨ ﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻣﺘ ﺄﺛﺮة ﺑ ﺪورهﺎ "ﺑﻠﻐ ﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" أﺧ ﺮى ﺗﺨﺘﻠ ﻒ ﺗﻤﺎﻣ ﺎ ﻋ ﻦ اﻷوﻟ ﻰ؛ وهﻨ ﺎ آ ﺎن وﻻﺑ ﺪ وﻷول‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻣ ﺮة أن ﻳﻔ ﺮض ﺗﻔﺴ ﻴﺮ ﺁﺧ ﺮ ﻧﻔﺴ ﻪ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﺴ ﺎﺣﺔ، ذﻟ ﻚ اﻟﺘﻔﺴ ﻴﺮ اﻟ ﺬي‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠ ﻖ ﺑ ﺎﻟﺘﻄﻮر اﻟ ﺬي ﻳﻄ ﺮأ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﺒﻨﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴ ﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ. وﺑﻤ ﺎ أن‬ ‫ﺑ ﺪاﻳﺎت ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺑ ﻴﻦ أﻳ ﺪي اﻟﻘ ﺎرئ ﺗﻤﺘ ﺪ إﻟ ﻰ ﻋ ﺪة ﺳ ﻨﻮات‬ ‫ﻣﻀ ﺖ، ﻓ ﺄﻧﻨﻲ ﻻ اﺳ ﺘﺒﻌﺪ ﺣ ﺎﻻت ﻟ ﻢ أﻧﺘﺒ ﻪ إﻟﻴﻬ ﺎ ﺗﺴ ﻴﺮ ﻓ ﻲ ﺧ ﻂ ﻣﺘ ﻮاز‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺜ ﻞ ه ﺬا اﻟﺨﻠ ﻂ اﻟﻨ ﺎﺟﻢ ﻋ ﻦ ﺣ ﺎﻻت ﻳﺸ ﺘﺒﻪ ﻓ ﻲ أﻧﻬ ﺎ ﺧﺎﺿ ﻌﺔ ﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫"اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" .‬ ‫وﻧ ﺎدرا ﻣ ﺎ ﻳﺘﺴ ﻨﻰ ﻟﻠﺒﺎﺣ ﺚ ﻓ ﻲ ه ﺬا اﻟﻤﺠ ﺎل ﺗﻘ ﺪﻳﻢ ﺷ ﻮاهﺪ وأدﻟ ﺔ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺼ ﺔ ﺗﺒ ﻴﻦ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻏﻴﺮه ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت،‬ ‫واﻟﺴ ﺒﺐ ﻓ ﻲ ه ﺬا ه ﻮ ﻋ ﺪم ﺗ ﻮاﻓﺮ اﻟﺸ ﺮﻃﻴﻦ اﻟﺴ ﺎﺑﻖ ذآﺮهﻤ ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ ﻗﺒ ﻞ‬ ‫ﻓ ﻲ ﺗﺠﻠ ﻲ ووﺿ ﻮح، ﺑ ﻞ داﺋﻤ ﺎ ﻣ ﺎ ﻳﺸ ﻮﺑﻬﻤﺎ ﺑ ﺎﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ أو ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻠﻴ ﻞ ﻇ ﻼل‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻮاﻣ ﻞ اﻟﺴ ﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﻘ ﻒ ﻋﺎﺋﻘ ﺎ أﻣ ﺎم ﺳ ﻼﻣﺔ وﺻ ﺤﺔ اﻟﻨﺘ ﺎﺋﺞ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺤﺜﻴ ﺔ. وﺣﺘ ﻰ ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻷﻣﺜﻠ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺑ ﺪت ﻟﻨ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺒﺪاﻳ ﺔ وآﺄﻧﻬ ﺎ ﺻ ﺮﻳﺤﺔ‬ ‫وواﺿ ﺤﺔ ﺗﻤﺎﻣ ً، ﻓ ﻼ ﻧﻠﺒ ﺚ وﻧﺮاه ﺎ أﺣﻴﺎﻧ ﺎ ﺑﻌ ﺪ دراﺳ ﺔ ﻣﺘﺄﻧﻴ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﻏﺎﻳ ﺔ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴ ﺪ؛ ﻓﻬ ﺬﻩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑ ﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺴ ﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﻬ ﺎ أﺣ ﺪ ﻣﻤ ﻦ ﻋﻜﻔ ﻮا ﻋﻠ ﻰ دراﺳ ﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﻀ ﺎﻳﺎ ﺻ ﻌﺒﺔ اﻟﻤ ﺮاس آﻈ ﺎهﺮة "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" وﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮه ﺎ ﻋﻠ ﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮهﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت.‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" وﻣﻈﺎهﺮ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎ.‬ ‫ﻣﻨ ﺬ ﻣﻄﻠ ﻊ ه ﺬا اﻟﻘ ﺮن ﻳﺒﺤ ﺚ اﻟﻌﻠﻤ ﺎء ﻗﻀ ﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫"آﻠﻐ ﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ﺑﺤﺜ ﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻔﻴﻀ ﺎ. ﻓﻌﻠ ﻰ ﻣﺴ ﺘﻮى اﻟﺼ ﻮﺗﻴﺎت ﻗ ﺪم‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ً‬ ‫‪ BISHAI‬ﻓ ﻲ ﻋ ﺎم 2691 ﺛﻼﺛ ﺔ أﻣﺜﻠ ﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﻠ ﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻮﻗ ﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﻨ ﻮب ﻣﺼ ﺮ )وه ﺬﻩ اﻷﻣﺜﻠ ﺔ ه ﻲ ﻋ ﺪم اﺻ ﻄﺤﺎب اﻷﺻ ﻮات‬ ‫ﺑﺼ ﻮت ه ﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫‪voiceless‬‬ ‫‪stops‬‬ ‫اﻻﻧﻔﺠﺎرﻳ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻬﻤﻮﺳ ﺔ‬ ‫‪j‬‬ ‫‪aspirated‬؛ ﺗﻐ ﻮﻳﺮ ‪ palatization‬اﻟﺼ ﻮت ‪ k‬أي ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻠ ﻪ إﻟ ﻰ ‪ k‬ﻗﺒ ﻞ‬ ‫آ ﻞ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺼ ﻮﺗﻲ ‪ ĕ‬و ‪ĭ‬؛ وﺗﺤ ﻮل ﺻ ﻮت ‪ q‬إﻟ ﻰ ‪ g‬و‪ g‬إﻟ ﻰ ‪،(d‬‬ ‫ه ﺬﻩ اﻷﻣﺜﻠ ﺔ ﻣﻌﺮوﻓ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻋﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ أﺧ ﺮى، وﺑ ﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﺴ ﻘﻂ ﻋﻨﻬ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻈﺎهﺮة "اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ".‬ ‫11‬

‫ﻓﺮﻧﺮ دﻳﻢ‬ ‫وﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻋﻜ ﺲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳ ﺔ ‪ 10،H.BIRKELAND‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨ ﺎ ﻻ ﻧﺠ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺻ ﻠﺔ ﻣ ﺎ ﺑ ﻴﻦ ﺗﻄ ﻮر اﻷﺻ ﻮات اﻷﺳ ﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﺜﻮﻳ ﺔ ‪ interdentals‬إﻟ ﻰ‬ ‫اﻧﻔﺠﺎرﻳ ﺔ وﺑ ﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ "آﻠﻐ ﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ"، ﻷن ه ﺬا اﻟﺘﻄ ﻮر‬ ‫ﻳﻌﺘﺒ ﺮ ﻇ ﺎهﺮة ﻣﺄﻟﻮﻓ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ واﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺛﺒ ﺖ وﺟﻮده ﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻨ ﺎﻃﻖ آﺜﻴ ﺮة وﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔ ﺔ ﻻ ﻋﻼﻗ ﺔ ﻟﻜ ﻞ واﺣ ﺪة ﻣﻨﻬ ﺎ ﺑ ﺎﻷﺧﺮى. أﻣ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻋ ﻦ ﺗﻮزﻳ ﻊ اﻟﺼﻮﺗﻴ ـﻦ‪ ğ‬و ‪ g‬آﺎﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳ ﺎت ﻟﺼ ﻮت الج وﺗﻄﺎﺑﻘﻬﻤ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﻮزﻳ ﻊ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ آ ﻞ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻮﺟ ﻪ اﻟﺒﺤ ﺮي واﻟﺼ ﻌﻴﺪي،‬ ‫ﻓﻬ ﺬﻩ ﻗﻀ ﻴﺔ ﺗﺤﺘ ﺎج إﻟ ﻰ ﺑﺤ ﺚ ﻣﺴ ﺘﻔﻴﺾ. وﻗﺒ ﻞ أن ﻧﺒ ﺖ ﻓ ﻲ ﻗﻀ ﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣ ﺪى ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﺼ ﺮ، ﻓﻌﻠﻴﻨ ﺎ‬ ‫11‬ ‫أوﻻ اﻟﺘﺄآ ﺪ ﻣ ﻦ دﻗ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣ ﺎت اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﻟ ﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻋ ﻦ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺼﺮ اﻟﺬي ﺳﺒﻖ اﺣﺘﻜﺎآﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ.‬ ‫وﻗ ﺪ أﺑ ﺮز ‪ 12 PRÄTORIUS‬ﻇ ﺎهﺮة "آﺜ ﺮة اﻷﺻ ﻮات اﻟﻠﻴﻨ ﺔ‬ ‫" اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﺘﻤﻴ ﺰ ﺑﻬ ﺎ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺎهﺮﻳ ﺔ، وإذا ﻣ ﺎ ﻗﺒﻠﻨ ﺎ ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﻤﻼﺣﻈ ﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻈ ﻞ ﻇ ﺎهﺮة ﺗﻌ ﺪد اﻷﺻ ﻮات اﻟﻠﻴﻨ ﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﺸ ﺮة ﻓ ﻲ ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت أﺧ ﺮى. ه ﺬا‬ ‫ﻣ ﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴ ﺔ، أﻣ ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴ ﺔ أﺧ ﺮى ﻓﻘ ﺪ ﻋ ﺎرض آ ﻞ ﻣ ﻦ ‪LITTMANN‬‬ ‫31 و ‪ 14 GALTIER‬ﻓﻜ ﺮة وﺟ ﻮد ﻋﻼﻗ ﺔ ﺑ ﻴﻦ ﺗﻌ ﺪد اﻷﺻ ﻮات اﻟﻠﻴﻨ ﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴﺔ.‬ ‫أﻣ ﺎ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻣﺴ ﺘﻮى ﺗﺮآﻴ ﺐ اﻟﺠﻤﻠ ﺔ أو اﻟﻨﺤ ﻮ، ﻓﻘ ﺪ ﻗ ﺪﻣﺖ ﺷ ﻮاهﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒ ﺖ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺎهﺮﻳ ﺔ، وذه ﺐ اﻟﺒ ﺎﺣﺜﻮن‬ ‫إﻟ ﻰ إﻇﻬ ﺎر ﺧﻤ ﺲ ﺣ ﺎﻻت ﺗﺘﻤﻴ ﺰ ﺑﻬ ﺎ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺎهﺮﻳ ﺔ واﻋﺘﺒﺮوه ﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬ ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ ﻧﺘ ﺎﺋﺞ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ"،51 وﻟﻜ ﻦ ﺛﺒ ﺖ ﺑﻌ ﺪ ذﻟ ﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻄ ﺎﺑﻖ اﺛﻨﺘ ﻴﻦ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺤ ﺎﻻت اﻟﺨﻤ ﺲ وهﻤ ﺎ ﺻ ﻴﻐﺔ ﻣ ﺎ ِﻜﺘ ﺐ و أه ﻮ‬ ‫ﺗ ِ‬ ‫01‬ ‫.‪H. BIRKELAND.: Growth and Structure of the Egyptian Arabic Dialect‬‬ ‫.45 .‪Oslo 1952, S‬‬ ‫11‬ ‫.265 .‪CH. A. FERGUSON in :Language 30 (1954), S‬‬ ‫21‬ ‫.641 .‪F. PRÄTORIUS: Koptische Spuren, S‬‬ ‫31‬ ‫.186 .‪E. LITTMANN: Kotischer Einfluß, S‬‬ ‫41‬ ‫.‪M. E. GALTIER: De l'influence du copte, S. 212f‬‬ ‫51‬ ‫.‪L. STERN in ZÄS 23 (1885), S. 119 Fn 1; F. PRÄTORIUS (1901); E‬‬ ‫.)2691( ‪LITTMANN (1902); BISHAI‬‬ ‫21‬

‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺳ ِﻊ ﺑﻤﺜﻴﻠﺘﻬﻤ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت أﺧ ﺮى ﻏﻴ ﺮ ﻣﺼ ﺮﻳﺔ وﺑ ﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺴ ﻘﻂ‬ ‫ِ ﻤ‬ ‫61‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻬﻤﺎ أي ﺻﻠﺔ "ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" وﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮهﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ.‬ ‫وآ ﺎن 71‪ LITTMANN‬أول ﻣ ﻦ أﺷ ﺎر إﻟ ﻰ ﺣ ﺎﻟﺘﻴﻦ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟ ﺜﻼث‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺘﺒﻘﻴ ﺔ واﻟﻤﺸ ﺘﺒﻪ ﻓ ﻲ ﺻ ﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻈ ﺎهﺮة "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" وﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮه ﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ ﻴﻬﻢ، ﺣﻴ ﺚ أﺛﺒﺘ ﺖ اﻷﺑﺤ ﺎث وﺟﻮدهﻤ ﺎ ﻟ ﻴﺲ ﻓﻘ ﻂ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺎهﺮﻳ ﺔ‬ ‫ﺑ ﻞ أﻳﻀ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻣﺼ ﺮﻳﺔ أﺧ ﺮى )ه ﺬا ﻋ ﻦ ‪ .(WOIDICH‬وﺗﻤﺜ ﻞ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠ ﺔ داﻧ ﺎ اﻟﻤﻠ ﻚ، إﺣ ﺪى ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﺤ ﺎﻻت اﻟ ﺜﻼث اﻟﻤﺘﺒﻘﻴ ﺔ، إﺷ ﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫ﻧ ﻮع ﺧ ﺎص ﺑﺴ ﺒﺐ اﺳ ﻢ اﻹﺷ ﺎرة ﻓ ﻲ ﺻ ﺪارة اﻟﺠﻤﻠ ﺔ؛ وﺑﻤ ﺎ أﻧ ﻪ ﻟ ﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺜﺒ ﺖ ﻣ ﺎ ﻳﻤﺎﺛ ﻞ ه ﺬا اﻟﺒﻨ ﺎء ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻷﺧ ﺮى، ﻓﺎﻋﺘﺒﺮه ﺎ‬ ‫‪ LITTMANN‬ﺣﻴﻨﺌ ﺬ إﺣ ﺪى ﻧﺘ ﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ "آﻠﻐ ﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ".‬ ‫وﻟﻜ ﻦ هﻨ ﺎك ﻣ ﺎ ﻳﻤﺎﺛ ﻞ ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﺠﻤﻠ ﺔ ﺑﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟ ـ ‪ Djidjelli‬اﻟﺠﺰاﺋﺮﻳ ﺔ‬ ‫وﺿ ﻮاﺣﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﻘ ﺪ اﻋﺘﺒ ﺮ ‪ 18 MARÇAIS‬ه ﺬا اﻟﻤﺜ ﺎل إﺣ ﺪى ﻧﺘ ﺎﺋﺞ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﺒﺮﺑ ﺮ "آﻠﻐ ﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" إذ ُﺴ ﺘﺨﺪم اﺳ ﻢ اﻹﺷ ﺎرة أﻳﻀ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫َ َْ‬ ‫أﻧﻤ ﺎط أﺧ ﺮى ﺗﻜ ﺎد ﺗﻜ ﻮن ﻣﻤﺎﺛﻠ ﺔ ﺗﻨﺘﻤ ﻲ إﻟ ﻰ إﺣ ﺪى ﻓﺼ ﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﻬﺠ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺮﺑ ﺮ اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌ ﺔ ﻟ ـ ‪) Kabylei‬اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻴﻠﻴ ﺔ(. وﻟ ﺬا ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜ ﻦ اﻟﺠ ﺰم‬ ‫َ َْ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺄن ﻟﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﺒﺮﺑ ﺮ "آﻠﻐ ﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ﻗ ﺪ أﺳ ﻔﺮت ﻋ ﻦ ﻧﺘ ﺎﺋﺞ ﻣﺘﺸ ﺎﺑﻬﺔ‬ ‫َ َْ‬ ‫آﺘﻠ ﻚ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﻨﺴ ﺐ إﻟ ﻰ ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻻ ﺗﺨﻀ ﻊ ﻟﻈ ﺎهﺮة "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ"؛‬ ‫وﻓ ﻲ ﻣﺜ ﻞ ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﺤﺎﻟ ﺔ ﻟ ﻴﺲ هﻨ ﺎك ﺣﺎﺟ ﺔ ﻣﻠﺤ ﺔ ﻟﻼﻋﺘﻘ ﺎد ﻓ ﻲ ﻋﻮاﻣ ﻞ‬ ‫ﻣ ﺆﺛﺮة "ﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ". وﻳﺘﻀ ﺎءل ﻣﺜ ﻞ ه ﺬا اﻻﻋﺘﻘ ﺎد أآﺜ ﺮ ﻓ ﺄآﺜﺮ إذا‬ ‫ﻣ ﺎ اﻟﺘﻔﺘﻨ ﺎ إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟ ﺪ ﺑﻬ ﺎ ﻣ ﺎ ﻳﺸ ﺒﻪ‬ ‫ه ﺬا اﻟﺘﺮآﻴ ﺐ اﻟﻨﺤ ﻮي ﻓﺤﺴ ﺐ، ﺑ ﻞ وأﻳﻀ ﺎ ﻣ ﺎ ﻳﻀ ﺎهﻴﻬﺎ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺒﻨﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻟﺼ ﺮﻓﻴﺔ. وﻣ ﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴ ﺔ أﺧ ﺮى ﻳ ﺮى 91 ‪ FISCHER‬أن هﻨ ﺎك ﻋﻮاﻣ ﻞ‬ ‫ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ وﺗ ﺄﺛﺮ ﺑ ﻴﻦ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ وﻟﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﺒﺮﺑ ﺮ؛ إذ أن آﺜﻴ ﺮا ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت‬ ‫ً‬ ‫َ َْ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺮ َﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺪل ﻋﻠﻰ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻧﺤﻮي وﻇﻴﻔﻲ ﻣﻤﺎﺛﻞ ﻟﻠﺤﺮف ذا.‬ ‫َ ْﺑ‬ ‫61‬ ‫.)9691( ‪H. PALVAS‬‬ ‫71‬ ‫‪E.LITTMANN: Kotischer Einfluß, S. 682f.; C. BROCKELMANN: GvG I‬‬ ‫.632 .‪S.26; id.: Das Arabische und seine Mundarten, S‬‬ ‫81‬ ‫.1.‪PH. MARÇAIS: Djidjelli S. 611, S.462-465, bes. 465 Fn‬‬ ‫91‬ ‫.‪W. FISCHER: Demonstrative Bildungen, S. 182f‬‬ ‫31‬

‫ﻓﺮﻧﺮ دﻳﻢ‬ ‫وﻳﺴ ﻮق ﻟﻨ ﺎ ‪ LITTMANN‬ﻣﺜ ﺎﻻ ﻟﻠﺤﺎﻟ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﻧﺠ ﺪ ﻓﻴﻬ ﺎ اﻟﺼ ﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴ ﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻟﺘ ﺪل ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺻ ﻴﻐﺔ أﻓﻀ ﻞ )أوﺻ ﻴﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻘﺎرﻧ ﺔ( ﻣﺜ ﺎل ه ﻮ‬ ‫ﱠ‬ ‫آﺒﻴ ﺮ ﻋﻨ ﻰ، وه ﺬا اﻟﺘﺮآﻴ ﺐ ﻳﺠ ﺪ ﻣ ﺎ ﻳﺸ ﺒﻬﻪ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ. ﻳ ﺮﻓﺾ‬ ‫َّ‬ ‫02 ‪ GALTIER‬ه ﺬا اﻟﻤﺜ ﺎل آﻤ ﺎ ﻳ ﺮﻓﺾ أﻳﻀ ﺎ ﺻ ﻴﻐﺔ داﻧ ﺎ اﻟﻤﻠ ﻚ ﻋﻠ ﻰ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫أﻧﻬﻤ ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ ﻧﺘ ﺎﺋﺞ ﻇ ﺎهﺮة "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ"، اﻷﻣ ﺮ اﻟ ﺬي اﻋﺘﺒ ﺮﻩ ﻏﻴ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻨﻊ.‬ ‫وﺗﻌ ﺪ اﻟﺤﺎﻟ ﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜ ﺔ اﻟﻤﺸ ﺘﺒﻪ ﻓﻴﻬ ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ أآﺜ ﺮ اﻟﺤ ﺎﻻت اﻟﺠ ﺪﻳﺮة‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟ ﺬآﺮ واﻟﺘ ﻲ آ ﺎن ‪ PRÄTORIUS‬أول ﻣ ﻦ دﻟﻨ ﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬ ﺎ، ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﺤﺎﻟ ﺔ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﺨ ﺘﺺ ﺑﻮﺿ ﻊ أداة اﻻﺳ ﺘﻔﻬﺎم ﻓ ﻲ ﺁﺧ ﺮ اﻟﺠﻤﻠ ﺔ آﻤ ﺎ ﺗﻮﺿ ﺢ‬ ‫اﻷﻣﺜﻠ ﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴ ﺔ: ﺁل إﻳ ﻪ؟، رﺣ ﺖ ﻓ ﻴﻦ؟، ﺷ ﻔﺖ ﻣ ﻴﻦ؟ وهﻠﻤ ﺎ ﺟ ﺮا.‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫وﺗﺒ ﻴﻦ ه ﺬﻩ اﻷﻣﺜﻠ ﺔ ﺑﻌ ﺪهﺎ اﻟﺘﺮآﻴ ﺐ اﻟﻤﻌﻴ ﺎري ﻟﻠﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ، وﻟﻜﻨﻬ ﺎ ﺗ ﺄﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘ ﺔ ﻻﺳ ﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﻤﺎﺛ ﻞ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ. ورأي 12‪ MUNZEL‬ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫ذﻟ ﻚ ه ﻮ أن اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺎهﺮﻳ ﺔ ﺗﻌ ﺮف أﻳﻀ ﺎ اﺳ ﺘﺨﺪام أدوات اﻻﺳ ﺘﻔﻬﺎم‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻓ ﻲ ﺻ ﺪارة اﻟﺠﻤﻠ ﺔ، ه ﺬا ه ﻮ اﻟﻮاﺿ ﺢ أﻳﻀ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻔﺼ ﺤﻰ‬ ‫وأﻣ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت أﺧ ﺮى ﻓﺘ ﺄﺗﻲ أدوات اﻻﺳ ﺘﻔﻬﺎم أﺣﻴﺎﻧ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳ ﺔ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻤﻠ ﺔ، ﻓ ﺈذا آ ﺎن ﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣ ﺎ ﻓﻬ ﻮ ﻳﻜﻤ ﻦ أﺳﺎﺳ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﺳ ﺘﺨﺪام إﺣ ﺪى اﻟﺼ ﻴﻐﺘﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﻮﺟ ﻮدﺗﻴﻦ أو أﺣ ﺪ اﻟﺘ ﺮآﻴﺒﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺘ ﺎﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ اﻵﺧﺮ.‬ ‫ً‬ ‫22‪ABUL-FADL‬‬ ‫وﻓﻴﻤ ﺎ ﻳﺨ ﺺ ﻟﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟ ﺪﻟﺘﺎ، ﻓﻘ ﺪ اﺳ ﺘﻄﺎع‬ ‫إﺛﺒ ﺎت "ﻣﺤﺪودﻳ ﺔ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ" اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﺘﻤﺜ ﻞ ﻓﻘ ﻂ ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺷ ﺬرات ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻜﻠﻤ ﺎت اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ. وﻳ ﺪل ﻗ ﻮل 32 ‪ " SPITTA-BEY‬ﻟ ﻢ‬ ‫أﻋﺜ ﺮ ﻋﻠ ﻰ دﻟﻴ ﻞ واﺣ ﺪ ﺑ ﺄن اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﺼ ﺮﻳﺔ ﻗ ﺪ ﺗ ﺄﺛﺮت ﺑ ﺄي ﺷ ﻜﻞ ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫02‬ ‫.412 ,512 .‪M. E. GALTIER: De l'influence du copte, S‬‬ ‫12‬ ‫‪K. MUNZEL: "Zur Wortstellung der Ergänzungsfrage im Arabishen" In‬‬ ‫.675 .‪ZDMG 100 (1950), S. 566-576, bes‬‬ ‫22‬ ‫‪F. ABUL-FADL: Volkstümliche Texte in arabischen Bauerndialekten der‬‬ ‫‪ägyptischen Provinz Šarqiyya mit dialektgeographischen Untersuchungen‬‬ ‫.5 .‪zur Lautlehre. Diss. Münster 1961, S‬‬ ‫32‬ ‫‪W. SPITTA-BEY: Grammatik des arabischen Vulgärdialectes von‬‬ ‫.‪Aegypten. Leipzig 1880, S. X‬‬ ‫41‬

‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﺷ ﻜﺎل ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ"، ﻋﻠ ﻰ أن اﻟﻨﺘ ﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﻤﺨﻀ ﺖ ﻋﻨﻬ ﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸ ﺔ ﻓﻴﻤ ﺎ ﺳ ﺒﻖ، ﺗﺜﺒ ﺖ ﻟﺤ ﺪ آﺒﻴ ﺮ ﺻ ﺤﺔ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴ ﺔ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ"‬ ‫اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﺘﺒﻠ ﻮر ﻓ ﻲ ﺟﻤﻠ ﺔ ه ﻮ آﺒﻴ ﺮ ﻋﻨ ﻰ، ﺑﻴﻨﻤ ﺎ رﺑﻤ ﺎ ﻳﺘﺠﻠ ﻰ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﱠ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺎهﺮﻳ ﺔ ﺑﺼ ﻮرة واﺿ ﺤﺔ ﻣ ﻦ ﺧ ﻼل‬ ‫ﺻﻴﻐﺔ ﺁل إﻳﻪ.‬ ‫وﺟ ﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟ ﺬآﺮ أن ‪ 24 SARBATOV‬ﻗ ﺪ أﺗ ﻰ ﻟﻨ ﺎ ﺑﻨﺘ ﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻜﺴ ﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣ ﺎ ﻟﻤ ﺎ ﺳ ﺒﻖ ﻋﺮﺿ ﻪ ﻋﻨ ﺪﻣﺎ أﺟ ﺮى دراﺳ ﺔ ﺣ ﻮل ﻗ ﺎﻣﻮس ﻋ ﻦ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺎهﺮﻳ ﺔ آ ﺎن ﻗ ﺪ ﻧﺸ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻘ ﺮن اﻟﺴ ﺎدس ﻋﺸ ﺮ، ﺣﻴ ﺚ أﺛﺒ ﺖ‬ ‫أن:‬ ‫‪"ce dialecte se conciliait toujours avec les règles de‬‬ ‫‪la langue copte, qui, quoique en voie d'extinction, avait‬‬ ‫."‪conservé certaines de ses expressions‬‬ ‫"إن ﻟﻬﺠ ﺔ أه ﻞ ﻣﺼ ﺮ آﺎﻧ ﺖ ﺗﺘﻔ ﻖ داﺋﻤ ﺎ ﻣ ﻊ ﻗﻮاﻋ ﺪ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫رﻏ ﻢ أن ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ آﺎﻧ ﺖ ﻓ ﻲ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻬ ﺎ إﻟ ﻰ اﻻﻧ ﺪﺛﺎر إﻻ أﻧﻬ ﺎ آﺎﻧ ﺖ ﻻ ﺗ ﺰال‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺘﻔﻆ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮاﺗﻬﺎ".‬ ‫وآ ﻢ ﺳ ﺘﻜﻮن اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸ ﺔ أآﺜ ﺮ إﺛ ﺎرة إذا ﻣ ﺎ ﻧﺸ ﺮ اﻟﻌﻤ ﻞ اﻟ ﺬي‬ ‫اﻗﺘﺒﺴ ﺖ ﻣﻨ ﻪ ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﺴ ﻄﻮر أو إذا ﻣ ﺎ أﻓﺎدﻧ ﺎ ‪ SARBATOV‬ﺑﻤﻠﺨ ﺺ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎت ﺣﻮل هﺬا اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮع.‬ ‫وإذا ﻣ ﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﻨ ﺎ ﻧﺘ ﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸ ﺔ ﺣ ﻮل ﻇ ﺎهﺮة ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ﻓﺘﻜ ﻮن اﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠ ﺔ أن ﻓ ﻲ آﺜﻴ ﺮ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺤ ﺎﻻت ﻗ ﺪ ﻓﺴ ﺮت‬ ‫ﻇ ﻮاهﺮ ﻋﺪﻳ ﺪة ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﺑﺘ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ دون وﺟ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺣ ﻖ. ﻓﺎﻟﺤ ﺎﻻت اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺛﺒ ﺖ ﻓﻴﻬ ﺎ إﻟ ﻰ ﺣ ﺪ ﻣ ﺎ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴ ﺔ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ"اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ﻗ ﺪ اﻗﺘﺼ ﺮت ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ آ ﺎن ﻳﺘﺤ ﺪث أهﻠﻬ ﺎ ﻓﻴﻤ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻖ ﺑﺎﻵراﻣﻴﺔ.‬ ‫42‬ ‫‪G. SARBATOV: "Le dialecte Cairote au XVIe siècle, selon un manuscrit‬‬ ‫‪unique de Yuusuf al-Maghribii." In: Colloque international sur l'histoire du‬‬ ‫.924 .‪Caire, 27 mars-5 avril 1969, o.O., o.J., S‬‬ ‫51‬

‫ﻓﺮﻧﺮ دﻳﻢ‬ ‫وﺣﻴﻨﻤ ﺎ ﻧﺘﺨ ﺬ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺤ ﺎﻻت اﻟﺴ ﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻣﻌﻴ ﺎرا ﻟﻠﺘﻔ ﺎوت ﺑ ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺨﻀ ﻊ إﻟ ﻰ ﻇ ﺎهﺮة ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ"، ﻓﺈﻧﻨ ﺎ ﻧﺼ ﻞ إﻟ ﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠ ﺔ ﻓﺤﻮاه ﺎ ه ﻮ أن اﻻﺧ ﺘﻼف اﻟﻘ ﺎﺋﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻴ ﻮم ﺑ ﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻳﺮﺟ ﻊ ﺑﻘ ﺪر ﺿ ﺌﻴﻞ إﻟ ﻰ ﺗﺄ ّﺮه ﺎ ﺑﻈ ﺎهﺮة‬ ‫ﺛ‬ ‫"اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ". وﻻﺑ ﺪ أن ﻳﻨﺴ ﺐ ه ﺬا اﻻﺧ ﺘﻼف ﺑﺼ ﻔﺔ ﺧﺎﺻ ﺔ إﻟ ﻰ‬ ‫اﺗﺴ ﺎع رﻗﻌ ﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ، اﻷﻣ ﺮ اﻟ ﺬي ﻳﻔﺴ ﺮ ه ﺬا‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺒ ﺎﻳﻦ، ﻓﻀ ﻼ ﻋ ﻦ اﻻﺧ ﺘﻼف ﺑ ﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤ ﺔ. وﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫رأي 52‪ Cohen‬ﺗﻌ ﺪ وﺟﻬ ﺔ اﻟﻨﻈ ﺮ اﻟﺨﺎﺻ ﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻗﻌ ﺔ اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻴ ﺔ ﻋ ﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺳﻤﺎ.‬ ‫ً‬ ‫وإذا آﺎﻧ ﺖ اﻟﺸ ﻮاهﺪ واﻟ ﺪﻻﺋﻞ ﺗﺴ ﻤﺢ ﺑﺘﺘﺒ ﻊ اﻻﻧ ﺪﺛﺎر اﻟﺘ ﺪرﻳﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺘ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ"، ﻓﺈﻧ ﻪ ﻳ ﻨﺠﻢ ﻋ ﻦ ذﻟ ﻚ ﺗﺒﻌ ﺎت ﻣﻨﻬﺠﻴ ﺔ هﺎﻣ ﺔ.‬ ‫ﻓ ﺈذا ﻣ ﺎ ﺛﺒ ﺖ ﻣ ﻦ ﺣﻴ ﺚ اﻟﻤﺒ ﺪأ ﺗﻼﺷ ﻲ واﺧﺘﻔ ﺎء اﻟﻌﺪﻳ ﺪ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻈ ﻮاهﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﺣﺴ ﺐ ﺗﺄﺛﺮه ﺎ "ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ﺷ ﻴﺌﺎ ﻓﺸ ﻴﺌً، ﻓ ﻼ ﻳﻤﻜﻨﻨ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺎ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﺳ ﺘﺒﻌﺎد اﻟ ﺮأي اﻟ ﺬي ﻳﺆﻳ ﺪ ﺑﺼ ﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣ ﺔ ﻓﻜ ﺮة اﻧﺘﺸ ﺎرهﺎ أﺑ ﺎن اﻟﻌﺼ ﻮر‬ ‫اﻟﻮﺳ ﻄﻰ ﺑﻘ ﺪر أآﺒ ﺮ ﻣﻤ ﺎ ه ﻮ ﻋﻠﻴ ﻪ اﻟﺤ ﺎل اﻟﻴ ﻮم، وﺑﺄﻧﻬ ﺎ ﻟ ﻢ ﺗﺨﺘ ﻒ ﻓﻴﻤ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌ ﺪ إﻻ ﻋ ﻦ ﻃﺮﻳ ﻖ اﻻﺣﺘﻜ ﺎك ﺑ ﺄﻓﻮاج ﺟﺪﻳ ﺪة ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻤﻬ ﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻤ ﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺤ ﺪﺛﻮن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ، ﺣﺘ ﻰ أﻧ ﻪ ﻳﺒ ﺪو ﻟﻨ ﺎ اﻟﻴ ﻮم وآ ﺄن ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﻈ ﻮاهﺮ ﻟ ﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻜ ﻦ ﻟﻬ ﺎ وﺟ ﻮد ﻓ ﻲ ﻳ ﻮم ﻣ ﺎ. واﻟ ﺮأي اﻟﻘﺎﺋ ﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﻧ ﺪﺛﺎر اﻟﺘ ﺪرﻳﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻈ ﻮاهﺮ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜ ﻦ إﺛﺒﺎﺗ ﻪ إﻻ ﻓ ﻲ ﺣ ﺎﻻت ﻧ ﺎدرة، وﻟﻜ ﻦ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜ ﻦ إﻏﻔ ﺎل ه ﺬا اﻻﺣﺘﻤ ﺎل. وﻳﻜﺘﺴ ﺐ ه ﺬا اﻟ ﺮأي اﻟﻮﺳ ﻂ أهﻤﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴ ﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ وﺟ ﻪ اﻟﺨﺼ ﻮص، ﺣﻴ ﺚ إن ﻣﻮﺟ ﺔ ﻧ ﺰوح‬ ‫62‬ ‫اﻟﺸ ﻌﻮب ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻌﺼ ﻮر اﻟﻮﺳ ﻄﻰ ﻗ ﺪ أدت ﺑﺼ ﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣ ﺔ إﻟ ﻰ ﺗﻘﻠ ﻴﺺ‬ ‫اﻟﻔ ﺮوق ﺑ ﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ وﺑﻤ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ ذﻟ ﻚ أﻳﻀ ﺎ ﻣﻈ ﺎهﺮ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫"اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ". ورﺑﻤ ﺎ أﻧ ﻪ ﻟ ﻴﺲ ﻣ ﻦ ﻣﺤ ﺾ اﻟﺼ ﺪف أن ﺗﻠ ﻚ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﺘ ﻲ اﺣﺘﻔﻈ ﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻘ ﺪر اﻷآﺒ ﺮ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻔ ﺮوق اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﻨﺴ ﺐ إﻟ ﻰ‬ ‫"اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ه ﻲ ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﻇﻬ ﺮت ﻓ ﻲ آﻨ ﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻀ ﺎرات ﺑﻤﻨ ﺄى ﻋ ﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﺒ ﺎت وﻣﺘﻐﻴ ﺮات اﻟﺰﻣ ﺎن - ﻣﺜ ﻞ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت‬ ‫52‬ ‫.421 .‪D. COHEN: Études, S‬‬ ‫62‬ ‫.‪W. DIEM: Divergenz und Konvergenz, S. 134ff‬‬ ‫61‬

‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺒﻠﻴ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﺷ ﺒﻪ اﻟﺠﺰﻳ ﺮة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ وﻓ ﻲ ﺷ ﻤﺎل ﻟﺒﻨ ﺎن وﻓ ﻲ ﺷ ﻤﺎل‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻐﺮب وﺑﺎﻟﺠﺰاﺋﺮ.‬ ‫وهﻨ ﺎك ﺗﺴ ﺎؤل ﺁﺧ ﺮ ﻳﻄ ﺮح ﻧﻔﺴ ﻪ ﻓ ﻲ ه ﺬا اﻟﺴ ﻴﺎق وه ﻮ ه ﻞ‬ ‫ﺳ ﺎدت ﺟﻤﻴ ﻊ اﻷراﺿ ﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﺿ ﺖ ﻟﻠﻔ ﺘﺢ وﻓ ﻲ آ ﻞ زﻣ ﺎن‬ ‫ﻧﻔ ﺲ اﻟﻤﻌﻄﻴ ﺎت اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﺴ ﻤﺢ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪﻳ ﺪ ﻣ ﻦ ﻇ ﻮاهﺮ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ"؟ وه ﻞ ﺳ ﻠﻜﺖ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺘﻬ ﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴ ﺒﺔ ﻟﻬ ﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻌ ﺎ ﻧﻔ ﺲ اﻻﺗﺠ ﺎﻩ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫وﻓ ﻲ ﺧ ﻂ ﻣﺘ ﻮاز؟ ﻓﻤﻔﻬ ﻮم ﻣﺼ ﻄﻠﺢ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ه ﻮ ﻣﻔﻬ ﻮم‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫وﺻ ﻔﻲ ﻓﻘ ﻂ وﻻ ﻳﻔﺴ ﺮ إﻻ ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﻈ ﺎهﺮة اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﺸ ﻴﺮ إﻟ ﻰ إﺣ ﺪى‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻷﺻ ﻠﻴﺔ )أ( اﻟﺘ ﻲ اﺳ ﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﻘﺎؤه ﺎ ﺑﺼ ﻮرة أو ﺑ ﺄﺧﺮى ﺑﻌ ﺪ‬ ‫اﻧ ﺪﺛﺎرهﺎ ﻓ ﻲ إﻃ ﺎر اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ )ب( اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺣﻠ ﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻬ ﺎ. وﻻ ﻳﻔﺼ ﺢ ه ﺬا‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺼ ﻄﻠﺢ ﺑ ﺄي ﺷ ﻜﻞ ﻣ ﻦ اﻷﺷ ﻜﺎل ﻋ ﻦ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗ ﻢ ﺑﻬ ﺎ ﺗﺒﻨ ﻲ‬ ‫ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﻈ ﺎهﺮة اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ)ب(. وﻳﺴ ﺒﻖ اﻧ ﺪﺛﺎر إﺣ ﺪى اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠ ﺔ ﻧﺸ ﻮء "ﻟﻐ ﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻴ ﺔ" ‪ interlanguage‬آﻤ ﺎ أﺷ ﺎر إﻟﻴﻬ ﺎ‬ ‫‪ 27 EDZARD‬ﻣﺘﺨ ﺬا ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻌﻼﻗ ﺔ ﺑ ﻴﻦ اﻷآﺎدﻳ ﺔ واﻟﺴ ﻮﻣﺎرﻳﺔ ﻣﺜ ﺎﻻ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻋﻠ ﻰ ذﻟ ﻚ. وﻓ ﻲ ﻣﻮﻗ ﻒ ﺁﺧ ﺮ ﻧ ﺮى أن أﺣ ﺪ اﻟﺸ ﻌﻮب اﻷﺻ ﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺛ ﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ )أ( ﺗﺘﻠﻘ ﻰ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ )ب( اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﻐﻠﻐﻠ ﺖ ﻓ ﻲ ﺣﻀ ﺎرﺗﻬﺎ‬ ‫إﺛ ﺮ ﻧ ﺰوح ﺳ ﻜﺎﻧﻲ إﻟﻴﻬ ﺎ، وأﻧ ﻪ ﻳ ﺘﻤﺨﺾ ﺣﻴﻨﺌ ﺬ ﻋ ﻦ ﺣﺎﻟ ﺔ ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺴ ﻠﻞ ﺑﻌ ﺾ ﺧﺼ ﺎﺋﺺ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ )أ( )= ﻟﻐ ﺔ اﻟﺴ ﻜﺎن اﻷﺻ ﻠﻴﻴﻦ( إﻟ ﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ )ب(. وهﻨ ﺎ ﻳﻄ ﺮح ﺳ ﺆال ﻧﻔﺴ ﻪ: ه ﻞ ﺗﻨ ﺪﻣﺞ ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﺘ ﺪاﺧﻼت‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ‪ ، interferences‬اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﻨﺸ ﺄ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺒﺪاﻳ ﺔ ﺑﺸ ﻜﻞ ﻋﻔ ﻮي، ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈ ﺎم اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ )ب( ﺑﺼ ﻮرة ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻴ ﺔ. وهﻨ ﺎك اﺣﺘﻤ ﺎﻻت أﺧ ﺮى ﺗﺘﻌﻠ ﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻈﻬ ﻮر اﻟﻈ ﻮاهﺮ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﻣ ﻦ ﺟ ﺮاء ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ"، وهﻨ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻳ ﺪﺧﻞ ﻓ ﻲ اﻻﻋﺘﺒ ﺎر ﻋﻨﺼ ﺮ اﻟﻌﻼﻗ ﺔ ﻣ ﺎ ﺑ ﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺘ ﻴﻦ )أ( و)ب(‬ ‫وأهﻤﻴﺘﻬﻤﺎ اﻟﻤﺘﺒﺎدﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ اﻟﻤﻘﺎم واﻟﻬﻴﺒﺔ ‪.prestige‬‬ ‫ﺗ ﺪﻟﻨﺎ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﻘ ﻊ ﻋﻠ ﻰ أﻃ ﺮاف اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ وﻧﺸ ﻴﺮ إﻟﻴﻬ ﺎ هﻨ ﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻨﺎﺋﻴ ﺔ أو اﻟﻤﺘﻄﺮﻓ ﺔ82 ﻋﻠ ﻰ أهﻤﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫72‬ ‫.‪D. O. EDZARD: ZDMG, Supplement III, 1 (1977), S. 49f‬‬ ‫82‬ ‫.‪W. DIEM: Divergenz und Konvergenz, S. 133f‬‬ ‫71‬

‫ﻓﺮﻧﺮ دﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺼ ﺮ اﻟﻬﻴﺒ ﺔ واﻟﻤﻘ ﺎم اﻟﻨﺴ ﺒﻲ ﻋﻨ ﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴ ﺔ إدﻣ ﺎج ﺑﻌ ﺾ اﻟﻈ ﻮاهﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﻣ ﻦ ﺟ ﺮاء اﺣﺘﻜ ﺎك اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت ﺑﻌﻀ ﻬﺎ ﺑ ﺒﻌﺾ، وﺗﻌ ﺪ ﻇ ﺎهﺮة‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ أﺣﺪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ هﺬا اﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎك.‬ ‫وإن آﺎﻧ ﺖ ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﻄﺮﻓ ﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﻴ ﺰ ﺑﺴ ﻤﺎت اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺤﻴﻄ ﺔ ﺑﻬ ﺎ، ﻓ ﺈن ذﻟ ﻚ وﺑ ﻼ ﺷ ﻚ ﻳﻜﻤ ﻦ ﻓ ﻲ أﻧﻬ ﺎ اﺳ ﺘﻐﻨﺖ ﻋ ﻦ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻋﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ أﺧ ﺮى آﺎﻧ ﺖ آﻔﻴﻠ ﺔ ﺑﺘﺼ ﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺴ ﺎرهﺎ، ﺣﺘ ﻰ أن‬ ‫اﻟﻈ ﻮاهﺮ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﺟﻤ ﺔ ﻋ ﻦ اﻻﺣﺘﻜ ﺎك ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻴﻄ ﺔ وآ ﺬﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻄ ﻮرات ﻟﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﻓﺮدﻳ ﺔ أﺧ ﺮى ﻗ ﺪ أﺧ ﺬت ﺗﺒﺎﻋ ﺎ وﺑﻤ ﺮور اﻟﻮﻗ ﺖ ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻟﺘ ﺮاآﻢ ﻓ ﻲ اﺗﺠ ﺎﻩ واﺣ ﺪ وﺑﺼ ﻮرة ﻏﻴ ﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻠ ﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴﻴ ﺮ. وﻟﻜ ﻦ هﻨ ﺎك‬ ‫ﻋﻮاﻣ ﻞ ﺳ ﺎﻋﺪت ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻇﻬ ﻮر واﻧ ﺪﻣﺎج ﺳ ﻤﺎت ﻟﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﻧﺎﺟﻤ ﺔ ﻋ ﻦ‬ ‫اﻻﺣﺘﻜ ﺎك ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻴﻄ ﺔ )ﻏﻴ ﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ( ، وﺗﺮﺟ ﻊ ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﻌﻮاﻣ ﻞ‬ ‫إﻟ ﻰ أن ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻟ ﻢ ﺗﺘﻤﻴ ﺰ ﻓ ﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬ ﺎ ﻣ ﻊ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺤﻴﻄ ﺔ ﺑﻬ ﺎ ﺑﻬﻴﺒ ﺔ ﻳﻌ ّل اﻟﻤ ﺮء ﻋﻠﻴﻬ ﺎ أهﻤﻴ ﺔ؛ وﻧﺸ ﻴﺮ ﻓ ﻲ ذﻟ ﻚ إﻟ ﻰ‬ ‫ﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤ ﻮذج اﻟﻨ ﺎﻃﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﺑ ﺒﻼد اﻷﻧﺎﺿ ﻮل واﻟ ﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﺤﻮﻟ ﻮن‬ ‫ﺗ ﺪرﻳﺠﻴﺎ إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﻨﻄ ﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﺘﺮآﻴ ﺔ وه ﻲ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﺮﺳ ﻤﻴﺔ.92 وﻟﻬ ﺬا‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻟﺴ ﺒﺐ ﻟ ﻢ ﻳﻜ ﻦ هﻨ ﺎك أي ﻋﻮاﺋ ﻖ ﺳ ﻴﻜﻠﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﺘ ﺮض ﻋﻤﻠﻴ ﺔ دﻣ ﺞ‬ ‫اﻟﻈ ﻮاهﺮ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﺟﻤ ﺔ ﻋ ﻦ اﻻﺣﺘﻜ ﺎك ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻴﻄ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﺗﻠ ﻚ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮدة ﺑﺄﻃﺮاف ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻬﺎ ﺑﺼﻮرة ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ.‬ ‫وﻳﺨﺘﻠ ﻒ اﻟﻮﺿ ﻊ أﺑ ﺎن اﻟﻌﺼ ﻮر اﻟﻮﺳ ﻄﻰ داﺧ ﻞ اﻷراﺿ ﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ، ﻓﻌﻠ ﻰ ﻋﻜ ﺲ ﻣ ﺎ ﺳ ﺒﻖ ﻓ ﻲ ه ﺬا اﻟﻮﻗ ﺖ، آ ﺎن ﻳﺘﻌ ﻴﻦ ﻋﻠ ﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﻨ ﺎﻃﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ آﻠﻐ ﺘﻬﻢ اﻷﺻ ﻠﻴﺔ أن ﻳﻬﺒ ﻮا ﻟﻠ ﺪﻓﺎع ﻋ ﻦ ه ﻮﻳﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﺿ ﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴ ﺔ دﻣ ﺞ اﻟﺘ ﺪاﺧﻞ اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮي إزاء اﻟﺸ ﻌﻮب اﻟﻤﻨﺤ ﺪرة‬ ‫ﻣ ﻦ أﺻ ﻞ ﻏﻴ ﺮ ﻋﺮﺑ ﻲ واﻟﺘﺼ ﺪي ﻷي ﻇ ﻮاهﺮ ﻟﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ ﻧﺸ ﺄت ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫ﺟ ﺮاء ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ"، إذ أﻧﻬ ﻢ آ ﺎﻧﻮا ﻳﺸ ﻌﺮون ﺑﺘﻔ ﻮق ﻟﻐ ﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻏﻴﺮه ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻷﺧ ﺮى وﺑﻌﻈﻤﺘﻬ ﺎ. وﻟ ﻴﺲ ه ﺬا‬ ‫اﻓﺘﺮاﺿ ً، ﺑ ﻞ ﻳﻤﻜ ﻦ اﻟﺘﺤﻘ ﻖ ﻣ ﻦ ﺻ ﺤﺔ ه ﺬا اﻟﻘ ﻮل ﺑﻘ ﺮاءة اﻟﻌﺪﻳ ﺪ ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫ﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻨ ﻮادر واﻷﺧﺒ ﺎر اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺧﻠﻔﺘﻬ ﺎ ﻟﻨ ﺎ اﻟﻌﺼ ﻮر اﻟﻮﺳ ﻄﻰ واﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﻄﺎﻟﻌﻨ ﺎ‬ ‫92‬ ‫.).‪SASSE: MHallamiiye, S. 19; O. JASTROW (ZDMG 119, 1970, S. 49ff‬‬ ‫81‬

‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻤ ﺎذج ﺗﺸ ﻬﺪ ﻋﻠ ﻰ رآﺎآ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ آ ﺎن ﺗﺘﺤ ﺪﺛﻬﺎ ﺳ ﻼﻻت ﻏﻴ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ وآﻴ ﻒ آﺎﻧ ﺖ ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﻨﻤ ﺎذج ﻣﺤ ﻂ اﻟﺴ ﺨﺮﻳﺔ واﻟ ﺘﻬﻜﻢ.03 أي‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻌﻨ ﻰ ﺁﺧ ﺮ: إن اﻟﻨ ﺎﻃﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺼ ﺤﻴﺤﺔ آ ﺎﻧﻮا ﻳﺮﻓﻀ ﻮن ﺗﻐﻠﻐ ﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻ ﺮ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ اﻟﻐﺮﻳﺒ ﺔ ﻋ ﻦ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ إﻟ ﻰ ﻟﻐ ﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻤ ﺎ وﺿ ﻊ ﺣ ﺪا‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻻﺳ ﺘﻴﻌﺎب ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﺴ ﻤﺎت اﻟﺪﺧﻴﻠ ﺔ. وﻟ ﻴﺲ ﻟ ﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻣ ﺎ ﻳﻔﻴ ﺪ ﺑﻤ ﺎ آ ﺎن ﻋﻠﻴ ﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﺿ ﻊ ﻓ ﻲ ﺷ ﺒﻪ اﻟﺠﺰﻳ ﺮة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ أو ﺳ ﻮرﻳﺎ ﻗﺒ ﻞ اﻹﺳ ﻼم؛ وﻟﻜﻨﻨ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻧ ﺮى أن هﻨ ﺎك اﺣﺘﻤ ﺎﻻ ﻗﺎﺋﻤ ﺎ ﺑ ﺄن ﻏﻴ ﺎب اﻟﺸ ﻌﻮر ﺑ ﺎﻟﺘﻔﻮق اﻟﺤﻀ ﺎري‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻋﻨ ﺪ اﻟﻨ ﺎﻃﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﺁﻧ ﺬاك ﻗﻠ ﻞ ﻣ ﻦ ﺣ ﺪة اﻟﻤﻘﺎوﻣ ﺔ ﺿ ﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺼ ﺎﺋﺺ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ اﻟﺪﺧﻴﻠ ﺔ واﻟﻨﺎﺟﻤ ﺔ ﻋ ﻦ اﻻﺣﺘﻜ ﺎك ﺑﺸ ﻌﻮب‬ ‫أﺧ ﺮى، ﺑﻴﻨﻤ ﺎ ازداد اﻟﺘﺼ ﺪي ﻟﺘﻠ ﻚ اﻟﻈ ﻮاهﺮ وﻣﻘﺎوﻣﺘﻬ ﺎ ﺑﺸ ﻜﻞ‬ ‫واﺿ ﺢ ﺑﻌ ﺪ اﻟﻔ ﺘﺢ اﻹﺳ ﻼﻣﻲ. ﺑ ﻞ ﻧﺤ ﻦ ﻻ ﻧﺴ ﺘﺒﻌﺪ ﻗ ﻂ أﻧ ﻪ ﺑﺠﻨ ﻮب ﺷ ﺒﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺰﻳ ﺮة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ "ﻟﻐ ﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻴ ﺔ" ﺗﻀ ﻢ ﻋﻨﺎﺻ ﺮ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ وﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻷﺻ ﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻬ ﺬﻩ اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘ ﺔ13 وإن آ ﺎن ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺼ ﻌﺐ إﺛﺒ ﺎت ه ﺬﻩ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘ ﺔ. واﻻﺳ ﺘﻄﺮاد ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺤ ﺪﻳﺚ ﻓ ﻲ ه ﺬا اﻟﻤﻘ ﺎم ﺳ ﻴﻌﺪ اﻓﺘﺮاﺿ ً،‬ ‫ﺎ‬ ‫وﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺳﻨﻜﺘﻔﻲ هﻨﺎ ﺑﻬﺬا اﻟﻘﺪر ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ.‬ ‫ﻟﻘ ﺪ ﺳ ﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﻓﻴﻤ ﺎ ﺳ ﺒﻖ ﺑ ﺄن ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" رﺑﻤ ﺎ ﻗ ﺪ ﻟﻌ ﺐ‬ ‫دورا أآﺒ ﺮ أﺑ ﺎن اﻟﻌﺼ ﻮر اﻟﻮﺳ ﻄﻰ ﻋﻨ ﻪ اﻟﻴ ﻮم. وهﻨ ﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﻗ ﻒ ﺣﻴ ﺎل‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺳ ﺆال ﻳﻨﻄ ﻮي ﻋﻠ ﻰ إﺷ ﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻘ ﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﺎهﻠﻨﺎه ﺎ وﻋ ﻦ ﻋﻤ ﺪ ﻓ ﻲ ﺳ ﻴﺎق‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸ ﺔ اﻟﺴ ﺎﺑﻘﺔ وه ﺬﻩ اﻹﺷ ﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ه ﻲ: ه ﻞ ﻟﻨ ﺎ أن ﻧﻘ ﻴﻢ ﻋﻼﻗ ﺔ ﻣ ﺎ ﺑ ﻴﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻄ ﻮر اﻟ ﺬي ﻃ ﺮأ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤ ﺔ ﺑﻨﻤﻄﻬ ﺎ اﻟﻤﻌﺘﻤ ﺪ ﻋﻠ ﻰ‬ ‫اﻹﻋ ﺮاب واﻟ ﺬي ﺗﻄ ﻮر إﻟ ﻰ ﻧﻤ ﻂ ﺁﺧ ﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠ ﻲ، ﻓﻬ ﻞ ﻟﻨ ﺎ أن ﻧﻘ ﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗ ﺔ ﻣ ﺎ ﺑ ﻴﻦ ه ﺬا ﻣ ﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴ ﺔ وﺑ ﻴﻦ ﻇ ﺎهﺮة ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ"‬ ‫ﻣ ﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴ ﺔ أﺧ ﺮى؟ وﻳﻤﻜ ﻦ اﻹﺟﺎﺑ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ه ﺬا اﻟﺴ ﺆال ﻓ ﻲ آﻠﻤ ﺎت‬ ‫ﻣ ﻮﺟﺰة: ﻟﻘ ﺪ ﺛﺒ ﺖ ﻣﻨ ﺬ اﻟﻘ ﺮن اﻟﺜ ﺎﻣﻦ واﻟﺘﺎﺳ ﻊ أن اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮاﻗﻴ ﺔ،‬ ‫وﻓﻴﻤ ﺎ ﺑﻌ ﺪ ﺑﻌ ﺾ ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻣ ﺪن أﺧ ﺮى، آﺎﻧ ﺖ ﺗﺨﺘﻠ ﻒ ﻋ ﻦ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺼ ﺤﻰ، ﺣﻴ ﺚ إﻧﻬ ﺎ ﻟ ﻢ ﺗﻌ ﺪ ﺗﻌ ﺮف اﻟﺼ ﻮر اﻹﻋﺮاﺑﻴ ﺔ وآ ﺬﻟﻚ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺒ ﺎﻧﻲ اﻟﺘﺼ ﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﻌ ﻞ، ﺑﻴﻨﻤ ﺎ ﻟ ﻢ ﻳ ﻨﺠﺢ أﺣ ﺪ ﻓ ﻲ إﻧﻜ ﺎر وﺟ ﻮد ه ﺬﻩ‬ ‫03‬ ‫.‪FÜCK: Arabiya S. 5, 7ff‬‬ ‫13‬ ‫‪RABIN: Ancient West-Arabian, S. 52; W. FISCHER: K > Š in den‬‬ ‫.82 .‪südlichen semitischen Sprachen, S‬‬ ‫91‬

