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JTCDM, TISS IV Roundtable Abstracts 2012

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South Asia has been home to amongst the major, and most violent intra-state armed …

South Asia has been home to amongst the major, and most violent intra-state armed
conflicts of this century. Almost all countries in the region have battled with, and continue to witness inter-group ethnic conflicts, violent sub-nationalisms, left wing and
other (often multiple) protracted insurgencies. India ranks high on the list of internally embattled states, grappling at once with multiple secessionist movements, communal violence and an increasingly powerful left insurgent movement.
Do the growing numbers and intensity of ethno-nationalist and other state-armed group conflicts in the region indicate a need for us to revisit state structures as they
exist in South Asian nation-states today? Do our structures of governance need to be
refashioned to be more accommodative of sub-national aspirations? How can states
effectively address their internal security needs without suppressing the voices of
their poorest and most dispossessed people? How can any of this be practically done
without endangering the state’s ability to at all govern? Are there lessons that South Asian states still struggling to deal with ethnic riots may have to learn from elsewhere across the globe?
The Jamsetji Tata Centre for Disaster Management (JTCDM) of the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) hosts its fourth international roundtable conference to engage with questions such as those posed above. To facilitate discourse amongst diverse
stakeholders, papers are invited from scholars, as well as from members of non-government
and state institutions engaged in research and intervention in conflict and
post conflict situations. The interest in the roundtable is both to share original academic
and other field-based work in the area, as well as to provide an informed and discursive forum to actively explore possibilities for the role of the state in conflict transformation in South Asia.

Janki Andharia, Ph D

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  • 1. Fourth JTCDM Roundtable Conference 17th & 18th April 2012 STRUCTURING PEACEThe State and Conflict Transformation:Prospects and Challenges in South Asia JAMSETJI TATA CENTRE FOR DISASTER MANAGEMENT Tata Institute of Social Sciences
  • 2. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDM Contents INTRODUCTION TO THE ROUNDTABLE 5 INAUGURAL SESSION NANDINI SUNDAR 6 Statehood, Justice and an Alternate Model of Development PAPER PRESENTATIONS AHEIBAM KOIRENG SINGH 7 First Ever Peace Initiative involving State Government SoO with Chikim Outfits in Manipur ASHU PASRICHA 9 Challenges and Prospects of Peace Building in South Asia: A Way from Conflict to Cooperation ELLORA PURI 11 Structuring Peace: Lessons from Jammu and Kashmir GOLDY M. GEORGE 12 Planned Development, Mining & Conflicts: Issues and Challenges M. AMARJEET SINGH 14 Politics of Belonging: Migrations, Citizenships, and Conflicts in India MADHURI 15 Naxalite Movement in Bihar: Current Trend and Remedies MANOJ JHA 16 The Saga of Elusive Peace in a Chaotic World of Demonised Others MRIGENDRA KUMAR SINGH and SUJAY KUMAR 18 Conflict Resolution in Afghanisthan MONISH GULATI 20 Terrorist Life Cycle and Criminalisation: Implications for Curbing Insurgency MUSHTAQ UL HAQ AHMED SIKANDAR 22 Religion and Politics in Kashmir – A Study of the Conflict, Dialogue and its Peaceful Resolution PANKAJ CHOUDHURY 24 Telengana and Gorkhaland: Contesting the Ideal of Nation State PAUL GEORGE 26 Post Conflict Rehabilitation and Resettlement in Karbi Anglong, Assam: A Study of Model Villages PRABHAT KUMAR 28 Structuring Peace: The State and Conflict Transformation: Prospects and Challenges in South Asia 3
  • 3. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDM PRANAV KUMAR 29 Majority Assertion and Challenges to Peace and Security in Bhutan RAMESHCHANDRA NINGTHOUJAM 31 Migration and Conflict in Manipur, India RITUPARNA PATGIRI 32 Illegal Migration from Bangladesh: Transforming the Dynamics of Identity Politics in Assam ROHIT JAIN 34 State and the Doctrine of Public Trust – Need for Restructuring the Relationship between the State and the People for Conflict Transformation RUBINA JASANI 36 Citizenship from the Margins: Gujarat Riots and the Everyday State SAIMA FARHAD 37 Years 2008, 2009 and 2010 – the Three Years of Conflict in Kashmir – Common and Peculiar Characteristics SAMIR AHMAD BHAT 38 Kashmir Conflict: Failure of Democratic Processes SANGHITA DATTA 40 The Role of Government in Restoring Peace: A Study of the Enclave of Bengal SANJEEVINI BADIGAR 42 Relief Where There Should Be Rights: State Practices Related to Communal Violence in the Context of Gujarat SHUKHDEBA SHARMA HAJABAM 44 The State & Political Apology: Towards Peace Building in the Northeast India SHWETA VERMA 45 Victims or Survivors? Collective or Diverse? Reflections on 2010 Scenario in Kashmir and Implications for Interventions in Post Conflict Context SRISHTEE R SETHI 47 Fragile States in South Asia: An Analysis of Pakistan UPASANA ROY BURMAN 48 A Deeper Look into Ethnic Conflicts of South Asia  VALEDICTORY ADDRESS MUKESH KAPILA 50 Healing Broken Societies: Can Development Aid Buy Peace? 4
  • 4. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDM STRUCTURING PEACEThe State and Conflict Transformation: Prospects and Challenges in South AsiaSouth Asia has been home to amongst the major, and most violent intra-state armedconflicts of this century. Almost all countries in the region have battled with, andcontinue to witness inter-group ethnic conflicts, violent sub-nationalisms, left wing andother (often multiple) protracted insurgencies. India ranks high on the list of internallyembattled states, grappling at once with multiple secessionist movements, communalviolence and an increasingly powerful left insurgent movement.Do the growing numbers and intensity of ethno-nationalist and other state-armedgroup conflicts in the region indicate a need for us to revisit state structures as theyexist in South Asian nation-states today? Do our structures of governance need to berefashioned to be more accommodative of subnational aspirations? How can stateseffectively address their internal security needs without suppressing the voices oftheir poorest and most dispossessed people? How can any of this be practically donewithout endangering the state’s ability to at all govern? Are there lessons that SouthAsian states still struggling to deal with ethnic riots may have to learn from elsewhereacross the globe?The Jamsetji Tata Centre for Disaster Management (JTCDM) of the Tata Institute ofSocial Sciences (TISS) hosts its fourth international roundtable conference to engagewith questions such as those posed above. To facilitate discourse amongst diversestakeholders, papers are invited from scholars, as well as from members of non-government and state institutions engaged in research and intervention in conflict andpost conflict situations. The interest in the roundtable is both to share original academicand other field-based work in the area, as well as to provide an informed and discursiveforum to actively explore possibilities for the role of the state in conflict transformationin South Asia.Janki Andharia 5
  • 5. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDM INAUGURAL SESSIONNANDINI SUNDARStatehood, Justice and an Alternate Model of DevelopmentThis article looks at the conflicts over land and forest in central India, and in particularat the genesis of the Maoist movement, and State responses. I argue that far from beingirresolvable, there are several potential models available that the Indian State can drawupon, if it had the will. These include:a) Truth and Reconciliation Commissions as have been tried in Peru and Guatemalafollowing similar civil wars between the militaries and left wing organizations. Thisin turn would entail freeing the large numbers who have been forcibly incarcerated,which is a continuing source of distress, a recognition of the large numbers killed, andsuitable punishment for those responsible for excesses.b) Redrawing State boundaries with innovative governance structures. A new Statere-organisation commission that recognized Adivasi States like Dandakaranya (incentral India), a Bhil Homeland in Western India, and a revised Jharkhand State with amajority tribal population etc. would be a major political gesture. Within this, modelsfor revenue sharing could be worked out drawing on the experience of treaties withAustralian and Native American indigenous peoples, as well as indigenous models ofschooling. Elements of the sixth schedule could also replace the defunct fifth schedulein these areas.About the Author:Nandini Sundar is Professor of Sociology, Delhi School of Economics, Delhi University, andCo-editor, Contributions to Indian Sociology. She has previously worked at the Centre forthe Study of Law and Governance, Jawaharlal Nehru University, the Institute of EconomicGrowth, Delhi and the University of Edinburgh. Her publications include Subalterns andSovereigns: An Anthropological History of Bastar (2nd ed. OUP 2007), published in Hindi asGunda Dhur Ki Talash Mein (Penguin 2009), and Branching Out: Joint Forest Managementin India (OUP 2001). She is editor of Legal Grounds: Natural Resources, Identity and the Lawin Jharkhand(OUP 2009) and also co-editor of Anthropology in the East: The founders of Indiansociology and anthropology (Permanent Black 2007), and A New Moral Economy for India’sForests: Discourses of Community and Participation (Sage Publications, 1999). 6
