1.
CHALLENGES
OF
FREE
AND
FAIR
ELECTIONS
TOWARDS
2011
GENERAL
ELECTIONS
STRUCTURAL
PERSPECTIVES
Challenges
of
free
and
fair
election
in
any
democratic
setting
could
best
be
viewed
against
the
structural
setting
of
the
environment
i.e.
the
electoral
management
bodies
involved
in
the
conduct,
supervision
regulating
and
adjudicating
over
all
elections
in
that
jurisdiction.
Election
Management
Bodies
and
Democratic
System
Of
Government
Election
management
bodies
occupy
a
strategic
position
in
the
electoral
process
and
by
implication
are
decisive
for
the
success
of
any
democratic
system
of
government.
Since
they
are
charged
with
the
responsibility
of
organizing
elections,
their
omission
or
commission
could
make
or
mar
elections.
This
paper
examines
the
challenges
of
free
and
fair
election
and
the
relationship
between
election
management
bodies
and
the
institutionalization
of
democratic
governance.
The
focus
is
that
an
independent,
impartial,
transparent,
effective
and
efficient
electoral
management
body
is
a
prerequisite
for
the
institutionalization
of
a
viable
democratic
political
system.
The
variables
which
determine
a
credible
election
management
bodies
are:
Independence,
Transparency
and
Impartiality.
1

2.
CONCEPT
OF
IMPARTIALITY
Impartiality
is
another
variable
which
determines
the
credibility
of
election
management
bodies.
Members
of
election
management
bodies
are
human
beings
and
are
likely
to
have
their
party
preferences.
However,
such
preferences
should
not
in
any
way
affect
their
official
duties.
Care
should
be
taken
while
recruiting
temporary
staff
who
are
employed
during
registration
and
election
exercises
to
ensure
that
card
carrying
or
die-­‐hard
partisans
are
not
recruited.
This
can
be
achieved
through
a
careful
screening
exercise.
An
impartial
election
management
body
deals
openly
and
on
equal
terms
with
each
political
party.
This
is
to
ensure
that
each
party
has
equal
access
to
the
state
–
owned
media,
freedom
to
campaign
and
respect
by
candidates
and
parties
of
limits
set
for
campaign
expenses.
NEEDS
TO
SITUATE
ELECTORAL
MALPRACTICES
There
is
a
general
need
to
situate
the
prevalence
of
electoral
malpractices
in
an
amoral
political
culture,
whose
thrust
is
anti-­‐democratic
in
significant
ways,
and
which
shows
general
indifference
to
the
desecration
of
the
electoral
process,
whereas,
much
lip
service
is
paid
to
upholding
the
sanity
of
the
electoral
process,
the
full
weight
of
the
law
is
not
generally
and
typically
brought
to
bear
on
those
who
desecrates
it,
except
in
some
rare
cases;
nor
has
the
moral
outrage
voiced
by
some
being
channeled.
Again,
except
in
a
number
of
rare
cases,
into
outbursts
of
spontaneous
collective
political
and
social
action
or
the
expression
of
2

3.
people’s
power
within
the
ambit
of
the
law
that
would
shame
and
penalize
perpetrators
of
electoral
malpractices
and
deter
would-­‐be-­‐perpetrators.
PAINS
OF
ELECTORAL
LITIGATION
The
situation
is
understandably
fed
by
the
tardy
and
expensive
nature
of
the
country’s
judicial
process
and
a
legal
culture,
which
deliberately
encourages
violation
of
the
spirit
of
the
law,
through
taking
advantage
of
ambiguities
in
the
letter
of
the
law
and
hiding
behind
procedural
technicalities
in
the
judicial
process
to
frustrate
and
prolong
litigations.
The
result
is
a
cynical
resignation
and
a
general
disenchantment
with
the
electoral
process.
The
need
for
Nigerians
to
stand
and
defend
their
suffrage
irrespective
of
intimidation
of
any
sort
is
imperative.
We
must
be
ready
to
create
and
strategize
to
create
a
democratic
men
and
women
in
the
country
that
will
be
ready
to
defend
their
votes.
In
handling
this
subject
at
hand,
I
feel
challenged
because
of
my
experience
as
a
victim
of
election
fraud
which
spanned
about
four
years
in
my
state.
In
fact,
I
feel
more
challenged
because
I
had
an
insider
account
of
the
details
of
the
intricacies
and
politics
of
election
crisis
in
Ekiti
State
in
the
last
few
years.
Coming
from
the
background
of
a
politician
who
shares
similar
experience
with
Governor
Adams
Oshiomhole
on
mandate
stealing
through
the
mighty
powers
of
the
ruling
party
at
the
Federal
level,
it
is
incumbent
upon
me
to
share
my
experiences
and
what
I
consider
the
viable
options
for
electoral
sanctity
in
our
country
Nigeria.
The
credibility
or
otherwise
of
electoral
process
becomes
one
major
factor
that
determines
the
acceptability
index
of
a
nation
in
the
wider
comity
of
nations
3