‫ﻓﺮﻧﺮ دﻳﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺼ ﺎﺋﺺ اﻟﻨﺤﻮﻳ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻌﻬ ﻮد اﻟﺴ ﺎﺑﻘﺔ. وﻣﻤ ﺎ ﻳﺴ ﺘﺮﻋﻰ اﻻﻧﺘﺒ ﺎﻩ ه ﻮ‬ ‫أن ﻓﻘﻬ ﺎء اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ آ ﺎﻧﻮا ﻳﺨﺘ ﺎرون اﻟ ﺮواة ﻣ ﻦ ﺑ ﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﺎﺋ ﻞ اﻟﺒ ﺪو،23 وأﻧﻬ ﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮآ ﻮا ﺗﺮاﺛ ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ اﻷﺧﺒ ﺎر ﻳﺸ ﻴﺮ إﻟ ﻰ اﻟ ﺬوق اﻟﺮﻓﻴ ﻊ اﻟ ﺬي آﺎﻧ ﺖ ﺗﺘﻤﺘ ﻊ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺑ ﻪ ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋ ﻞ، ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻮﻗ ﺖ اﻟ ﺬي آ ﺎﻧﻮا ﻳﺮﻓﻀ ﻮن اﻻﻋﺘﻤ ﺎد ﻋﻠ ﻰ‬ ‫اﻟ ﺮواة اﻵﺗ ﻴﻦ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻤ ﺪن. وﻣ ﻦ ﺑ ﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜ ﺔ ﻧﺠ ﺪ أن‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋ ﻞ ه ﻲ اﻟﺘ ﻲ اﺣﺘﻔﻈ ﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﺼ ﻮرة اﻹﻋﺮاﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻨ ﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫-‪ in‬ﻓ ﻲ ﺑﻌ ﺾ ﺗﺮاآﻴ ﺐ ﻧﺤﻮﻳ ﺔ ﺑﻌﻴﻨﻬ ﺎ،33 ﺑﻴﻨﻤ ﺎ اﻓﺘﻘ ﺪت ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻤ ﺪن‬ ‫ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﺨﺎﺻ ﻴﺔ. وﻗ ﺪ ُﺴ ﺮت ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﺤﻘ ﺎﺋﻖ ﺑﻄ ﺮق ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔ ﺔ، ﻓﺤﺴ ﺐ‬ ‫ﻓ‬ ‫إﺣ ﺪى اﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳ ﺎت آﺎﻧ ﺖ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﺒﺪوﻳ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﻄﻠ ﻊ اﻟﻌﺼ ﺮ‬ ‫اﻹﺳ ﻼﻣﻲ ﻗ ﺪ ﺗﺨﻠ ﺖ ﻋ ﻦ ﺳ ﻤﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤ ﺔ وﺑﻘﻴ ﺖ آ ﻞ ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﺒ ﺪو واﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻷوﺿ ﺎع اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ آﺎﻧ ﺖ ه ﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬ ﺎ‬ ‫واﻟﺘ ﻲ ﻟ ﻢ ﻧﻌ ﺮف ﻋﻨﻬ ﺎ اﻟﻜﺜﻴ ﺮ ﺑﺴ ﺒﺐ اﻧﺤﺼ ﺎر ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻨ ﺎ ﻋﻠ ﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑ ﺎت اﻷدﺑﻴ ﺔ دون ﻏﻴﺮه ﺎ. وﻣ ﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴ ﺔ أﺧ ﺮى هﻨ ﺎك ﻧﻈﺮﻳ ﺔ ﺗﺆﻳ ﺪ‬ ‫اﻟ ﺮأي ﺑ ﺄن اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﺒﺪوﻳ ﺔ آﺎﻧ ﺖ ﺗﻌ ﺮف ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻘ ﺮن اﻟﺜ ﺎﻣﻦ واﻟﺘﺎﺳ ﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻈ ﺎم اﻷﺑﻨﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘﺼ ﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ آﺎﻣﻠ ﺔ )اﻹﻋ ﺮاب(، ﺑﻴﻨﻤ ﺎ آﺎﻧ ﺖ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻟﺴ ﺎﺋﺪة ﺑﺎﻟﻤ ﺪن ﻗ ﺪ ﻓﻘ ﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﺴ ﺒﺐ ﺗﺄﺛﺮه ﺎ "ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ﻣﺘﻤﺜﻠ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻵراﻣﻴ ﺔ واﻟﻔﺎرﺳ ﻴﺔ وﻟﻐ ﺎت أﺧ ﺮى، ﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﻟ ﻢ ﺗﻌ ﺮف‬ ‫اﻷﺑﻨﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘﺼ ﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ اﻟﺨﺎﺻ ﺔ ﺑ ﺎﻹﻋﺮاب.43 وﻓﻴﻤ ﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠ ﻖ ﺑﺨﺼ ﺎﺋﺺ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﺒﺪوﻳ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﻄﻠ ﻊ اﻟﻌﺼ ﺮ اﻹﺳ ﻼﻣﻲ، ﻓﺮﺑﻤ ﺎ ﻧﺴ ﺘﻄﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌ ﻞ أن ﻧﺴ ﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻤ ﺎ ﺳ ﺒﻖ ه ﻮ أن ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﺒﺪوﻳ ﺔ ﻗ ﺪ ﻓﻘ ﺪت‬ ‫ﻧﻈ ﺎم أﺑﻨﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘﺼ ﺮﻳﻒ ﻓ ﻲ زﻣ ﻦ ﻣﺘ ﺄﺧﺮ ﻋ ﻦ ﻓﻘ ﺪان ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨ ﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻬ ﺎ. وﺣﺘ ﻰ إذا ﻣ ﺎ ﺳ ﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﺑ ﺬﻟﻚ، ﻓ ﻴﻤﻜﻦ اﻟﻘ ﻮل أن ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨ ﺔ -‬ ‫ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻋﻜ ﺲ ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﺒ ﺪو - ﻟ ﻢ ﺗﻔﻘ ﺪ اﻷﺑﻨﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘﺼ ﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ ﺑﺴ ﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻀ ﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﻟﺘ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "ﻟﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ، ﻷن ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨ ﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﺗﺘﻄ ﻮر ﺑﺼ ﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣ ﺔ ﺑﺼ ﻮرة أﺳ ﺮع ﻋ ﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴ ﺔ،‬ ‫إذ ﻳ ﺘﻢ ذﻟ ﻚ ﺗﺤ ﺖ أي ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ". وﻟﻨ ﺎ أن ﻧﺘ ﺬآﺮ ﻓ ﻲ ه ﺬا‬ ‫23‬ ‫‪J. BLAU: "The Role of the Bedouins as Arbiters in Linguistic Questions‬‬ ‫.15-24 .‪and the mas'ala az-zunburiyya". In: JSS 8 (1963), S‬‬ ‫33‬ ‫.‪J. BLAU: The Emergence and Linguistic Background of Judaeo-Arabic‬‬ ‫‪Oxford 1965, S. 187-202; T. M. JOHNSTONE: Estern Arabian Dialect‬‬ ‫.36 .‪Studies. London 1967, S‬‬ ‫43‬ ‫.‪K. VOLLERS, A. SPITALER, H. WEHR, J. FÜCK and J. BLAU; A. A‬‬ ‫,711 ‪AMBROS (WZKM 6-66, 1973-74, S. 80 Fn. 6; W. FISCHER (ZDMG‬‬ ‫.52 .‪1967, S. 52, 59 Fn. 84; C. BROCKELMANN in GvG I, S‬‬ ‫02‬

‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴ ﻴﺎق اﻷﻣﺜﻠ ﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴ ﺔ: ﺗﻄ ﻮر ﺻ ﻮت ق إﻟ ﻰ أ '>‪ 35،q‬واﺳ ﺘﺒﺪال‬ ‫اﻷﺻ ﻮات اﻷﺳ ﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﺜﻮﻳ ﺔ ﺑﺄﺻ ﻮات اﻧﻔﺠﺎرﻳ ﺔ، وآ ﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﺘﺨﻠ ﻲ ﻋ ﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴ ﺰ ﺑ ﻴﻦ ﺻ ﻴﻐﺔ ﺟﻤ ﻊ اﻟﻤ ﺬآﺮ واﻟﻤﺆﻧ ﺚ )وﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻤﻐ ﺮب أﻳﻀ ﺎ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺻ ﻴﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﺨﺎﻃ ﺐ اﻟﻤﻔ ﺮد(، وأﻳﻀ ﺎ ﻇﻬ ﻮر ﻟﻮاﺻ ﻖ اﻷﻓﻌ ﺎل، ﻓﻜ ﻞ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ه ﺬﻩ اﻷﻣﺜﻠ ﺔ ﺗﺸ ﻴﺮ إﻟ ﻰ أن اﻟﺘﻄ ﻮر ﻃ ﺮأ ﻓ ﻲ ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻤ ﺪن ﻗﺒ ﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﺮﻳ ﻒ. وﻟ ﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺒ ﺪو ﻟﻨ ﺎ - داﺋﻤ ﺎ ﺑﺸ ﺮط ﺗﻔﺴ ﻴﺮ اﻷﻣﺜﻠ ﺔ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺮوﻓ ﺔ ﺑﻬ ﺬا اﻟﻤﻌﻨ ﻰ - وآﺄﻧ ﻪ ﺷ ﺊ ﻋ ﺎدى أن أﺑﻨﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘﺼ ﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻ ﺔ ﺑ ﺎﻹﻋﺮاب ﻗ ﺪ ﺗﻄ ﻮرت ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨ ﺔ أﺳ ﺮع ﻣ ﻦ ﺗﻄﻮره ﺎ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺎﻟﺮﻳﻒ. وﻳﻌﺘﺒ ﺮ اﻟ ﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣ ﻦ أﺑﻨﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘﺼ ﺮﻳﻒ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ أﻣ ﺮا‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻟﻮﻓ ﺎ آﻤ ﺎ ﺑﺮهﻨ ﺖ ﻋﻠﻴ ﻪ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت اﻟﺴ ﺎﻣﻴﺔ اﻷﺧ ﺮى واﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺧﻀ ﻌﺖ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺑ ﺪون اﺳ ﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﻟﻬ ﺬا اﻟﺘﻄ ﻮر. وﻳﻌ ﺪ اﻧ ﺪﺛﺎر اﻷﺑﻨﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘﺼ ﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻇ ﺎهﺮة ﺧﺎﺻ ﺔ ﺑ ﺎﻟﺘﻄﻮر اﻟ ﺪاﺧﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ وذﻟ ﻚ ﻷن اﻹﻋ ﺮاب‬ ‫آ ﺎن ﻗ ﺪ أﺻ ﺒﺢ ﻓﺎﺋﻀ ﺎ ﻟﻐﻮﻳ ﺎ اﺳ ﺘﻐﻨﺖ ﻋﻨ ﻪ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ إﻟ ﻰ ﺣ ﺪ آﺒﻴ ﺮ إذا آ ﺎن‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮآﻴ ﺐ اﻟﻨﺤ ﻮي ﻟﻠﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻗ ﺪ وﺻ ﻞ إﻟ ﻰ ﺗﺮآﻴ ﺐ ﺛﺎﺑ ﺖ ﻟﻠﻜﻠﻤ ﺎت داﺧ ﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻤﻠ ﺔ, وأﻣ ﺎ اﻟﺴ ﺒﺐ اﻵﺧ ﺮ ﻻﻧ ﺪﺛﺎر اﻷﺑﻨﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺼ ﺮﻓﻴﺔ ه ﻮ ﺗﺨﻠ ﺺ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻣﻦ اﻹﻋﺮاب ﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﺠﻤﻞ.‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺨــــــــﺺ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ‬ ‫وﺗﺘﻠﺨﺺ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ هﺬا اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﻘﺎط اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ:‬ ‫1. ﻟ ﻢ ﺗﺘ ﺄﺛﺮ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜ ﺔ "ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" اﻟﺘ ﻲ‬ ‫أﺣﻠ ﺖ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻣﺤﻠﻬ ﺎ إﻻ ﻓ ﻲ ﺣ ﺪود ﺿ ﻴﻘﺔ ﺟ ﺪا. وﻟﻌ ﺐ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴ ﺒﺔ ﻟ ـﻼﺧﺘﻼف اﻟﻘ ﺎﺋﻢ ﺑ ﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ دورا أﻗ ﻞ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫أهﻤﻴ ﺔ ﻣﻤ ﺎ ﻟﻌﺒﺘ ﻪ اﻟﻔ ﻮارق اﻟﺘ ﻲ آﺎﻧ ﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻤ ﺔ ﺑ ﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤ ﺔ، وأﻗ ﻞ ﻣﻤ ﺎ ﻟﻌﺒ ﻪ وﺑﺼ ﻔﺔ ﺧﺎﺻ ﺔ ﻋﺎﻣ ﻞ اﺗﺴ ﺎع اﻟﺮﻗﻌ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻴ ﺔ ﻟﻤﻨ ﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺳ ﺎهﻤﺖ ﻓ ﻲ اﻻﺧ ﺘﻼف‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﺴﺎهﻤﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ.‬ ‫2. هﻨ ﺎك اﺣﺘﻤ ﺎل ﺑ ﺄن اﻟﻈ ﻮاهﺮ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳ ﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺧﻠﻔﺘﻬ ﺎ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" آﺎﻧ ﺖ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻌﺼ ﻮر اﻟﻮﺳ ﻄﻰ أآﺜ ﺮ ﻋ ﺪدا واﻧﺘﺸ ﺎرا ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ً‬ ‫53‬ ‫‪GARBELL in Word (1958), S. 313; H. GROTZFELD: "Ein Zeugnis aus‬‬ ‫."‪dem Jhr 688/1289 für die Aussprache des qaaf als hamza im Kairinischen‬‬ ‫.98-78 .‪In: ZDMG 117 (1967), S‬‬ ‫12‬