  • 6. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMAHEIBAM KOIRENG SINGHFirst Ever Peace Initiative involving State Government SoO with Chikim Outfits inManipurThe paper traces how Ceasefire with Chin-Kuki-Mizo (CHIKIM) ethnic armed outfitscommenced as a military initiative sidelining the State government following thesigning of Suspension of operation (SoO) between the Indian armed forces (consistingof the paramilitary and the army) and the eight CHIKIM outfits on 01 August 2005.It later became official with the signing of tripartite agreement on 22 August 2008between the conglomerates groups of CHIKIM outfit namely, the United Front (UPF),and the Kuki National Organisation (KNO), the State Government and the Centrewith definite ground rules that ensure territorial integrity of Manipur, among variousothers. The KNO represents 11 groups, and the UPF represents eight outfits. CHIKIMarmed outfits under SoO had objectives ranging over ‘Kuki State’ ‘Kukiland’ ‘Zomiautonomous council’ and ‘Zalengam’ but with the signing of SoO under the constitutionof India, it was agreed not to break the territorial integrity of Manipur.The CHIKIM ethnic armed outfits despite being in SoO with the State and the Uniongovernment, continued to engage in extortion, fratricidal turf wars and internecinefactional clashes, kidnapping for ransom, intimidating the civilians, interference indevelopmental programmes, and influencing the outcome of the Autonomous DistrictCouncil (ADC) election 2010 results through sheer coercion. Though different warringgroups and factions have come under SoO, there is little evidence that their hostilitieshave ceased.The paper reiterates that those CHIKIM outfits under SoO should not be engaged incounter-insurgency operations, since it would escalate hostilities among armed outfitsas rivalries between the armed outfits often have a ‘trickle-down’ effect among thepeople whom they claim to represent. A Joint Monitoring Group (JMG) headed byPrincipal Home Secretary comprising of a representative each from the UPF and theKNO dealt with the issues related to the field or the ground rules.JMG should motivate the armed groups under SoO to initiate confidence buildingmeasures among the warring factions and groups to sort out their differences withoutresorting to violence. The State and the central government shall ensure that thoseCHIKIM outfits under SoO do not inconvenience the civilians. The KNO as well asthe UPF took SoO as a significant step in the right direction and a prerequisite to thecommencement of political dialogue. It is hoped that holistic solutions, which will notbe in collision with the interest of the other communities that could potentially triggeranother form of conflict, would come into sight in the very near future. To add a cautiousnote , if any form of autonomy is to be granted, it should not be community-exclusiveas the guiding spirit should be that of peaceful co-existence and not of extendingsovereignty to one particular ethnic group. 7
  • 7. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMThe paper ends on an optimistic note stating that SoO being the first ever peace initiativeinvolving the State government, should pave way for substantive dialogue towardsa durable solution of the hydra-headed CHIKIM insurgencies. Successful resolutionof the CHIKIM insurgency through SoO would invite the willingness of other outfitswhich still eludes the peace-talks offer.About the Author:Aheibam Koireng Singh (MA, PhD) is Assistant Professor in the CMS, Manipur University.Some of the major publications to his credit are Ethnicity and Inter-Community Conflicts: A Caseof Kuki-Naga in Manipur, 2008; Problems of Ethnicity and Identity in Contemporary Manipurand Other Essays,2009; Understanding Kuki Since Primordial Times, 2010; Miniature India inMotion: Movements in Recent Past and Present Manipur, 2011; and Removing the Veil: Issuesin Northeast Conflict, 2012. Ethnicity, conflict, governance, and security related issues are hisarea of interest. 8
  • 8. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMASHU PASRICHAChallenges and Prospects of Peace Building in South Asia: A Way from Conflict toCooperationGlobalization has brought people across the world nearer to each other. It has alsobrought civilizations and cultures closer together, providing novel arenas for moreintense dialogue and better communication platforms for mutual and sustainedunderstanding. The notion that ours is a global neighbourhood has become reality.Along with the awareness that the global neighbourhood is now upon us, there is therealization that any war, conflict, serious disturbance, or oppression in any one part of theworld affects every other part of the world. Globalization means the interconnectednessand feeling of fellow-hood amongst people in situations of need and suffering.Misery in any corner of the global neighbourhood affects the peace and well-being ofeveryone else. As Martin Luther King said “injustice anywhere is injustice everywhere”.However, there are still forces that focus on a fragmented world and emphasize oldpositions, historical events, divisive concepts and views that fuel conflicts around theglobe. Is it possible to counteract these forces and build a new, cohesive civilization inwhich deadly conflicts will not survive and more harmony in diversity shall prevail,leading to a greater understanding and acceptance between cultures?In this context, South Asia stands at a crossroads. It is a compact geo-political andcivilizational region inhabited by more than 1.5 billion or 1/5th of human kind. In spiteof many historical, civilizational, social, linguistic and cultural linkages, this area hasbeen conspicuous for its high levels of tension, confrontation and conflict and very lowlevels of regional co-operation for development.South Asia is home to a third of world’s poor, with a large number of problems. Thepeople of this region have experienced stark poverty, increasing inequality, casteand communal violence, social and political conflicts, a sense of hostility towardsneighbours, fragmentations, mistrust and political tendency to blame, demonize andundermine each other rather than supporting each other and promoting a cohesivevision of a South Asia free from poverty, violence and hostilities.In such a scenario Peace building in South Asia is a stupendous task. Such deepcrises and problems in these countries necessitate efforts for short and long termsolutions. Although the underlying issues involved are many (conflict along ethnicand religious lines, extremism, violence and oppression), Asia certainly has the culturaland civilizational resources at its disposal to help resolve these problems and buildsustainable peace in the region.All these conflicts and violent incidents are occurring in South Asia despite the fact thatthe Gandhian principles of non-violence originate from this region, and the world’slargest democracy, India, has a central place in South Asia. What then is the missinglink to achieve peace in this most volatile of regions, despite interest from all sides andtheir long-term engagement of the international community? 9
  • 9. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMThe salient points covered in this paper are:• Main challenges facing peace building in South Asia• Gandhian ideology and its perspectives in developing a ‘Culture of Peace’;• The role of civil society in being instrument to bring harmony amongst the interests of all section of society and being a partner in peace building process in South Asia;• Participation of International organizations like the United Nations etc. in developing structures, institutions and hence processes, whereby a just and peaceful South Asia would emerge.• The efficacy of co-operation as a way of peace building.About the Author:Dr. Ashu Pasricha’s special interests are: Gandhian Thought, Peace Studies, Conflict Resolution,Research Methodology, Rural Development. She is associated with a number of national andinternational academic, cultural, educational, and social and peace organizations/institutions/bodies such as the “European Research Group on Military and Society (ERGOMAS), Zurich,Switzerland” and many others. She has visited many countries of the world like Slovenia andAmsterdam as a Scholar and delivered many lectures/talks.She has written 18 books and has published number of research papers/articles. She is also aregular contributor to various prestigious newspapers in the country and abroad. She has beeninvited by Indira Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU) to formulate Course Material on‘Gandhi, Peace Studies and Management Public System (MPS).’ She has guided and continuesto guide many PhD and MPhil students of the Department of Gandhian Studies, PanjabUniversity Chandigarh. 10
  • 10. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMELLORA PURIStructuring Peace: Lessons from Jammu and KashmirNo discussion on political violence in South Asia is complete without discussing Jammuand Kashmir, an erstwhile princely state whose historical trajectory after 1947 has, inmultiple ways, affected the politics within India, relations between India and Pakistan,and political happenings in places like the United Kingdom, where a large section ofcitizens from the Pakistani part of the State reside.In this presentation, I seek to wear multiple hats—of an academic, of an activist, andof a policy advocate. As I emphasise every time I have to talk of J&K, and by extensionmost ‘conflict’ spots in the world, it is impossible not to wear all these hats, if you reallywant to intervene and make a ‘difference.’The presentation will focus on three dimensions of conflict spots like J&K. These three,having had a chance to study conflicts elsewhere in the world, in my opinion, aregeneralizable.One: Distinguish between political causes of conflict and governance problems. Donot neglect one at the cost of the other. Governance issues are easier to discern, andaddress, so tackle them.Two: Justice is important. No, time does not heal. If the States want to really make anychanges for the better, they need to address the mistakes they have made in the past,particularly those related to Human Rights violations.Three: It takes time to ‘solve’ a conflict. Without knowledge and vision it is impossibleto. Know the ground realities, know the history, know the ‘geography.’ And whilekeeping open possibilities of multiple solutions to the conflict, keep in mind a vision ofthe kind of society one envisages would emerge from whatever be that solution.About the Author:Ellora Puri is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science, the University ofJammu. Before joining the teaching faculty at the Univ. of Jammu, she worked as the SeniorResearch Associate at the Delhi Policy Group and as a Graduate Student Instructor in theDepartment of Political Science, University of Michigan. Ms. Puri’s research interests includepolitical institutions, political violence, identity politics, gender, and participatory development(with special focus on South Asia). 11