4.
where
respect
for
the
choice
of
the
people
in
electoral
process
has
contributed
greatly
to
the
economy
well-­‐being
and
social
security
of
the
people
in
Africa.
In
recent
history
in
Africa,
we
have
seen
that
played
out
in
South
Africa
and
Ghana.
In
these
countries,
not
only
has
the
modern
world
seen
that
these
two
countries
hold
much
promise
for
their
people,
but
also
that
they
have
become
a
reference
point
as
a
model
of
transparent
electoral
process
in
African
continent.
For
Nigeria,
sadly
one
of
the
countries
that
gained
early
independence
from
colonial
rule,
the
stories
that
have
emerged
are
sad
memories
of
electoral
frauds,
which
had
led
to
sudden
changes
in
government
with
the
succeeding
governments
posting
worse
results
in
the
conduct
of
elections.
For
instance,
while
the
Western
Region
parliament
poll
fraud
led
to
a
crisis
that
snowballed
into
the
emergency
rule
that
triggered
further
crisis
in
the
First
Republic
that
eventually
led
to
the
civil
war,
the
Second
Republic
election
that
Nigerians
thought
would
mark
a
beginning
of
electoral
sanity
turned
out
to
be
a
veritable
impetus
for
the
military
take-­‐over
of
government.
Massive
electoral
heists
in
various
parts
of
the
country
and
the
backlash
in
people’s
angst
was
what
the
military
needed
to
sack
the
Second
Republic.
What
could
have
been
a
safety
valve
was
truncated
by
the
military
when
it
annulled
the
freest
and
fairest
election
in
June
1993.
What
followed
were
mere
selections
of
candidates
by
godfathers
in
the
primaries
which
further
set
the
tone
for
desperation
by
the
contending
parties
in
which
case
the
parties
controlled
by
moneybags
and
vested
interests
always
carry
the
day
against
the
current
of
people
preference,
which
further
erodes
the
confidence
of
the
people
in
the
4

5.
sanctity
of
the
ballot
box.
For
example
in
Nigeria
in
2007,
the
Party
that
controlled
the
commending
height
of
the
Federal
authorities
made
no
pretence
about
its
insistence
on
abridging
the
right
of
the
people
in
the
choice
of
their
leaders.
Votes
were
allocated
to
the
candidates
of
the
ruling
Party
at
the
detriment
of
more
popular
candidates
in
opposition
Parties.
Litigations
of
the
election
tribunals
clearly
showed
that
things
were
not
working
according
to
the
expectations
of
Nigerians
who
desired
transparent
process
of
electoral
contests.
Several
years
after
the
poll,
those
who
fraudulently
found
their
ways
to
the
seat
of
power
were
illegally
directing
the
affairs
of
their
states
using
state
funds
to
prosecute
their
cases
at
the
tribunals.
While
impostors
closed
their
eyes
to
the
shame
they
have
brought
upon
themselves
and
the
nation,
the
highly
partisan
and
irresponsible
electoral
umpire,
the
Independent
National
Electoral
Commission
(INEC),
did
not
help
matters.
Often
in
hand-­‐in-­‐glove
with
the
ruling
Party,
INEC
under
Prof
Maurice
Iwu
showed
itself
as
the
worst
in
the
supervision
of
electoral
contests
in
Nigeria.
The
victory
we
celebrate
today
in
Edo
State
is
one
singular
relish
of
electoral
fraud
by
the
ruling
Party
in
cahoot
with
the
electoral
umpire.
By
the
Appeal
Court
ruling,
Comrade
Adams
Oshiomhole
clearly
won
his
election
in
2007
only
for
him
to
retrieve
his
mandate
two
years
after.
The
period
of
litigation
in
court
in
Edo
State
clearly
showed
the
side-­‐effect
of
illegitimacy
marked
by
decayed
infrastructure,
mismanagement
of
funds
and
general
dislocation
in
the
governance
process
as
we
have
seen
in
Kenya
in
December
2007,
and
in
Cameroon
and
Zimbabwe
in
2008.
The
same
played
itself
5