‫ﻓﺮﻧﺮ دﻳﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻴ ﻮم، وأﻧﻬ ﺎ اﻧ ﺪﺛﺮت ﻓﻴﻤ ﺎ ﺑﻌ ﺪ ﻣ ﻦ ﺧ ﻼل اﻻﺣﺘﻜ ﺎك ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت‬ ‫اﻷﺧﺮى.‬ ‫3. ﻻﺑﺪ وأن اﻟﻬﻴﺒﺔ اﻟﺮﻓﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺘﻌﺖ ﺑﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺼﺮ‬ ‫اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ آﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﺎﺋﻘﺎ ﺣﺎل دون ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ دﻣﺞ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻟﺘﺪاﺧﻞ اﻟﻠﻐﻮي ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﺤﻮ اﻟﺬي آﺎن ﻣﺄﻟﻮﻓﺎ وﻓﻲ أول اﻟﻤﻘﺎم ﻟﺪى‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻷﻗﻮام ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻨﺎﻃﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ، ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﻦ أن ﻋﺼﺮ اﻟﺠﺎهﻠﻴﺔ رﺑﻤﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺷﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮاﻣﻞ اﻟﻤﻘﺎوﻣﺔ ﺑﺼﻮرة أﻗﻞ.‬ ‫4. هﻨ ﺎك ﺷ ﻮاهﺪ ﺗﺠﻌﻠﻨ ﺎ ﻧﻈ ﻦ أن اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﺧﻀ ﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻟ ﻴﺲ ﻓﻘ ﻂ ﻟﻠﻐ ﺎت ﻏﻴ ﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ، ﺑ ﻞ أﻳﻀ ﺎ ﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت ﻋﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ آ ﺎن ﻟﻬ ﺎ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ".‬ ‫إن ﻇ ﺎهﺮة اﻟ ﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺼ ﻮر اﻹﻋﺮاﺑﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫5.‬ ‫واﻷﺑﻨﻴ ﺔ اﻟﺘﺼ ﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﺗﻤﻴ ﺰ اﻟﻤ ﺬآﺮ واﻟﻤﺆﻧ ﺚ واﻟﺘ ﻲ اﻧﺘﻘﻠ ﺖ ﻣ ﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤ ﺔ إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜ ﺔ - وإن آ ﺎن ﻗ ﺪ ﺗﺤﻘ ﻖ ذﻟ ﻚ أوﻻ ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴ ﺔ - ﻟ ﻢ ﺗﻘ ﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻀ ﺮورة ﺗﺤ ﺖ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ اﻵراﻣﻴ ﺔ أو اﻟﻔﺎرﺳ ﻴﺔ أو أي‬ ‫"ﻟﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" أﺧ ﺮى، ﺑ ﻞ رﺑﻤ ﺎ ﻳﺠ ﺐ أن ﻳﻨﻈ ﺮ إﻟﻴﻬ ﺎ ﻋﻠ ﻰ أﻧﻬ ﺎ أﺣ ﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻈ ﺎهﺮ اﻟﺘﻄ ﻮر اﻟﻠﻐ ﻮي اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﻟﺤﻘ ﺖ أوﻻ ﺑﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻤ ﺪن ﻗﺒ ﻞ أن‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺮأ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ.‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﺤــــــــــــﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻀ ﻴﻒ هﻨ ﺎ ﺑﻌ ﺾ اﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻ ﻴﻞ ﺣ ﻮل ﻗﻀ ﻴﺔ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ﺣﻴ ﺚ إن ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬ ﺎ ﻗ ﺪ ﻧﺸ ﺮ ﺑﻌ ﺪ اﻻﻧﺘﻬ ﺎء ﻣ ﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻋ ﺔ ه ﺬﻩ‬ ‫اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﺪ اﻟﻘﺎرئ.‬ ‫إن ‪ 36 ABDATTAWWAB‬ﻳ ﺮى أن ﺗﻄ ﻮر ﺻ ﻮت ق إﻟ ﻰ‬ ‫هﻤ ﺰة '>‪ q‬ﻗ ﺪ ﺣ ﺪث ﺗﺤ ﺖ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ، وﻟﻜﻨﻨ ﺎ ﻧﺠ ﺪ ه ﺬا‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻄ ﻮر أﻳﻀ ﺎ ﻣﺄﻟﻮﻓ ﺎ ﺑﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻤ ﺪن اﻟﺸ ﺎﻣﻴﺔ )اﻟﺴ ﻮرﻳﺔ- اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴ ﺔ(‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ً‬ ‫واﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ وﻟﺤ ﺪ ﻣ ﺎ أﻳﻀ ﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴ ﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴ ﺔ، ﻧﺎهﻴ ﻚ ﻋ ﻦ أن‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﺴﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ هﺬا اﻟﺘﻄﻮر ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴﺔ.‬ ‫وﻓ ﻲ ه ﺬا اﻟﻤﻘ ﺎم ﻋﻠﻴﻨ ﺎ أن ﻧﺸ ﻴﺮ إﻟ ﻰ آﺘ ﺎب اﺣﻤ ﺪ ﻣﺨﺘ ﺎر ﻋﻤ ﺮ:‬ ‫ﺗ ﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﺼ ﺮ. )اﻟﻘ ﺎهﺮة 0791( اﻟ ﺬي اﺳ ﺘﻄﻌﺖ‬ ‫63‬ ‫.‪R. 'ABDATTAWWAB: LaHn al-caamma wa-t-taTawwur al-lughawii‬‬ ‫53 .‪Kairo 1967, S‬‬ ‫22‬

‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺼ ﻮل ﻋﻠﻴ ﻪ ﺑﻌ ﺪ ﻃﺒﺎﻋ ﺔ ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺔ. ﻓ ﺎﻟﻤﺆﻟﻒ ﻳﺘﻨ ﺎول ﻓ ﻲ آﺘﺎﺑ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻀ ﻴﺔ ﺁﺛ ﺎر اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ "آﻠﻐ ﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ" ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺎت اﻟﻤﺼ ﺮﻳﺔ، وﻗ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻴ ﺰ ﻋﺮﺿ ﻪ ﺑﻤ ﻨﻬﺞ واﺿ ﺢ. ﻟﻘ ﺪ ﺑﺤ ﺚ ﻋﻤ ﺮ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺻ ﻌﻴﺪ اﻟﺼ ﻮﺗﻴﺎت‬ ‫)ص 401-701( ﺳ ﺖ ﺣ ﺎﻻت )‪ ğ‬اﻟﺼ ﻌﻴﺪﻳﺔ؛ ‪ gaaf‬اﻟﺼ ﻌﻴﺪﻳﺔ؛‬ ‫اﻟﻬﻤ ﺰ ‪ glottal stop‬ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺎهﺮﻳ ﺔ، وآ ﺬﻟﻚ ﺣﺮآ ﺎت اﻟﻠ ﻴﻦ ذات‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺒ ﺮة اﻟﺤ ﺎدة ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺎهﺮﻳ ﺔ؛ اﻟﺤ ﺮف اﻟﺴ ﺎآﻦ ‪ P‬واﻟ ﺘﺨﻠﺺ‬ ‫ﻣ ﻦ ﺻ ﻮت اﻟﻌ ﻴﻦ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻌ ﺪد اﺑﺘ ﺪاء ﻣ ﻦ 11 آﻤ ﺎ ه ﻮ ﻣ ﺜﻼ ﻓ ﻲ‬ ‫"ﺧﻤﺴﺘﺎﺷ ﺮ"؛ وﺗﻄ ﻮر اﻟﺼ ﻮت اﻟﺜ ﺎء إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﺘ ﺎء(. وﺧﻠ ﺺ اﻟﻤﺆﻟ ﻒ‬ ‫ﻣ ﻦ ﺑﺤﺜ ﻪ إﻟ ﻰ أن اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ ﻟ ﻢ ﺗ ﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻠﻬﺠ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺎهﺮﻳ ﺔ، ﺑ ﻞ ﻧﺠ ﺪ‬ ‫أﺛﺮا ﻣﺤﺪودا ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻬﺠﺎت اﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ.‬ ‫ً‬ ‫وﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺻ ﻌﻴﺪ اﻟﺘﺮاآﻴ ﺐ واﻟﺼ ﺮف )ص 801-411( ﻋ ﺎﻟﺞ‬ ‫ﻋﻤ ﺮ ﺛﻤ ﺎﻧﻲ ﺣ ﺎﻻت ﺗﻨﻔ ﻲ ﻋﻠ ﻰ أﺳ ﺎس ﻋﻠﻤ ﻲ ﺳ ﻠﻴﻢ ﺗ ﺄﺛﻴﺮ "اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ"؛ ﺧﻤ ﺲ ﻣﻨﻬ ﺎ ﺗﻨﺎوﻟﻨﺎه ﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺤ ﺚ ﻓ ﻲ ه ﺬﻩ اﻟﺪراﺳ ﺔ )وه ﻢ:‬ ‫ﻣ ﺎ ِﻜﺘ ﺐ؛ أه ﻮ ﺳ ِﻊ؛ داﻧ ﺎ اﻟﻤﻠ ﻚ؛ ه ﻮا آْﺒﻴ ﺮ ﻋﻨ ﻰ؛ رﺣ ﺖ ﻓ ﻴﻦ؟(؛ أﻣ ﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِﻤ‬ ‫ﺗ ِ‬ ‫اﻟ ﺜﻼث ﺣ ﺎﻻت اﻟﻤﺘﺒﻘﻴ ﺔ ﻓﻬ ﻲ: ﺗﻘ ﺎرب اﻟﻀ ﻤﺎﺋﺮ ﻓ ﻲ ﺻ ﻴﻐﺔ اﻟﺠﻤ ﻊ ﻣ ﻊ‬ ‫اﻷﺳ ﻤﺎء ﻓ ﻲ ﺻ ﻴﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﺜﻨ ﻰ؛ ﻋ ﺪم اﺳ ﺘﺨﺪام -‪ wi‬ﺑ ﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺎﺋ ﺔ واﻷﺣ ﺎدي‬ ‫آﻤ ﺎ ه ﻮ ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﻴ ﻪ ﺧﻤﺴ ﺎ وﻋﺸ ﺮﻳﻦ؛ ﺗﺮﺗﻴ ﺐ اﺳ ﻢ اﻹﺷ ﺎرة ﻓ ﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳ ﺔ‬ ‫ﱢ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮآﻴ ﺐ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻧﺤ ﻮ اﻟ ﻮاد دا(. وﻳﺼ ﻞ ﻋﻤ ﺮ إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠ ﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴ ﺔ:‬ ‫"ﻟ ﻴﺲ هﻨ ﺎك دﻟﻴ ﻞ أو ﺷ ﺒﻪ دﻟﻴ ﻞ ﻋﻠ ﻰ وﺟ ﻮد أﺛ ﺮ ﻗﺒﻄ ﻲ ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﺴ ﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺤ ﻮ واﻟﺼ ﺮف". وﻧﺤ ﻦ ﻧﺘﻔ ﻖ إﻟ ﻰ ﺣ ﺪ ﺑﻌﻴ ﺪ وه ﺬا اﻟ ﺮأي؛ ﻏﻴ ﺮ أﻧ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻟ ﻢ ﻳﺜﺒ ﺖ ﺑﻌ ﺪ أن ﻓﻘ ﻂ ﺻ ﻴﻐﺔ ه ﻮ آﺒﻴ ﺮ ﻋﻨ ﻰ ﻟ ﻢ ﺗﺘ ﺄﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﻴ ﺔ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫"آﻠﻐ ﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﺤﻴ ﺔ". أﻣ ﺎ اﻟﻤﺒ ﺮرات اﻟﺘ ﻲ ﻳﺴ ﻮﻗﻬﺎ ﻋﻤ ﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴ ﺒﺔ ﻻﺳ ﺘﺨﺪام‬ ‫اﻵراﻣﻴ ﺔ واﻟﻌﺒﺮﻳ ﺔ واﻷآﺎدﻳ ﺔ ﻟﻠﺼ ﻔﺔ ﻟﺘ ﺆدى ﻣﻌﻨ ﻰ ﺻ ﻴﻐﺔ اﻓﻀ ﻞ ﻓ ﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺒ ﺮهﻦ ﺑﻌ ﺪ أن ه ﺬا اﻻﺳ ﺘﺨﺪام ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴ ﺔ-اﻟﻤﺼ ﺮﻳﺔ ﻟ ﻪ ﺟ ﺬور‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤ ﺔ، آﻤ ﺎ أﻧ ﻪ ﻟ ﻢ ﻳﺘﺴ ﻦ ﻟ ﻲ ﺑﻌ ﺪ ﻓﺤ ﺺ اﺳ ﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﺼ ﻔﺔ + ﻋﻠ ﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﺤﻞ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺻﻴﻐﺔ أﻓﻀﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺔ اﻟﻤﺮاآﺸﻴﺔ.‬ ‫32‬