  • 11. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMGOLDY M. GEORGEPlanned Development, Mining & Conflicts: Issues and ChallengesPlanned Industrial Development in post-independence India started in 1950. Thisphase of planned economic growth of industries with active support from the Statewas directly proportional to the unchecked exploitation of the masses. Displacement,migration and its repercussions on workers, loss of land and livelihood, pilferage ofState revenue and depletion of forest resources had grown to a monstrous scale.The development process, which stood on the edifice of colonialism, began to evolveinto a full blown Neo-Colony while having to contend with political threats that werefundamental in nature. At times, the State provided a semblance of hope by makingefforts to mitigate the problems but did not work towards fundamentally resolvingthem. By keeping these pretensions alive and flourishing through various means,the political upheavals and movements were constantly being undermined. Thesepretensions were constantly kept alive by concessions, which were often only marginalor nominal and constituted populist measures entrenched in the political system.Globalization brought in a new argument that economic mobility in the hierarchy ofworld economy requires higher level of production and technology. Thus the Statepushes forward greater vertical linkages to the capitalist market and deepens theirinternal accumulation through exploitation of labour and the nature. It is hoped thatthe external linkages between local economy and world economy could reinforce thestatus of the ruling elite and promote internal expansion. This openness towards worldeconomy is not simply confined to trade flows, investment flows and financial flows;it also extends to flows of services, technology, information, ideas and persons acrossnational boundaries. Political stability or instability has a direct bearing on the process,pace and intensity of globalization and reforms, which admittedly have been slow andinadequate.India’s Five Year Plans have focused on mining to achieve ‘development’, demandingthe forfeiture of people’s lands for ‘national prosperity’. Most mineral and miningoperations are found in forest regions, which are also the habitat for Adivasi (indigenous)communities. Mining projects vary from rat hole mining, small-scale legal and illegalmining, to large-scale mining. The gateway for private sector participation in miningduring the 1990s aggravated mining related community conflicts, with, far reachingconsequences.Conflicts over mining have existed for more than four decades in different forms. Theseconflicts were not addressed adequately since the trade union movements in such areascould never understand the issues related to mining in their entirety. Moreover, mininghas always been assumed to be a major means of industrial development contributing tothe State economy. Over the course of time, the very definition of State and its economyhas changed. 12
  • 12. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMThe proposed paper would make an attempt to examine the planned mining process,its current developments and how new forms of conflict such as Planning and Mining,Mining vis-à-vis People, Mining in pre and post Globalization era have impacted recentdevelopments in mining. The paper will address the issue of Mining and Maoism fromthe Central Indian perspective.About the Author:The author has primarily been a Dalit activist for nearly two decades in Chhattisgarh andfounded the Dalit Mukti Morcha and Dalit Study Circle. He has done several researches onDalits, Adivasis and Developmental issues. He has authored one book, co-edited another. Healso has to his credit, 6 booklets and over 100 articles in newspapers, magazines, researchjournal both in English and Hindi. He is one of the founders of Centre for Just Peace in Asia(CJPA) and has travelled extensively across Asia. He has presented numerous papers in severalinternational as well as national conferences, conventions, and seminars. He was one of the keypersons in working out the draft “Dalit Policy Document”. He is a recipient of NFI fellowshipfor journalistic research as well as the Dalit Foundation fellowship. Currently he is a PhDscholar with the CSSEIP, SSS at TISS, Mumbai. 13
  • 13. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMM. AMARJEET SINGHPolitics of Belonging: Migrations, Citizenships, and Conflicts in IndiaMigration has increasingly become a livelihood strategy for hundreds of thousandsof people across the globe, and yet it could also be a source of conflict. This is evidentin India, particularly in its Northeast borderland, where cross-border migration fromBangladesh is largely perceived to be a threat to the local cultures. Failure to checkthis type of migration was also responsible for the alienation of the local people fromthe national mainstream which gradually transformed into armed and violent conflictbetween Indian state and armed groups. Following pressure from local people, thecountry’s national government has devised a number of measures for checking cross-border migration. Those measures were however not so effective mainly because theywere implemented without taking into account the shared history, geography andeconomy of the sending and the destination areas. Down the line, the issue has alsofurther politicised with every political parties indulging in vote-bank politics. It alsoconsiderably divided the local people along communal and religious lines because thedistinction between migrants and non-migrants is actually blurred in this part of theworld. Thus, down the line the inability to check cross-border migration has causedfurther alienation among the local people which further contributed to the armedconflict. It is thus suffice to say the armed conflict in the Northeast, at least in the statesof Assam and Tripura, has been influenced by the politics of migration. Ironically, thehuman migration is only likely to intensify further. In this context, it is urgently necessaryto see migration as an opportunity for development rather than simply as a threat asit used to be. Such rethinking entails exploring innovative measures in upholding theinterests of migrants and non-migrants, and/or of citizens and non-citizens.About the Author:M. Amarjeet Singh is an assistant professor in the Conflict Resolution Programme at NationalInstitute of Advanced Studies, Indian Institute of Science campus, Bangalore. He is member of theAdvisory Group for the Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies’s study on ‘Responseto Insurgency’. His research and teaching interests include: sociological theory, conflict studies,development and displacement, globalisation and migration studies, and Northeast India. Hecan be contacted at amarjeetdelhi@gmail.com. 14
  • 14. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMMADHURINaxalite Movement in Bihar: Current Trend and RemediesBihar, besides Nepal and the states of Maharashtra, Karnatakaand Tamil Nadu, falls inthe ‘Red Corridor’ of the ‘Compact Revolutionary Zone’ of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoistmovement in India, popularly known as Naxalite movement. Naxalism emerged inBihar in 1967, the year that it originated as an ideology and an organized movementagainst the oppression of lower caste communities. Bihar with its 85% rural populace,most of whom have been socially, economically and politically disadvantaged/exploited for centuries at the hands of the upper castes and have experienced severedamage to life and people in the last four decades, presents ideal conditions for such amovement.The movement has engulfed 19 out of the total 38 districts of the state. The notablereasons for its spread in the state have been unlawful occupation and possession ofland above the legal ceiling, failure to protect sharecroppers’ interests, control overcommon property resources and above all, atrocities committed against the lower castecommunities and the indifferent attitude of the State. However, of late, this appearsto be on a declining path, although it would be too hasty to arrive at any decisiveconclusion.This paper looks into the contributing factors leading to the spread of the Naxalitemovement and its current trends. It also attempts to arrive at certain remedial measures.The study is based on census data and content analysis. The findings reveal that thereexists a wide gap between people, especially the lower caste communities and the State,to the extent that both run parallel to each other without a meeting point. It furtherexplores the perennial problem of socio-economic and political exploitation, denial ofbasic human honour to oppressed people (lower castes), deep rooted mistrust betweenthe upper and lower caste communities and the indifferent attitude of the State and itssuperficial policy measures.The paper suggests devolution of power to the people with matching support fromthe State and people-centric development packages as solutions. It emphasizes on theneed for an institutional arrangement with constitutional status for the preparation andimplementation of development activities with active involvement of the oppressedcommunities.Keywords: oppression, possession, sharecroppers, ceiling, devolutionAbout the Author:The author is a research scholar in the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, IITKharagpur. The topic of her PhD is “Rural livelihood and Resilience after Flood”. She hasqualified NET-JRF (UGC) in December, 2007 and has been awarded the Institute Scholarshipin IIT Kharagpur, 2009. She has worked as a Lecturer in a college affiliated to the Tikla ManjhiBhagalpur University, Bhagalpur (January 2007 to June 2009). 15
  • 15. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMMANOJ JHAThe Saga of Elusive Peace in a Chaotic World of Demonised OthersOne cannot help being highly conscious of the fact that the prospect of possible peaceis being located in the wake of a decade of Gujarat riots 2002; and little more than adecade of 9/11 in the centre of world’s greatest and most vocal democracy i.e. USA andhundreds of other violent episodes which has numbed the popular psyche everywhere.The years since then have seen continued mourning not only by victims and survivorsbut by a large section of civil society across the globe. Ten years since then have alsoresulted in more of despair and hopelessness for the victims, survivors as well as forall those who are concerned about the shrinking width of secular democratic spaceacross the globe. Peace, for the purpose of this piece is a state of mutual harmonybetween people or groups emanating out of a perceived sense of justice, manifestingas the normal freedom from civil commotion and violence of a society; state of publicorder and security. The possibility of such peace remains elusive also on account of theunremitting progression of gloominess, which has its roots in largely unattended andunhealed wounds compounded by the ever increasing distance between the victimsand their hopes for justice.Before we choose to proceed further, it is pertinent to ask a simple question – can Indiasurvive amongst the civilised nations of the world live with this kind of stigmatisationof a particular section of her populace? Can India translate its lofty constitutionalideals of secular living into reality with peace as the perceived mascot? The tenor of theexhortation coming out from certain political parties and a vocal section of the mediadoes not allow us to have much faith in defending diversity in our context. Besides thepersistence of hate rhetoric witnesses further rise of authoritarian and blatant misuseof political power at the one end and the rise of exclusivist philosophy on the otherand both culminate in the demonization of a people pushing them far away from thestates’ structures. So far episodes of violence between religious communities havegenerally been explained as symptomatic of a society which has ‘forgotten’ the skillsof plural living and togetherness. The overwhelming presence, persona and stature ofcontemporary narratives of violence seem to corroborate this view even though violentoutbursts are not new to the Indian landscape. Herein, attempt shall be made to placethe possibility of peace in the larger context of rapidly changing nature of the spacesin which human beings chose to interact or remain oblivious of each other. It also aimsat placing the larger frames of violence and the violent structures besides the smallerframe of gradual but systematic reduction in the size of the moral community.About the AuthorDr Manoj Kumar Jha, Associate Professor at the Department of Social Work, University ofDelhi is a practitioner of emancipatory approach in Social Work. An academician-activist, hehas extensively researched communal relations, violence and majority-minority relations andhas been part of many independent fact-finding teams to respond to instances of violence and 16