6.
out
in
Ekiti.
From
our
experience
in
the
last
few
days
after
our
inauguration,
decayed
infrastructure
hallmarked
almost
four
years
administration
in
Ekiti
State.
Indeed,
the
worst
form
of
electoral
fraud
manifested
in
the
2009
rerun
in
the
Ekiti
State
governorship
election
in
which
I
was
the
prime
victim.
That
singular
sordid
experience
put
Nigeria
on
the
hall
of
infamy
in
election
process
across
the
world.
Widely
criticized
as
the
worst
form
of
poll
management
in
the
choice
of
the
people’s
leaders,
the
world
rose
in
unison
to
put
a
question
mark
on
Nigeria’s
image
as
a
country
that
can
take
a
front
in
modelling
democracy
a
system
of
government
that
can
drive
a
free
and
just
society,
which
of
course
is
one
factor
that
in
turn
drives
development
and
growth.
It
is
however
gratifying
that
the
revelation
at
the
election
tribunal
and
the
perseverance
of
Ekiti
people
gave
them
victory,
which
was
celebrated
across
the
globe.
But
all
these
inadequacies,
both
man-­‐made
and
human
errors,
which
have
hampered
Nigeria’s
march
to
electoral
Promised
Lands
can
be
taken
care
of
if
deliberate
policies
and
measures
are
put
in
place.
Even
though
reform
process
that
could
cleanse
the
conduct
of
election
in
Nigeria
was
instituted,
what
we
have
seen
thereafter
clearly
pointed
out
that
Nigeria
as
a
nation
has
missed
the
mark.
It
is
however
regrettable
that
after
the
efforts
and
funds
expended
on
this,
what
can
be
said
today
about
that
initiative
is
a
resounding
loss
of
faith.
This
is
more
so
as
the
authorities
of
government
that
ought
to
add
fillip
to
the
rebuilding
of
acceptable
conduct
of
elections
are
themselves
stumbling
blocks
in
the
way
of
free
and
fair
elections..
For
example,
the
National
Assembly
has
thrown
out
Justice
Mohammed
Uwais
recommendation
on
the
appointment
of
INEC
leaders
6

7.
by
the
National
Judicial
Council
(NJC),
which
should
have
served
as
a
neutral
organ
of
government
in
charge
of
recruiting
capable
hands
in
election
management
instead
of
leaving
the
appointment
in
the
hands
of
a
partisan
President
whose
choice
of
INEC
officials
is
first
condition
for
suspicion
among
the
opposition
parties.
As
it
stands
today,
particularly
in
reference
to
the
last
rerun
election,
it
is
clear
that
deliberate
measures
have
to
be
put
in
place
for
a
free
and
fair
elections
in
2011,
as
it
is
believed
that
it
is
not
the
electoral
laws
that
are
actually
responsible
for
the
inadequacies
in
our
election
process
but
the
actors,
most
often
in
the
ruling
Party
who
employ
do
or
die
tactics
to
subvert
the
people’s
will.
They
do
this
through
devious
manipulation
and
government
machineries
at
their
disposal.
These
elements
are
still
around,
which
further
hightens
fears
that
2011
polls
may
as
well
succumb
to
the
evil
machinations
of
dor-­‐or-­‐die
politicians.
Indeed,
what
actually
bothers
the
minds
of
Nigerians
is
that
those
who
should
ordinarily
act
as
statesmen
and
vanguards
of
social
change
are
themselves
the
architects
of
the
current
sorry
state
of
our
electoral
process.
For
instance,
former
President
Olusegun
Obasanjo,
who
Nigerian
State
has
so
much
invested
in
for
both
personal
comfort
and
robust
international
stature
later
turned
against
Nigerians
by
getting
himself
involved
in
unbridled
manipulation
of
state
power
to
strangulate
electoral
space.
In
his
avowed
commitment
to
that
sordid
agenda,
Obasanjo
declared
to
the
bewildered
Nigerians
that
2007
general
elections
would
be
a
do-­‐or-­‐die
affair.
What
truly
followed
during
the
elections
was
an
audacious
poll
robbery
through
thuggery,
ballot
stuffing,
votes
manipulations,
compromise
7