‫ﻓﺮﻧﺮ دﻳﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻤـــــــﺮاﺟﻊ‬ ‫)ﺗﺤﺘﻮي ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ اﻟﻤﺮاﺟﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎء ﻓﻲ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻣﻘﺎل ﻓﺮﻧﺮ دﻳﻢ، وﻗﺪ رأﻳﻨﺎ أن ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻷﻓﻀﻞ اﻟﺒﻘﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ آﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﺘﺴﻨﻰ ﻟﻠﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﻠﻬﺠﺎت أن ﻳﺘﻄﻠﻊ‬ .(‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻞ اﻟﻤﺮاﺟﻊ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻔﻴﺪ اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮع‬ AL-AAMIDII, NACCUUM FAA'IQ, B. ILYAAS BAALAAK, (1924) Mağmuucat al-alfaaDH as-suryaaniiya min al-carabiiya al-caamiiya fii-maa bain an-nahrain wa-khuSuuSan al-caamiiya al-aamidiiya. New York. AQUILINA, J. (1958) "Maltese as a Mixed Language." In: JSS 3, 58-79. BARTHÉLEMY, A. (1935ff.) Dictionnaire arabe-français. Dialectes de Syrie: Alep, Damas, Liban, Jérusalem. Paris. BERGSTRÄSSER, G. (1915) Sprachatlas von Syrien und Palästina. Leipzig BISHAI, W. B. (1959) The Coptic Influence on Egyptian Arabic. Diss. The John Hopkins Univ. ____ (1960) "Notes on the Coptic Substratum in Egyptian Arabic". In: JAOS 80, 225-229 ____ (1961) "Nature and Extent of Coptic Phonological Influence on Egyptian Arabic". In: JSS 6, 175-182. ____ (1962) "Coptic Grammatical Influence on Egyptian Arabic". In: JAOS 82, 285-289. ____ (1963) "The Transition from Coptic to Arabic" In: MW 53, 145-156. ____ (1964) "Coptic Lexical Influence on Egyptian Arabic" In: JNES , 23, 39-47. BITTNER, M. (1909) Studien zur Laut- und Formenlehre der Mehri-Sprache in Südarabien. I. Zum Nomen im engeren Sinne. In: Sitz.ber.Kais.Ak. Wiss. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Kl. 162, 5. BLANC, H. (1964) Communal Dialects in Baghdad. Cambr., Mass. BROCKELMANN, C. (1954) "Das Arabische und seine Mundarten." In: Hb Or III, 3. Leiden. ČALABII, D. (1935) al-Aathaar al-aramiiya fii lughat al-MauSil al- c aamiiya. Mossul. 24

‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ CANTINEAU, J. (1960) Études de linguistique arabe. Mémorial Jean Catineau. Paris. COHEN, D. (1970) Études de linguistique sémitique et arabe. The Hague. COLIN, G. S. (1960-1963) "Un emprunt par calque de l'arabe au berbère." In: GLECS 9, 38-39. ____ (1963-66) "Quelques calques syntaxiques et sémantiques sur le berbère dans les parlers arabes du Maghreb." In: GLECS , 10, 173-176. CORRELL, C. (1972) "Textproben im arabischen Dialekt von Ğubb cAdiin." In: ZDMG 122, 49-87. DIEM, W. (1971) "Zum Problem der Personalpronomina honne (3. Pl.), -kon (2. Pl.) und -hon (3. Pl.) in den syrisch-libanesischen Dialekten." In: ZDMG 121, 223-230. ____ (1973) Skizzen jemenitischer Dialekte. Beirut-Wiesbaden. ____ (1978) "Divergenz und Konvergenz im Arabischen." In: Arabica, 25, 128-147. DRIVER, G. R. (1920) "Linguistic Affinities of Syrian Arabic." In: JRAS, 305-318. FEGHALI, M. T. (1920) "Études sur les emprunts syriaques dans les parlers arabes du Liban." In: MSL 21, 210-248, 257-282 and MSL ,22 (1922),13-42. ____ (1938) "La question du substrat." In: RES, 133-139. ____ (1940) "Le substrat." In: Actes XXe Congrès Int. Or. Bruxelles 1938. Louvain, 247f. FEGHALI, M. T., CUNY, A. (1910) "Une suvivance remarquable dans le parler actuel de Kfâr-cAbîda." In: MSL 16, 287-288. FISCHER, A. (1907) "Eine interessante algierisch-marokkanische Genetivumschreibung. In: ZDMG 61, 178-185; and ZDMG 63 (1909), 825- 827. ____ (undated) Zur Lautlehre des Marokkanisch-Arabischen. Leipzig. FISCHER, W. (1956) "K > Š in den südlichen semitischen Sprachen (Kaškaša)." In: MSS, 8, 25-38. ____ (1959) Die demonstrativen Bildungen der neuarabishen Dialekte. 's - Gravenhage. FLEISCH, H. (1963) "Le changement a > o dans le sémitique de l'ouest et en arabe dialectal libanais." In: FLEISCH (1974) 45-50. 25

‫ﻓﺮﻧﺮ دﻳﻢ‬ ____ (1974): Études d'Arabe Dialectal. Beirut. FÜCK, J. (1950) Arabiya. Untersuchungen zur arabischen Sprach- und Stilgeschichte. Berlin. GALTIER, M. E. (1902) "De l'influence du copte sur l'arabe d'Égypte." In: Bulletin de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale 2, 221-216. GASIM, A. (1965) "Some Aspects of Sudanese Colloquial Arabic." In: Sudan Notes and Records 46, 40-49. GRECH, P. (1961) "Are there any Traces of Punic in Maltese?" In: JMS 1, 130-138. GOITEIN, S. D. F. (1934) Jemenica. Sprichwörter und Redensarten aus Zentraljemen. Reprint Leiden 1970. KAMPFFMEYER, G. (1900) "Beiträge zur Dialektologie des Arabischen. 3. Südarabisches." In: ZDMG 54, 624-629. KUENTZ, CH. (1955) Athar al-lugha al-barbariiya fii carabiiyat al- Maghrib. In: MMLA, 8, 326-334. LABIIB, K. (undated) Magmuuc al-alfaaDH al-qibTiiya al-mutadaawala bi- l-lahga al-carabiiya al-cammiiya. Kairo. LANDBERG, C. de, (1901) Études sur les dialectes de l'arabie méridionale: (I) Hadramoût. Leiden. ____ (1905-1913) Études sur les dialectes de l'arabie méridionale. (II) Dathînah. 3 vols. Leiden. ____ (1920-1942) Glossaire dathînois. 3 vols. Leiden. LITTMANN, E. (1902) "Koptiscer Einfluß im Ägyptisch-Arabischen." In: ZDMG, 56, 681-684. MARÇAIS, PH. (undated) Le parler arabe de Djidjelli. Paris. MARÇAIS, W. (1938) "Comment l'Afrique du Nord a été arabisée." In: AIEO, 4, 1-22. ____ (1956) "Comment l'Afrique du Nord a été arabisée: II. L'arabisation des campagnes." In: AIEO, 14, 5-17. MEISSNER, B. (1902) "Babylonische Lehnwörter im Neuarabischen." In: OLZ, 5, 469-471. MERCIER, L. (1906) "Influence des langues berère et espagnole sur le dialecte arabe marocain." In: Archives marocaines, 6, 417-422. 26

‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺤﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ AN-NAGGAR, A. (1953) "Fii l-lahagaat al-carabiiya wa-uSuul ikhtilaafihaa." In: MKA (Kairo), 35-56. NÖLDEKE, TH. (1904) Beiträge zur semitischen Sprachwissenschaft. Straßburg. ____ (1910) Neue Beiträge zur semitischen Sprachwissenschaft. Straßburg. PALVA, H. (1969) "Notes on the Alleged Coptic Morphological Influence on Egyptian Arabic." In: Orientalia Suecana, 18, 128-136 PETRÁČEK, K. (1956) "Zum arabischen Dialekte von Ägypten." In: Ar Or, 24, 591-595. POLIAK, A. N. (1938) "L'arabisation de l'Orient sémitique." In: REI, 35-63. PRÄTORIUS, F. (1901) "Koptische Spuren in der ägyptisch-arabischen Grammatik." In: ZDMG, 55, 145-147 RABIN, CH. (1951) Ancient West-Arabian. London. RHODOKANAKIS, N. (1908-1911) Der vulgärarabische Dialekt im Dofár (Zfár). 2 vols, Wien. ____ (1910) "Zur Formenlehre des Mehri." In: Sitz.ber. Kais. Ak. Wiss. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Kl. 165, 1. ROBERTSON (-SMITH), A. M. (1970) Classical Arabic and Colloquial Cairene: a Historical Linguistic Analysis. Diss. Utah. ROSENTHAL, F. (1939) Die aramaistische Forschung seit Th. Nöldekes Veröffentlichungen. Leiden Reprint 1964. ROSSI, E. (1938) Appunti di dialettologia del Yemen. In: RSO, 17, 230-265. ____ (1938) Nouve osservazioni sui dialetti del Yemn. In: RSO 17, 460-472. ____ (1938) "Vocaboli arabi sopravviventi nelle parlate arabe del Yemen." In: Actes XXe Congrès Int. Or. Bruxelles. Louvain, 270-272 ____ (1939) L'arabo parlato a Sancaa'. Roma. ____ (1940) "Vocaboli sud-arabici nelle odierne parlate del Yemen." In: RSO, 18, 299-314. SASSE, H.-J. (1971) Linguistische Analyse des arabischen Dialekts der MHallamiiye in der Provinz Mardin (Südosttürkei). Diss. München. SAYDON, P. P. (1956) "The Pre-Arabic Latin Elements in Maltese." In: Orbis, 5, 191-197 27

‫ﻓﺮﻧﺮ دﻳﻢ‬ SOBHY BEY, G. (1950) Common Words in the Spoken Arabic of Egypt, of Greek or Coptic Origin. Kairo. SPIEGELBERG, W. (1926) "demire ( ) 'Überschwemmung'." In: ZS, 4, 61-2. SPITALER, A. (1938) Grammatik des neuaramäischen Dialekts von Macluula (Antilibanon). Leipzig. SPULER, B. (1954) "Die Ausbreitung der Arabischen Sprache." In: Hb Or III, 3, 245-252. AT-TACCAAN, HAAŠIM, (1966) Ta'aththur al-carabiiya bi-l-lughaat al- yamaniiya al-qadiima. Bagdad. ULLENDORFF, E. (1955) The Semitic Languages of Ethiopia. A Comparative Phonology. London. VOLLERS, K. (1896) "Beiträge zur Kenntnis der lebenden arabischen Sprache in Aegypten. II. Ueber Lehnwörter. Fremdes und Eigenes. V. Aegyptische Entlehnungen." In: ZDMG, 50, 653-656 WAGNER, E. (1966) "Der Jemen als Vermittler äthiopischen Sprachgutes nach Nordwestafrika." In: Die Sprache, 12, 252-279 ____ (1970) "Der Jemen als Vermittler äthiopischen Sprachgutes nach Nordwestafrika." in: Proc. Third Int. Conf. Ethiopian Studies. II. Addis Abaaba, 38-43 WILD, S. (1973) Libanesische Ortsnamen. Typologie und Deutung. Beirut-Wiesbaden. 28

AL-LOGHA ‫א‬ SERIES OF PAPERS IN LINGUISTICS CONTRIBUTIONS TO ARABIC LINGUISTICS Editor: Gerda Mansour Associate Editor: Madiha Doss Editorial Board: El-Said Badawi (AUC, Arabic) Humphrey Davies (Visiting Professor, AUC) Siham el-Kareh (Alexandria University, Phonetics) Amal Kari (Ain Shams University, English) Taghride Anber (Faculty of Languages) Al-Logha is a refereed semi-periodical journal of the Cairo Linguists Group concerned with research in linguistics and related fields. The journal publishes essentially papers resulting from the seminars organized for the group at the Arab Research Center, 8-10 Mathaf el-Manial Street, Manial. Other contributions (in Arabic, English and French), are also welcome. Inquiries should be directed to Gerda Mansour or Madiha Doss at the above address. Arab Research Center, Cairo e-mail : arc@ie-eg.com

AL-LOGHA ‫א‬ Third issue: May 2002 CONTRIBUTIONS TO ARABIC LINGUISTICS TABLE OF CONTENTS Gerda Mansour Preface in English. p. 4 Catherine Miller The Relevance of Arabic-based Pidgins/Creoles for Arabic Linguistics p. 7 Gerda Mansour Reflections on Arabic Dialectology p. 47 Reem Bassiouney The Relationship between Speaker's Role and Code Choice p. 77 Muhammad al-Sharkawi Socio-Demographic Parameters of Arabization. p. 101 Werner Diem Studies on the question of substratum in Arabic (translated into Arabic by Soheir Taraman) p. 7 Madiha Doss Preface in Arabic p. 5 1

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