  • 16. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMatrocities. He has helped civil society groups devise and create rehabilitative and reconciliatoryaction projects across India. He writes regular columns for newspapers and magazines onissues of contemporary relevance. His books and articles are the outcomes of his close analysis ofthe processes as well as language and idioms of othering. 17
  • 17. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMMRIGENDRA KUMAR SINGH and SUJAY KUMARConflict Resolution in AfghanisthanIn Afghanistan, clan and ethnicity play pivotal roles in Political, Social, Economic &Cultural power dynamics not only within the country, but these ethnic groups arehistorically attached with same ethnic groups of respective neighbouring States Suchas Pashtuns (Pakistan), Tajik (Tajikistan), Hazara (Iran), & Turkmen (Turkmenistan).Since 1979 all the cited neighbouring States tried their best to influence the Afghan Statedirectly/indirectly to provide all types of help to Afghan nationals on ethnic grounds.Apart from the world powers, the cited interference complicated the internal stabilityof the Federal Government at Kabul. That led to all types of demands for power sharingby various tribal 53 clans in Afghanistan.Keeping the present geopolitical scenario in view, Obama’s 2012 US troops pull outplan will have direct impact not only on Afghanistan but indirect impact on the wholeof South Asia. Afghan economy is presently an aid driven economy with almosteverything being imported from across the borders. Afghanistan is geo-strategicallylocated in the centre of the Asian continent. It straddles the economically prosperousand gas/oil/mineral rich Middle East and the Central Asian republics towards the Westand the emerging economies of India and China towards the East which are growing atrates much faster than most of the developed economies in other continents.Conflict resolution in a fragile State like Afghanistan is a mammoth task. And morethan 3 decades of civil war has created a Jihadi culture in Afghanistan and Pakistanthat has developed across the Durand line. Strategies must start off by cutting offthe staging posts and sanctuaries provided to the insurgent leadership in Pakistan.Pakistan’s tribal belt provides a safe haven for Taliban militants and a near endlesssource of Jihadi recruits from fundamentalist madrassas.If Afghanistan becomes a failed State, extremists will once again use its territory fortraining camps and as a launching pad for terrorist attacks across the world. WithAfghanistan’s future in balance, the world community especially Role of ShanghaiCooperation Organization i.e Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan &Uzbekistan and the European Union, Iran & India can help tip it towards success bymaking the long-term and effective commitments required for the Afghans to overcomethe spoilers, rebuild their shattered State and deny a safe haven to future terrorists.That is probably one of the enduring lessons of politics and of political philosophy.You know that this is ultimately a skill that is not about technology. It‘s a skill thatis political in nature and perhaps the way you do it is to know something about thecountry and its culture, and to understand the history and not to combat it. Thereforeit’s high time for the US lead NATO forces to realize that they cannot replicate westernform of democratic governance here.Ultimately this conflict will only be overcome by addressing the legitimate grievancesof the Afghan people, not by negotiating with violent extremists. There has to be a 18
  • 18. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMlong-term effort to build effective and fair local institutions that provide real security tothe population. The international community must be prepared to provide the politicalcover and courage to the country’s leadership to tackle corrupt and discredited power-brokers rather than the present short-term strategy of simply drawing everyone, nomatter how tainted, into the fold, creating a culture of impunity and corruption.About the Authors:Mrigendra Kr. Singh has been working as Security Associate in Lok Sabha Secretariat,Parliament of India, New Delhi since 2003. He has been overseeing access control systems andphysical security system of the Parliament Estate. He began his career in 1999 as ProgramManager with Sputnik Territorial Academy (NGO), Indore. He has attended various specializedtrainings/courses in the security domain organized by National Industrial Security Academy,Hyderabad; Intelligence Bureau, New Delhi; Defence Research Development Establishment,Gwalior and the Bureau of Parliamentary Studies & Training, New Delhi. He also attended the2nd India Disaster Management Congress, in New Delhi in 2009. Mr Singh is an Economicsgraduate from the Allahabad Central University. He is currently pursuing M.A. in DisasterManagement from TISS, Mumbai.Sujay Kumar is currently working as Legislative Officer in Lok Sabha Secretariat, Parliament ofIndia dealing with matters relating to Private Members’ businesses in Lok Sabha. He has about 8years of experience in the field of Private Members’ legislation. He attended the CommonwealthAssociation of Legislative Counsels (CALC) Conference in Hyderabad in 2011 and participatedin a number of training programmes organized by the Bureau of Parliamentary Studies andTraining, Lok Sabha Secretariat. He also participated in a 7-day training programme organizedby the International Centre for Information System and Audit (ICISA). Mr Kumar did hisM.A. in Geography from the Delhi School of Economics. 19
  • 19. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMMONISH GULATITerrorist Life Cycle and Criminalisation: Implications for Curbing InsurgencyReview of the literature on insurgencies in India provides three main perspectives onthe Naxalite issue .The first is the security or ‘law and order’ perspective, which equatesNaxalites with terrorists; a view dominant within the police and the governmentinstitutions. The second is the ‘root causes’ perspective, which views poverty and thelack of primary services as main cause of the movement’s existence and its mass appeal.The third perspective sees the movement as a result of structural violence; a view heldby the Naxalites and their sympathizers.The root causes underlying an insurgency are the initial drivers of the terrorist lifecycle.1 Root causes consist of various combinations of factors and situations, rangingfrom incidental to dominant, global, regional or local, governmental-regime, societal orindividual levels, or any other possible variations which maybe unique to a movement.Understanding the root causes underlying such conflicts is advocated to be the firstline of analysis in a government’s efforts to combat terrorism and consequently, itsstrategies and programmes. Therefore, the first step is to research and systematicallymap the spectrum of root causes influencing a movement’s origins, grievances anddemands. ‘In ideal cases, it is hoped that such mapping of root causes will then assistthe governments to formulate an appropriate mix of coercive and conciliatory measuresthat would be most effective in terminating a terrorist insurgency, whether peacefully,militarily, by law enforcement, or through a combination of these measures.’ This is thebest case scenario; which could extend over a decade or more in its resolution but hasa happy ending. However a combination of root cause (s) and criminal activities seemto threaten this paradigm of conflict resolution.A social movement is defined by two characteristic practices. ‘It essentially involvessustained collective mobilization and secondly, it is generally oriented towardsbringing about change.2 In other words, a social movement is defined by involvementin collective mobilization and change orientation. Linked to mobilization processes isframing, which is ‘the way in which the goals and objects of mobilization, whetherviolent or otherwise, are presented to potential adherents, to the designated opponents,and to third parties’.3 Sustaining a movement or mobilization, requires funding andrecruitment which are influenced by cause and ideology. But when movements beginsto flag, funding and recruitment requirements may influence the cause and ideology to1 Joshua Sinai. A New Conceptual Framework to Resolve Terrorism’s Root Causes. ANSER (Analytic Services) joshua.sinai@verizon.net2 Rao, M.S.A. (ed). (1979) ‘Social movements in India’, New Delhi, Manohar Publishers & Distributors, last edition: 2008.3 King, C. (2007) ‘Power, Social Violence and Civil Wars’, in Crocker, C., Hampson, F.O., and All, P., (eds) 20
  • 20. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMan extent, albeit temporarily. At this point in time (if it has not been done earlier) theframing justifies criminal acts for the cause.Resorting to criminal activities at the end of the terrorist or insurgency life cycle providessustenance to a movement even after its mass base has been degraded (and ideally rootcauses addressed). It is a reality that the country faces in the case of insurgencies inPunjab and Nagaland. The recent acts of BKI in Ambala are a reminder. This paperdraws lessons from the ‘Shining Path’ insurgency in Peru to provide policy pointersin evolving a strategy to deal with insurgencies that resort to criminal activities forsustenance beyond the classical insurgency life cycle.About the Author:The author is an Independent Analyst and an Army veteran (ex-army officer) with 24 years ofservice with the military. The author has first-hand experience in counter-insurgency operationsand specializes in infrastructure resilience. 21