8.
of
INEC
officials
through
intimidation,
complicity
by
security
agencies
in
favour
of
the
ruling
Party,
particularly
as
witnessed
during
rerun
poll
in
Ekiti
State.
In
fact,
Ekiti
State
rerun
in
which
I
was
a
prime
victim
provides
me
with
enough
insight
on
the
challenges
the
nation
may
face
in
2011
elections.
What
reinforces
this
line
of
thought
is
that
even
though
the
late
President
Umaru
Yar-­‐
Adua
admitted
that
his
election
was
fraught
with
irregularities
and
indeed
set
up
an
election
reform
panel
to
fine-­‐tune
the
nation’s
electoral
process,
what
followed
in
the
few
States
where
rerun
or
bye-­‐elections
were
held
even
with
Professor
Attahiru
Jega
at
the
driver
seat
gives
no
hope
that
we
may
not
witness
a
worst
scenario
in
the
next
election.
It
is
in
this
light
that
Nigerians
must
insist
on
minimum
standard
that
guarantees
the
sanctity
of
the
ballot
box,
which
of
course
remains
the
vehicle
for
a
stable
government
that
in
turns
guarantees
socio-­‐economic
development.
The
Ekiti
State
scenario
under
Mr
Segun
Oni
has
produced
enough
evidence
that
the
problem
of
illegitimacy
is
unquantifiable.
Apart
from
litigations,
the
fear
of
the
unknown
unsettles
the
man
on
the
driver’s
seat,
thereby
limiting
his
scope
of
developing
strategies
to
address
the
state
problems.
Part
of
this
is
the
issue
of
seeking
favours
in
many
quarters.
This
goes
with
unnecessary
application
of
state’s
funds
to
seek
favours
from
both
real
and
imagined
influence
peddlers.
To
guide
against
the
identified
lapses
in
2011
general
elections,
all
these
problems
need
to
be
tackled
and
new
strategies
evolved
for
Nigerians
for
once
to
8

9.
beat
their
chests
that
indeed
they
are
in
the
starting
block
to
grow
democracy
for
social
change
and
development.
The
challenges
of
free
and
fair
elections
are
indeed
enormous.
They
start
from
the
outset
of
electoral
process
namely
party
primaries.
The
challenge
we
face
through
party
organs
on
this
is
great.
We
have
the
problem
of
manipulating
the
choice
of
party
candidates
through
overbearing
attitude
of
political
godfathers
and
manipulation
of
the
entire
process
to
achieve
pre-­‐determined
ends.
This
manifests
in
the
circumvention
of
the
provisions
of
party
constitution
to
secure
undue
advantage
in
the
process
of
selecting
delegates
that
would
elect
party
candidates.
This
is
already
creating
a
serious
problem
in
the
ruling
party
at
the
Federal
level.
It
should
be
noted
that
the
current
stalemate
in
the
second
amendment
to
the
Electoral
Act
is
as
a
result
of
foisting
an
agenda
that
would
make
for
direct
delegates
to
participate
in
the
election
of
candidates.
By
this
arrangement,
personal
aides
and
political
appointees
would
become
delegates
for
the
selection
of
party
candidates.
This
of
course
can
only
lead
to
an
advantage
in
favour
of
the
Principals,
which
questions
the
credibility
of
the
choice
of
candidates
by
the
appointing
bosses
who
call
the
shots.
The
desperation
that
goes
with
this
is
unquantifiable.
Apart
from
limiting
the
scope
of
people’s
choice,
the
candidates
that
emerge
through
this
process
often
become
willing
tools
in
the
hands
of
those
who
plotted
their
ascendancy.
We
have
seen
this
in
Ekiti
State
where
we
had
no
evidence
that
Mr
Segun
Oni
had
any
agenda
other
than
to
satisfy
the
whims
and
caprices
of
those
that
foisted
him
on
the
people.
More
troubling
is
the
law
governing
elections
in
Nigeria.
As
we
speak,
no
one
is
sure
of
how
the
new
Electoral
Law
will
look
like
except
that
at
the
moment,
9