  • 21. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMMUSHTAQ UL HAQ AHMAD SIKANDERReligion and Politics in Kashmir – A Study of the Conflict, Dialogue and its PeacefulResolutionThe Kashmir issue has been the bone of contention between India and newly createdPakistan since the partition of subcontinent in 1947. On the issue of Kashmir, the twocountries have, till now fought three full scale wars, entered into nuclear arms race,supported proxy wars against each other, capitalized on the native resentment of certainethnicities against the State and Kashmir still continues to threaten the Peace of wholeSouth Asia. The people of Kashmir by large consider themselves as the victims held injeopardy not only by India but before them by Mughals, Afghans, Sikhs and Dogras.Islam came as a revolutionary message to the Valley of Kashmir and liberated itsinhabitants from the rigid, exploitative and superstitious rituals of Brahmanic Hinduismand dehumanizing politics, hence they accepted Islam en-mass not due to the fanaticzeal of some sword wielding Ghazi but through the Peaceful Spiritual Message of Sufisand later gave rise to the indigenous Rishism which assimilated teachings from Islam,Hinduism and Buddhism.Year 1931 marks the watershed in the present political awakening in the State of Jammuand Kashmir, and since then, the politics of Kashmir has been mired with religionand every religious or economic issue epitomizes into a political one, as every socialspace continues to be over politicized due to the disputed nature of J&K as well as thecontested claims of the contending parties. The paper traces the use of religion andreligious places in politics of J&K, the initiation of armed struggle, and the religiousfanaticism threatening the syncretic culture of the valley. The relationship of Muslimsand Non-Muslims too have been echoed in different phases of Kashmir’s history, theexploitative system that used to operate between them and how religious fanaticismwas used to fuel resentment and anger against each other.The paper also deliberates about the failure of syncretic culture to survive the onslaughtof economic and political clout, the apathy of the Ummah towards the plight of KashmiriMuslims as well as the use of Kashmiri youth as cannon fodder in the prolonged armedconflict, which is still characterized as Low Intensity Conflict and the State repressiontowards the same.The amalgamation of religion in politics and the use of religion to achieve political goalshave also been deliberated thoroughly. The paper ends on a positive note highlightingthe role of religion in conflict resolution, which till now has only been abused but it isnow the time for looking the other way round. It is now a dire need of the hour.About the Author:Mushtaq Ul Haq Ahmad Sikander is a Writer-Activist based in Srinagar, Kashmir and hascompleted his Masters in Political Science from Kashmir University. His interests span over awide range of issues from writing to activism. His write ups and book reviews appear regularly 22
  • 22. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMin various newspapers, magazines, journals and websites. He is frequently invited to presentacademic papers on issues related to Religion, Terrorism, Politics, Conflict Resolution, andFeminism. He actively participates in Inter and Intra Faith, Ethnic and Regional dialogues.He has also penned down many poems and short stories. Mr Sikandar is also an activist andvolunteer with various humanitarian organizations working in the valley as he believes thatwriting alone doesn’t work unless corroborated by activism. 23
  • 23. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMPANKAJ CHOUDHURYTelengana and Gorkhaland: Contesting the Ideal of Nation StateIndia is a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and multi-lingual country. In reality, Indian societyis unequal; hierarchical which is interdependent on each other and with privileges anddisadvantages to many. India gave itself a Constitution that laid down framework ofinstitutions that govern the country. Without state playing its role and the capacity todo so, the network of institutions cannot perform functions they have been set up for.Political will is required to understand the dynamics of ethnicity in relation to socialforces, to build national identity out of various ethnic traditions to make up a state intotality.The recent proposal of Ms. Mayawati to divide Uttar Pradesh in four smaller statescan be understood both as a political gimmick or step for the better development ofthe area by better governance and allocation of resources. However, except for a muchimmobilized demand for Harit Pradesh, U.P. never witnessed any movement for thedemand of separate states. India has been experiencing various separatist movementswith demand for separate statehood (Telangana) and even separate nationhood(Gorkhaland). The demands are largely based on the issue of ethnicity which can belinguistic, religious, sub regional, cultural or tribal in nature. These movements in thewake of real politicking are turned into actual events of ethnic conflict and violencewhen political parties exploit them as opportunities to create ethnic groups at anyunstable historical moments to win political ascendancy.Today, the sub national interests are overpowering the national interests becauseof the huge disparities among various states. Where the diversity of the populationcould be effectively reduced through ‘melting pot’ measures like development oftransport, communication, markets, geographical division of labour, industry, urbanhabitats, cross migration, cultural and educational ex-changes, etc, these tensions canbe reduced.Will separate states per se solve the problem of backwardness and underdevelopmentin the regions inhabited by minorities of different types, whether ethnic or other? Evenif granted full control of a separate state, where is the guarantee that the leaders ofthese groups will behave in any way different from the dominant political parties of themajority groups? However, the existence of sub nationalist ethnic identities may be anecessary condition for the rise of conflict; it is not by any means a sufficient condition.Moreover, what shall ensure their economic sustenance? The occurrence of ethnicconflicts results in the derailment of the nation from the path of development.India is fast emerging as a major Asian power and socio-political stability of the nationis crucial to it. In the proposed paper I will study the Telangana and the GorkhalandMovement in detail. I invigorate the argument that separate state or nation is not atenable solution to the problem of development and ethnicity. The solution needs to bepolitical and constitutional. The most efficacious way to establish ethnic peace would 24
  • 24. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMinvolve structural changes in the federalist set up of the large and diverse India. Takingcue from India considering it as a whole Indian subcontinent, I will also explore the riseof sub nationalism in whole South Asia from historical and sociological perspective.About the Author:Pankaj Choudhury has done his B.A. English from Delhi University, and L.L. B. from M. D.University, Rothak, and L. L. M from Bangalore University, Bangalore. He is currently insecond year of M. Phil, from Centre for Study of Law and Governance (CSLG), JNU, Delhi. 25
  • 25. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMPAUL GEORGEPost Conflict Rehabilitation and Resettlement in Karbi Anglong, Assam: A Study ofModel VillagesNorth East India has been a hotbed of insurgencies, State action and ethnic violenceover the decades. All these have resulted in the displacement of communities affectedby violence and chronic insecurity. In most cases, the assistance extended to thesedisplaced communities consists of poorly maintained relief camps and at best somemonetary help. Left to their own devices by an unconcerned State, these displacedfamilies diffuse into the landscape joining the troop of impoverished migrants.The multi ethnic Karbi Anglong District of Assam has been no exception to thisviolence after witnessing insecurity as a result of communal and insurgent violence.After the particularly violent period between 2003 and 2005 (where killings tookplace during clashes between Karbis, Dimasas and Kukis), there were a large numberof families housed in relief camps; up to 40,000 people at one point. In this scenariothe District administration came up with a scheme to rehabilitate families who couldnot return to their original villages. It involved relocating the affected villages (ModelVillages) around the District Headquarters of Diphu with an aim of providing a secureliving environment. These mainly entailed reorganizing smaller villages scatteredover a large area into a single large village unit which was located close to roadsbut far away from their old village sites and consequently their agricultural land.This rehabilitation effort is probably the only post conflict rehabilitation programthat has been implemented in the whole of the North East with the exception of therepatriation of Brus in Mizoram.This paper attempts to look at the impact of the resettlement on various aspectsincluding livelihoods, traditional governance structures, relations with existingvillages, natural resource use and health and education in the resettled villages. Thepaper also takes a critical look at the rehabilitation process itself and the conceptof a ‘Model Village’ which would be useful for administrators when attemptingrehabilitation and resettlement in other parts of the region and also contribute tothe body of literature that exists on the topic. The study is based on fieldwork in theModel Villages with interviews with key stakeholders from the villages as well asperspectives from the administration on the relocation process.The study contains implications for the entire North East where communities arehoused in relief camps for indefinite periods – the study would provide key learningpoints for administrators when attempting post conflict resettlement in other areasas well as examining relations between populations who have been housed in reliefcamps for extended periods and the communities in their immediate vicinity. Thebrunt of any violent conflict is borne by the survivors, who live through the violenceonly to live in a situation of unjust peace. Apart from compulsions of social justice, 26
  • 26. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMresolving this injustice is critical to ensuring the continued existence of peace, assituations of injustice only feed future tensions and violence.About the AuthorPaul George grauduated in Disaster Management from TISS, Mumbai and is currently workingas a researcher at TISS, Guwahati. 27
  • 27. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMPRABHAT KUMARStructuring Peace: The State and Conflict Transformation: Prospects and Challengesin South AsiaThe violent intra-state armed conflicts, ethnic clashes, separatist movements andcommunal riots in South Asia do not necessarily indicate a rework in the state structure.Instead, it signals the requirement of reforms in governance methods to effectivelyaddress internal security without compromising the state’s sovereign right to govern inthe state territory. The communication gap between the state and the society needs tobe bridged through bureaucracy, media and the police administration. Besides, internalsecurity of a state should be integrated with external security. Police intelligence andsurveillance should be tightened to prevent any low intensity attacks. Flexibility isrequired at the state level to the extent of discussions, talks and negotiations withgroups’involved in separatist movements. An autonomous status can be consideredin exceptional cases to some regions based on reasonable demands and on ‘one nationtwo policy’ model. Only democratic processes should be considered fair for any kindof demand. No separatist movement should be suppressed through army and police;rather,democratic processes of negotiations should be adopted. Communal harmonyshould be maintained and any kind of communal disturbing elements should beretaliated firmly.Besides, police, bureaucracy and judicial reforms are needed to form a strong pictureof democracy in people’s mind. These institutions need to be people friendly. Thereshould not be delay in judicial process and justice should be visible in courts duringcase proceedings. A country should be divided into different ‘special economic andeducational zones’ for better development plans and avoid any rage among publicagainst the government. The government’s economic policy should benefit thecommon man and not only the corporate sector. Education should be job oriented andknowledge-innovation based.Government should take such steps that people should have faith in democraticprocess and they don’t go for any illegal and violent method. It should be a people’sdemocracy and not a pseudo democracy. The government should present a strongpicture of democracy in front of people. The problems such as poverty, unemployment,economic drift and differences between the social classes should be lessened throughpeople friendly economic policies. The government policies should address the dailylife problems of people. People should have their ‘say’ in government policy makingprocess.About the Author:Mr Prabhat Kumar has done his Ph.D. in China and USA Bilateral Relations from JadavpurUniversity, Kolkata and was a doctoral fellow at Indian Council of Social Science Research, NewDelhi. He has presented papers in national publications. 28
  • 28. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMPRANAV KUMARMajority Assertion and Challenges to Peace and Security in BhutanBhutan is a small country (38,394 km2) in the Himalayas with a population of aroundseven million people. This micro state is sandwiched between two Asian giants:India and China. Bhutan was unified as a country in the 17th century by a Tibetanmonk Shabdrung Ngawang Namgyal. However in 1907, an absolute monarchy wasestablished in Bhutan. After 100 years of absolute monarchy the country started atransition towards democracy in 2007. Bhutan is a Buddhist Drukpa sate with Nepalesedescent Hindus in minority. The country is known for its idyllic bliss and happinessamong people. The state projects itself as peaceful, internally united and with no socialtensions.However, the dragon kingdom with national happiness as its goal was rocked byethnic troubles starting in late 1980s – early 1990s. First, the Bhutanese state, tried toimpose majority Buddhist Drukpa culture over all Bhutanese in late 1980s. This resultedresentment among the minority Nepalese Bhutanese, mainly living in southern andeastern Bhutan. With state repression they had become refugees in Nepal. However,due to many internal and external reasons the issue could not get world attention. Still,there are a sizeable number of Nepalese minorities live in Bhutan. Many times theyfeel ill-treated due to governmental regulations towards them. It can be argued that thesocial fissures that exist in Bhutan have a potential to create a security situation in thissmall country. And this argument has been substantiated by sporadic ‘law and order’problem in southern Bhutan. Second, in 2003 Bhutan undertook a military initiative toflush out Indian insurgent groups from Bhutan. However there are reports that thesegroups are regrouping in Bhutanese territory. This poses a security challenge for asmall state with limited military resources.The Bhutanese state is not only dominated by the majority rather it is not ready totolerate any other culture than the Drukpa Buddhist culture. The reasons behind thislie in the historical origins of the state structure in Bhutan. However, the questionarises, whether Bhutan can become a modern democratic state, when it continues witharchaic nationalistic ideas. These ideas are based on ethnic nationalism. The challengefor a democratic Bhutan is to accommodate and celebrate diversity rather than banishthe minority or subsume the minority. The study seeks to understand the nature ofthe ethnic problem and its potential to pose as a security challenge to Bhutanese state.Second, how Bhutanese majoritarian state has reacted to ethnic problem and what arethe consequences of this reaction? Any study of Bhutan will not be possible withoutunderstanding India’s involvement in Bhutanese affairs. Hence, when dealing withethnic issues or internal security matter, we need to bring the ‘Indian dimension’ in toaccount.About the Author:Dr. Pranav Kumar is working as an Assistant Professor at Motilal Nehru College, Universityof Delhi. He has also taught for two years at Sherubtse College, Kanglung, Bhutan. He was 29
  • 29. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMawarded PhD from School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), NewDelhi. He was awarded Junior Research Fellowship by University Grants Commission. Hehas done his Masters in Politics from JNU. The areas of research interest include South andSoutheast Asian affairs, international security, international migration, Gender and Humanrights. He has participated in a number of national and international seminars. 30
  • 30. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMRAMESHCHANDRA NINGTHOUJAMMigration and Conflict in Manipur, IndiaManipur, located in India’s North Eastern region, is one of the last land frontierstowards Southeast Asia. This once sparsely populated region has been an attractionof large-scale migration from the South Asia as well as South East Asia. It was oncea melting pot but now, new forms of migration have emerged as a consequence ofthe search for livelihood or very recently, because of the impact of climate change.In the past, the migration policy of the sovereign kingdom of Manipur mitigates theethnic tensions. But after the contentious merger with India in 1949 particularly, afterabolishing the policy of the erstwhile kingdom for managing migrants, there was anenormous increase in migrant’s population. The sudden increase was reflected in thesubsequent decades after the merger. The local population was alarmed when thecensus 2001 indicates that the number of migrants exceeded that of tribal’s in Manipur.The people’s tension is reflected in the form of protest through the democratic processparticularly by demanding the re-introduction of ‘inner lines permit system’. It is tomonitor the unregulated influx of migrants. The influx of migrants, alarmed the armedopposition groups as well, but the number of migrants kept on increasing. The migrantpopulation can disturb the ethno political situation that is already stained because of theethnic conflict in the early 90s. The strain in relation can be read from the perspectivesof land and resources. The migrant population if not properly dealt, may increase thetensions. Considering these factors, the paper will analyze the process of migration ina conflict situation.Key words: Migration, Natural Resource, Conflict, Manipur.About the Author:Rameshchandra Ningthoujam is currently enrolled for PhD degree program in Internationaland Intercultural Studies, at University of Deusto, Bilbao, Spain. European Commission fundshis PhD program. His works mainly focuses on migration and conflict, Indigenous Rights etc.He has presented a paper titled - “Colonial Instrument in Democratic India: A Case of ArmedForces Special Power Acts 1958”, at Sustainable Peace Building (SPBUILD) conference heldat Universidad de Duesto. He did his MA Social Work from Tata Institute of Social Sciences,Mumbai, India. He was also the Games and Sport Secretary of the TISS Students Union for2008-9. He has been part of Gyuja- TATA Project as program officer in Leh Ladakh (2009-10). 31
  • 31. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMRITUPARNA PATGIRIIllegal Migration from Bangladesh: Transforming the Dynamics of Identity Politics inAssamIf any state could represent India’s diversity with a touch of perfection, it would bethe north eastern state of Assam which is a mini-India in itself with different ethnic,religious, linguistic and tribal groups living together in the region for centuries. It wasnever a monolingual or single nationality region at any point of time. The population ofAssam is a broad intermixture of Mongolian, Indo-Burmese, Indo-Iranian, and Aryanraces.Assam, an enchanting region, is practically a synonym for the whole of North EasternIndia. Most intellectual discussions on Assam revolve around familiar and problematictopics such as regionalism, immigration, nationality questions, identity politics,insurgency and human rights. However, it is not possible to cover so many broad areasin one paper. Keeping this fact in mind, I have chosen to focus on one of the mostcomplex and troubling issues – the illegal immigration of Muslims from Bangladesh tothe state creating an identity crisis for the local ‘Khilinjiya’ (an Assamese term whichmeans original) Assamese people.The immigration issue, however, had only occasionally burst into the open in thepolitics of the state since independence. In 1965 when relations with Pakistan weredeteriorating, the state government under instructions from the Central governmentbegan expelling Pakistani “infiltrators.” With the Assam movement that started in 1979the issue of Assam’s demographic transformation as a result of immigration returnedto the state’s political agenda with vengeance. It ruptured carefully nurtured ethniccoalitions that were at the foundation of political stability in the state, setting the stagefor a prolonged period of political turmoil.The events in Assam once again underscore the volatility of ethnic conflicts in thepolitics of South Asia. The scope of the ethnic category “Assamese” can be exclusiveor inclusive. It is therefore significant that Assamese political or cultural organisationsdo not define the word “Assamese” in terms of ethnicity. Instead the Assamese aredefined as the people living in the territory of Assam.Conflict transformation practitioners of Assam and worldwide have suggested anumber of recommendations. In a society where identity politics becomes the norm,there will always be people tempted to take recourse to militancy, when their demandsagainst the ‘others’ could not be met within the legal and constitutional framework.Seen from this angle, militancy in Assam is only a by-product of the politics based onidentities. It is, therefore, of little use condemning militants alone for the violence anddisharmony. As long as identity politics dominates, with the material base reproducingthe ideology of the ‘other’, society continues to breed insurgents of one or the otherkind. Even if one group of militants gives up arms and surrenders to the government,there will always be others taking to arms in the name of protecting their community 32