10.
the
most
crucial
element
in
the
election
reform
process
has
been
thrown
out
by
the
National
Assembly
whose
members
believe
that
having
a
truly
independent
electoral
umpire
will
undermine
their
return
to
power,
hence
the
rejection
of
the
recommendation
in
the
Mohammed
Uwais
report
making
the
Nigeria
Judicial
Council
the
recruitment
authority
of
INEC
officials
to
guarantee
the
independence
of
INEC.
One
other
element
critical
to
free
and
fair
elections
is
the
voter
registration.
As
seen
in
Ekiti
State
in
the
April
27,
2007
election,
the
problem
of
underage
registration
and
multiple
registration
set
the
tone
for
election
manipulations.
This
clearly
showed
at
the
tribunal
hearings
of
the
litigation
that
arose
from
the
fraud
that
characterized
that
election.
In
some
of
the
registers,
it
was
discovered
that
multiple
registration
led
to
the
inaccurate
number
of
voters.
The
tragedy
of
this
is
that
such
fraud
did
not
arise
out
of
human
error
but
a
deliberate
plan
by
politicians
to
have
numerical
advantage
in
election
results.
For
instance
in
Ifaki
Ekiti,
Mr
Segun
Oji,
who
usurped
the
powers
of
Governor
for
almost
four
years,
registered
in
more
than
one
place.
In
one
place,
he
was
registered
as
an
artisan
while
in
the
other,
he
registered
as
a
civil
servant.
This
and
other
several
instances
were
revealed
at
the
tribunal
hearing.
Closely
related
to
this
is
the
problem
of
adequate
time
for
credible
registration.
As
we
speak,
no
one
is
sure
as
to
when
voters
registration
will
commence.
Apart
from
the
bureaucratic
bottleneck
that
dogs
the
award
of
contract
for
the
Direct
Data
Imaging
for
voter
registration,
the
ability
of
the
contractors
and
reliability
of
the
machines
are
not
what
can
be
guaranteed
at
least
for
now.
What
this
can
expose
the
system
to
is
an
ad-­‐hoc
arrangement
10

11.
including
the
use
of
the
discredited
voters’
register
to
conduct
2011
general
elections.
Even
if
the
equipment
and
other
logistics
are
well
on
ground,
one
other
important
factor
Nigerians
must
contend
with
is
INEC
personnel.
As
we
saw
in
Ekiti
State
,
particularly
during
rerun
election,
it
is
clear
that
the
most
daunting
challenge
facing
the
electoral
umpire
today
is
the
crisis
of
credibility
on
the
part
of
INEC
officials.
With
particular
reference
to
Ekti
rerun,
we
all
saw
the
shame
that
characterized
the
entire
conduct
of
the
elections.
For
instance,
Mrs
Ayoka
Adebayo,
who
was
the
Ekiti
Resident
Electoral
Commissioner,
in
the
midst
of
the
announcement
of
the
results
refused
to
conclude
the
declaration
of
the
results,
citing
pressures
to
announce
fake
results.
She
resigned
and
went
into
hiding
only
for
her
to
emerge
days
later
after
she
was
declared
wanted
by
the
Federal
authorities
to
announce
the
result
she
had
earlier
rejected.
Also
at
the
tribunal
hearings
were
revelations
over
official
complicity
by
INEC
officials.
It
was
clear
through
the
pieces
of
evidence
by
INEC
officials
that
they
were
choreographed
to
follow
same
pattern
of
evidence
presentations.
But
for
the
ingenuity
of
the
prosecuting
counsel,
some
INEC
officials
would
have
gone
away
with
their
fake
evidence
during
cross
examination
sessions.
More
intriguing
was
the
collaboration
between
the
security
agencies
and
INEC
officials
particularly
as
seen
in
Ido
Osi.
The
security
agents
literally
provided
cover
11