  • 32. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMinterests. It is only when the toiling masses of Assam identify the material roots oftheir insecurity and alienation and involve in common struggles for the elimination ofpoverty, unemployment, and underdevelopment, can it be possible to ensure economicdevelopment and promote peace and harmony in the multi-ethnic and multi-nationalstate of Assam.About the Author:Rituparna Patgiri is a third year Sociology student of Lady Shri Ram College for Women,interested in doing research and engaging with empirical realities. She is also pursuing a courseon Conflict Transformation and Peace building from Delhi University. She had interned withNorth East Network, (NEN) an NGO based in Guwahati in December, 2011. During thatperiod, she received training in “What is Domestic Violence and the PWDV Act” in Tezpur,Assam in December, 2011. She has also presented a paper on “Globalisation and the growth ofInequality” in the Neo-thesis seminar held in St. Xavier’s College, Mumbai on 10th December,2010. 33
  • 33. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMROHIT JAINState and the Doctrine of Public Trust – Need for Restructuring the Relationshipbetween the State and the People for Conflict TransformationIn the last two decades eastern regions of India especially the states of Jharkhand(earlier South Bihar), Orissa, Chhattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh have witnessedviolent conflicts over use of resources and theircontrol. These conflicts have manifestedthemselves in the form of ethnic sub nationalism, inter-ethnic group conflicts, leftwing armed struggles on the one hand and the non-violent struggles of various civilsociety institutions to advocate a new legislative regime for a participative democracyin the form of PESA (Panchayats Extension to Scheduled Areas Act) or undo historicalinjustice through the Forest Rights Act, 2006. The response of the post-colonial statehas only been partial and there has been no sincere effort to renegotiate its relationshipwith the people. What has emerged in the neo liberal era is a post-colonial state forwhom, the main concern is ‘security’ of the state and not the ‘development failure’of the last five decades and the indiscriminate use of ‘eminent domain’ in promotingand strengthening financial capitalism. This shift has only accentuated the conflict overresources in the country.Efforts to restructure the relationship between the State and the People are being madeby different civil society institutions. In fact the whole objective of the Forest RightsAct, 2006 has been towards decolonizing the forest department and ushering in a newconservation regime where people especially the forest dwellers are the owners of theforest ecosystem and the role of the forest bureaucracy is to help people to manage theecosystem. If the conflict has to end the State has to restructure its legal regime to bringit in consonance with the basic principles of the Indian Constitution. The Indian legalregime which is inherently colonial in nature is completelyout of sync with the Indian Constitution. The Doctrine of Public Trust is one suchprinciple which needs to be rearticulated to restructure the relationship between theState and the People. The Supreme Court of India has referred to this principle in someof its landmark judgments concerning control and use of resources. But it needs to bespelled out again in the context of the growing conflict over resources in many parts ofthe country. The post-colonial state in its capacity to manage the resources on behalfof the people have completely alienated the original trustees i.e. the people and usingits power of eminent domain is displacing people from their own resources like land,forests and water. The major struggles in the states of Jharkhand, Orissa, Chhattisgarhand Andhra Pradesh are on resources. Until and unless the State does not follow theDoctrine of Public Trust in its true spirit and radically alter its regime on resourcecontrol and use, the conflict will continue.The paper will examine in detail the existing conflict in India especially in the abovementioned four states, reflect on the Supreme court judgments on the Doctrine ofPublic Trust and will look at how conflict can be reduced or minimized by redrafting 34
  • 34. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMlegislations on resource control and use based on the Doctrine of Public Trust inwhich people become the real trustees of their resources and the State co–managesthe resources along with the people. This restructuring of the relationship of the Statewith the people based on the principle of equity, vibrant grassroots’ democracy andDoctrine of Public Trust have the possibility of reducing conflict.About the Author:Rohit Jain currently works as associate professor in School of Rural Development, Tata Instituteof Social Sciences, Tuljapur Campus. He has worked as programme executive of SETU,Ahmedabad, which worked on issues of displacement and rehabilitation of displaced people ofSardar Sarovar Dam. There he has also worked with Dalit Panthers and other Dalit and Tribalorganisations on issues of land, sanctuary, and basic services. Currently, he is a programmeexecutive of SRIUTI, which works closely with different people’s organisations in the country,through the Fellowship programme on the issues of land, forests, water, governance, basicservices, labour issues, urban issues, and for strengthening advocacy capacities of grass roots. 35
  • 35. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMRUBINA JASANICitizenship from the Margins: Gujarat Riots and the Everyday StateThe literature on communal violence in post-independence India shows how the conceptof ‘the state’ as a neutral empire in the management of differences (Das 1990) wasbrought under increasing scrutiny in the decades of the 1980’s and 1990’s, in particularin connection with the anti-Sikh riots of 1984, the post-Babri Masjid demolition riots of1992, the subsequent Bombay riots of 1993 and more recently the riots in the state ofGujarat. Most of this scholarship concentrates on the anxiety to re-instate the ‘myth ofthe state’ (Hansen 2002), through policies that establish its respectability after violence.The emphasis is on understanding the mechanics of the state, its ‘order making’function. This ethnographic paper builds on this knowledge and unpacks how the statewas lived after the riots in Gujarat through the relief and reconstruction process andwhat impact this had on processes of establishing peace and normality in the city ofAhmedabad.As opposed to Hansen’s analysis of the working of state after the Bombay riots, theevidence in Gujarat shows, what was at stake in Gujarat after the violence was notthe ‘myth of the state’, as the state made no pretence of initiating any efforts either toencourage ‘cohabitation’ or to set up any kind of mechanism for restructuring peace.My material shows how this discourse created pressures upon the Muslims in the city toprove their nationalistic leanings, and evolve their own mechanisms of ‘trust’, control’and ‘order’ in order to make sense of and deal with the challenges that the violencehad posed on them. In showing the contrasting and shifting ways in which the state isexperienced, imagined and granted legitimacy by men and women from the margins,this paper seeks to raise some important questions around governance and citizenshipin contemporary India.About the Author:Dr. Rubina Jasani is a lecturer at the Humanitarianism Conflict Response Institute (HCRI),University of Manchester. Her areas of interest are Anthropology of violence and reconstruction,Medical Anthropology with special focus on social suffering and mental illness and the studyof lived Islam in South Asia and the UK. Her doctoral work examined moral and material‘reconstruction’ of life after an episode of ethnic violence in Gujarat, Western India in 2002.Since finishing her PhD, she has finished two pieces research on ethnicity and mental health inBritain. One looks at the role of ethnicity and culture in explanatory models of mental illness andthe second, unpacks the notion of ‘institutional racism’ by unpacking the subjective experiencesof compulsory detention under the mental health act. 36
  • 36. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMSAIMA FARHADYears 2008, 2009 and 2010 – the Three Years of Conflict in Kashmir – Common andPeculiar CharacteristicsKashmir has witnessed continuous conflict over a period of more than twenty–fiveyears. Over this period, the conflict has been played out at various levels, intensitiesand various manifestations ranging from armed to civil.The years 2008, 2009 and 2010, saw civil manifestations of the conflict in the form ofmass protests. The state response to the protests was often brutal leading to manycivilian deaths. All the three years saw mass mobilisations of people against thestate, often sparked by the particular incidents which were a result of functioning (ormalfunctioning) of some apparatus of state control or the response of the state to it.The three years have many things in common, but each along with the reason forthe protests stands out for a particular dimension of the problem. On the surface, thecommonalities may extend just to the concentration of the protests in particular months,and then the fizzling out, but there is much more to it.These commonalities are to be witnessed, in all the aspects to the protests and theresponse, starting from the behaviour and working of the political power centres inthe centre (union), the state government, the separatists, the media (local, nationalas well as international). The peculiarity of each year is a peculiarity among uniquedimensions to the conflict, from identity, aspiration, impact on women, to the youthand the sentiment.Also, the three years were in fact years where mainstream and the separatism wasalmost flirting with each other. The fact that in all these three years, a political oppositionexisted in the mainstream itself unlike at the peak of militancy also stood out. Dissentto the union, often, at times, became part of the mainstream.In separatism too, the three years saw the dominance of one of the divisions of theHurriyat as dominant to others. The three years saw incidents when all the majorfactions in separatism almost came close to re-unification, brought together by theoverwhelming common reaction, but this was not to be and was hindered by theapparent dominance of one of the factions, and the clear distinctions in ideologies.The paper on the successive three years of protest in Kashmir, would aim to analyse thethree years, bringing out the commonalities as well as peculiarities of the years, to addto the understanding of the conflict in Kashmir, and also analyse the transformation ofthis conflict form – one which was armed to a mass civil one.About the Author:Ms Saima Farhad is Assistant Professor at Department of Social Work, Kashmir University.Currently she is on leave and pursuing MPHIL-PhD from School of Social Work, TISS. 37