12.
for
INEC
officials
to
perpetrate
fraud.
For
instance,
as
the
PDP
thugs
set
fire
on
INEC
building
at
Ido
Ekiti,
the
security
agents
watched
on
in
ecstasy.
And
during
tribunal
hearing,
police
declared
that
the
building
was
burnt
by
unknown
men,
even
as
a
PDP
member
testified
that
he
led
a
band
of
thugs
that
set
the
building
on
fire
as
policemen
watched
because
the
arsonists
were
PDP
members.
Even
though
all
these
atrocities
were
reported
by
the
monitoring
teams
comprising
NGOs,
members
of
international
agencies
and
journalists
,
it
was
clear
that
these
observers
were
overwhelmed
by
the
inadequacies
of
INEC
in
providing
a
conducive
environment
for
the
observers
to
functions
optimally.
For
instance,
some
remote
parts
of
certain
areas
could
not
be
accessed
by
the
observers,
and
most
of
these
areas
were
fertile
grounds
for
election
manipulations.
It
was
therefore
not
surprising
that
in
some
voting
centres
t,
the
number
of
accredited
voters
were
less
than
the
results
returned.
In
other
words,
the
results
returned
were
higher
than
the
number
of
those
physically
present
to
vote
during
the
election.
Another
problem
is
the
avalanche
of
corruption
charges
against
the
Judges
of
the
election
petitions
tribunal.
The
Osun
State
presented
a
bizarre
spectacle
of
shame
and
corrupt
conduct
of
the
election
petition
tribunal
Judges.
In
the
first
tribunal
that
tried
Raufu
Aregbesola’s
case
incontrovertible
evidence
was
proved
in
the
discovery
of
correspondence
between
the
defence
counsel
and
the
Judges.
In
a
drama
that
shocked
Nigerians,
the
calls
log
of
MTN
was
shown
where
the
12

13.
defence
counsel
within
the
hours
of
court
hearing
were
exchanging
text
messages
with
the
Judges
on
the
direction
to
follow
during
the
cross-­‐
examination.
This
led
to
the
quashing
of
the
tribunal
judgement
for
another
tribunal
to
be
set
up
to
retry
the
petition.
If
Osun
case
was
bizarre,
the
Ekiti
case
was
intriguing.
Against
the
run
of
common
sense
and
application
of
law,
the
Judges
freely
awarded
reliefs
to
the
law
breakers
in
the
case.
For
instance,
the
Judges
said
the
ACN
members
burnt
the
INEC
office
even
when
evidence
by
a
PDP
member
incontrovertibly
suggested
PDP
thugs
torched
the
building.
He
was
never
cross
examined
to
discredit
his
evidence.
INEC
official,
Innocent
Akao,
in
open
court
disowned
the
results
declaring
Mr
Oni
as
the
winner.
The
Judges
also
said
Mrs
Ayoka
never
resigned
even
though
the
police,
a
co-­‐defendant
in
the
case,
admitted
that
the
woman
actually
resigned
and
was
declared
wanted
to
defend
the
allegations
in
her
resignation
letter.
Figures
in
unsigned
or
altered
documents
were
awarded
to
the
defendant
by
the
Judges,
and
all
evidence
of
violence
was
overlooked
by
the
Judges
in
favour
of
the
defendants.
All
these
lapses
militated
greatly
against
the
transparency
of
the
2007
elections
and
the
rerun
polls
that
followed.
13

14.
To
mitigate
all
these
shortcomings,
therefore,
the
institutions
of
electoral
process
must
be
strengthened
to
ensure
credible
polls
in
2011.
This
must
start
with
internal
democracy
within
the
parties
to
ensure
credible
primaries
to
elect
party
candidates.
Credible
primaries
will
ensure
the
elimination
of
imposition
of
candidates
by
godfathers.
The
proposed
amendments
to
the
Electoral
Act
must
be
credible
enough
to
ensure
the
right
of
party
members
and
voters
generally
to
freely
vote
for
candidates
of
their
choice.
It
is
gratifying
that
Governor
Adams
Oshiomhole
actually
started
the
crusade
for
free
and
fair
balloting
through
his
one-­‐man
one-­‐vote
crusade.
This
initiative
is
commendable
as
it
remains
the
only
option
that
can
generate
stable
democracy
in
our
country.
All
encumbrances
on
the
way
of
effective
sourcing,
deployment
and
application
of
equipment
for
voter
registration
must
be
checked
and
effective
security
of
these
equipment
maintained.
To
ensure
credible
conduct
of
INEC
officials,
recruitment
strategies
must
be
strengthened
to
ensure
that
only
non-­‐partisan
Nigerians
are
on
board
of
INEC.
This
is
where
Uwais’
report
is
relevant.
The
NJC
should
be
put
in
charge
of
recruiting
credible
Nigerians
to
conduct
elections.
It
is
also
important
that
the
functions
of
the
security
agencies
in
election
monitoring
be
redefined
to
insulate
them
from
partisan.
Among
this
is
to
hold
the
security
agents
accountable
for
all
the
lapses
in
the
areas
where
they
supervise
elections..
Also
relevant
is
the
training
of
the
NGOs
in
election
14

15.
monitoring
activities
while
they
are
equipped
with
necessary
tools
to
carry
out
their
duties
particularly
in
difficult
terrains.
It
is
also
important
to
introduce
Election
Offences
Tribunals
to
try
election
offenders.
This
will
act
as
a
check
on
the
activities
of
election
riggers.
More
importantly,
one-­‐man,
one-­‐vote
crusade
must
be
taken
to
all
corners
of
the
country.
These
are
the
challenges
we
face
today
in
our
nation
as
we
march
to
strengthen
the
institutions
of
democracy
for
economy
growth
and
progress.
The
challenge
is
more
daunting
because
there
are
road
blocks
on
the
way,
some
of
which
are
deliberately
created
by
politicians
who
are
averse
to
decent
way
of
conducting
men’s
affairs.
It
is
a
challenge
we
face
both
individually
and
collectively
to
build
a
society
that
can
raise
its
head
in
the
comity
of
nations
that
are
today
dictating
the
pace
in
shaping
policies
for
growth
and
development
across
the
globe
Another
election
is
around
the
corner,
just
about
five
months
to
come,
the
INEC
chairman
Prof.
Attaihiru
Jega
said
his
biggest
problem
is
time
and
not
money.
Many
have
argued
that
the
time-­‐table
for
the
polls
is
just
too
narrow
for
any
meaningful
result
to
be
achieved,
but
the
biggest
headache
of
the
majority
is
neither
the
time
nor
the
money,
it
is
whether
Nigeria
can
indeed
hold
credible
polls.
Will
the
country
make
vote
rigging
unattractive?
Will
the
electorate
look
away
from
the
fleeting
offers
of
bribe
from
desperate
politicians
to
vote
as
their
conscience
leads
them?
15

16.
Will
they
vote
and
insist
that
their
votes
must
count?
Will
the
authorities
do
everything
possible
to
break
the
jinx?
Or
will
we
walk
the
Oshiomole,
Mimiko
and
Fayemi
path
again?
Never
and
never.
Governor
Oshiomhole,
ladies
and
gentlemen,
I
thank
you
very
much
for
giving
me
this
opportunity
to
once
again
ventilate
what
I
know
about
the
crisis
of
confidence
we
have
about
electoral
process
in
the
country.
It
is
hoped
that
all
the
issues
raised
shall
be
of
immense
advantage
for
us
to
rethink
Nigeria
where
opportunities
are
provided
for
the
citizens
to
rediscover
themselves.
It
is
only
in
the
atmosphere
of
freedom
that
we
can
release
our
entrepreneurial
potentialities
to
grow
our
economy
for
the
survival
of
our
great
country
Nigeria.
Thanks
and
God
bless
you
all.
Dr.
Kayode
Fayemi.
2010
16