  • 37. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMSAMIR AHMAD BHATKashmir Conflict: Failure of Democratic ProcessesThrough human history, and especially in the modern period, one finds a bloody trail ofpolitical violence which is the product of individual fanaticism, ideological convictionor cold-blooded institutional power. In this case over the last hundred years’ worldhas witnessed some of the deadliest wars of recorded history.For example World WarI and II, cold war phase, partition of India in two sovereign nations India and Pakistanand subsequently conflicts between them over the issues of water, Jammu and Kashmirterritory, and border disputes gulf war etc. All this resulted into huge loss in terms ofpeople killed in these wars, human displacement, the issue of arbitrary borders etc.Coming specifically to South Asia, with the withdrawal of British, the Indian subcontinentwas effectively divided into two sovereign states; India and Pakistan while as a numberof issues and disputes remain unsettled and undecided between and within each ofthese newly independent countries. One such challenging task before them was theissue of integration of the 563 princely states (semi-autonomous) states, of varyingsizes and populations, constituting nearly one third size of the British India. Some ofthese princely state such as Hyderabad, Junagadh, Jammu and Kashmir had a uniquehistorical, political social, regional and economic position. Therefore, in such cases itbecame even more difficult for both the nations to reach any agreement with thesestates and at times they used coercion to bring integration. However, in certain casesparticularly where the societies consist of plural character, the assimilative approachadopted by post-colonial leadership failed completely and consequently peoplerevolted and resorted to violence to challenge the state apparatus/institutions. Onesuch example is the issue of Jammu and Kashmir, where the people have never beensatisfied with the kind of political dispensation that the state secured after the partitionof the Indian subcontinent in 1947. There are various dimensions of the Kashmir dispute.Accession by the Maharaja Hari Singh, who had no roots in the majority populaceof the state, unfulfilled promises of the plebiscite as offered by the Government ofIndia and endorsed by the various United Nations resolutions, practical division ofKashmir between its Indian and Pakistani parts, erosion of autonomy, deficiency ofits democratic functioning are some of the perceptible dimensions and manifestationsof the problem. The civil and political rights were completely curtailed and a de factostate was established. There was no proper political place for the people of the state.They were pushed into an authoritarian political system. Jaya Prakash Narayan, oneof the prominent political figure of the an Indian politics described the situation of theJammu and Kashmir state in a letter he wrote to Indira Gandhi, then Prime Minister ofIndia, in the following words: “We profess democracy, but rule by force in Kashmir.We profess secularism, but let Hindu nationalism stampede us into establishing it byrepression.”11 Sumantra Bose, Contested Lands: Israel-Palestine, Kashmir, Bosnia, Cyprus, and Sri Lanka, New Delhi: Harper Collins, 2007, p.175 38
  • 38. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMAbout the Author:Samir Ahmad Bhat is a PhD candidate at the Institute of Kashmir Studies, University ofKashmir. The research area of his thesis is Role of Track Two Diplomacy between India andPakistan. He did hisMPhil on India Pakistan Relations with a special Focus on Musharaff’sFour Point formula that he gave to resolve the Kashmir issue. He has also been involved invarious research projects at an individual level as well as an assistance for different nationaland international organisations on diverse themes such as Militarization and Education inKashmir, role of Police in Extremist Areas, child rights etc. 39
  • 39. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMSANGHITA DATTAThe Role of Government in Restoring Peace: A Study of the Enclave of BengalEvery government plays a major role in the making of its nation and securing its borderregions. The government also plays a decisive role in maintaining its relationshipwith its immediate neighbours. An unfriendly neighbourhood means tensionsand a heightened danger of conflict. India shares its disputed borders mainly withBangladesh.The remains of the 1971 war and consequently the liberation of Bangladesh broughtmiseries to many millions of people. The Radcliffe Award demarcated the boundaryline between India, East Pakistan and West Pakistan separately gave rise to a numberof boundary disputes. The Radcliffe Commission’s ‘Blunder Line’ holds the biggestdispute about the adversarial possession of enclaves. Bangladesh was carved outof the provinces of Bengal and Assam and inherited the same border and borderproblem with India. The major bone of contention are the 106 enclaves (locally knownas ‘chits’) of India in having a total area of 20,957.07 acres situated within Bangladesh(erstwhile East Pakistan). Bangladesh also has ninety-fiveChitmahals, with a totalarea of 12,289.37 acres of lands situated within the territory of India.The people living on these margins lost their nationality over night as the dividedboundary line gave rise to many, still continuing disputes in the region. These peopleare stateless as well as are deprived of the basic human rights. There is no legal bondof nationality and state. In a way the stateless people face numerous difficulties intheir lives; they lack access to health care, education, property rights and the ability tomove freely. They are also vulnerable to arbitrary treatment and crimes like trafficking.Their marginalization has created tensions in society and has led to instability at aninternational level, including, in extreme cases, conflict and displacement.Border problems between India and Bangladesh lacked serious political commitments.A major role has been played by the political parties in an attempt to resolve theconflict. With the change in governments on both the sides of the border, the entirepeace process has been slowed down. The left wing politics of the West Bengalgovernment were not able to match up with the politics of the ruling government butit has gained momentum after coming up of the Trinamool Congress.This paper is an attempt to analyse how successive governments have tried and failedin restoring peace and justice in these areas. It will try to address why the problemstill persists and why these problems have not been addressed. It will also discussthe different treaties and agreements that have been signed and yet not been able toresolve this on-going issue which has been contentious since the time of Independence.In a way it will bring forward the major steps taken for restoring peace and will alsotry to bring forward the flaws in it and will attempt to make new suggestions into theproblem. 40
  • 40. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMAbout the Author:Sanghita Datta is a second semester PhD candidate at the Centre for the Study of Social Systemsin Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. 41
  • 41. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMSANJEEVINI BADIGARRelief Where There Should Be Rights: State Practices Related to Communal Violencein the Context of GujaratOnly very recently much needed mechanisms have been established by the state fordisaster management both at the central and state levels. While this is a much welcomedevelopment, what needs reexamination is whether relief and rehabilitation of victimsof communal violence even belongs to the emerging domain of the study of disastermanagement.This paper examines the case of Gujarat that witnessed what is regarded as one of theworst instances of communal violence in India after independence when by conservativeestimates 1,169 lives, most of which were Muslims, were lost in the violence in 2002.This however was not the first major instance of major communal violence in this statethat is economically one of the fastest growing states in the country. Having witnessedmajor instances of communal violence in 1969, 1985-86, 1992-93 and in 2002, the historyof the state offers an opportunity to study state practices with regard to relief andrehabilitation of victims of communal violence. At the time of the violence, given themagnitude of the humanitarian situation of more than one and a half lakh Muslimswho had taken shelter in relief camps at the peak of the violence, the National HumanRights Commission (NHRC) had then recommended that the Gujarat State DisasterManagement Authority (GSDMA) that had managed to raise and distribute considerableresources due to outpouring of public sympathy in the massive earthquake that hitKutch just the previous year be given the charge of monitoring relief and rehabilitationfor the victims. Important mechanisms had been put in place and the GSDMA washeaded by the Chief Minister Narendra Modi himself however, the suggestion forincorporating the victims of communal violence under its ambit did not see the light ofday. While this paper argues for more comprehensive relief and rehabilitation for thevictims of communal violence, it argues against the inclusion of communal violence inthe domain of disaster management as ‘man made disasters’.Through an examination of legislative assembly debates of the state of Gujarat,government resolutions, newspaper reports and court cases, this paper argues thatstate practices belie the understanding of communal violence as being on par with otherexegiencies such as fire, arson or natural disasters. Not just among NGOs but amongacademics as well the discourse on relief and rehabilitation for victims of communalviolence finds mention with relief and rehabilitation of victims of natural disasters thatseem to reaffirm communal violence as spontaneous or sectarian. Arguing that suchnotions absolve the state of its responsibility to protect the lives of its citizens, thispaper argues that issues of communal violence should not be clubbed with disastermanagement. ‘Relief’ and ‘assistance’ for victims of communal violence should insteadbe envisaged under more progressive notions of reparation and retribution. In the lightof international normative developments, this paper argues that the issue of the reliefand rehabilitation of victims of communal violence should not employ the language ofrelief but that of rights. 42
  • 42. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMAbout the AuthorSanjeevini Badigar has done PhD from Centre for Politics Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University,New Delhi on ‘Displacement and Citizenship Rights: A Study in Context of Post GodhraViolence in Gujarat’ under Professor Zoya Hasan, 2011. In addition to this, many of her workshas been published. These are – ‘A Normal Anomaly: Displacement due to Communal Violencein Gujarat’, in Economic and Political Weekly, ‘Negotiating Human Rights: Displaced Personsafter post Godhra Violence in Gujarat’, in Challenges to Human Rights in the Twenty FirstCentury.She has also presented papers, which include – ‘Spontaneous or Systemic: Communal Violenceand the justice system’, at the 35th All India Criminology Conference on Organised andTransnational Crime: State and non State responses and victims perspectives by Indian Societyof Criminology and Tata Institute of Social Sciences, ‘Vatani to Visthapit: Displacement andCitizenship Rights in the Indian State of Gujarat’, at Oxford Sociology conference on ‘SouthAsia in Transition’ held at the Department of Sociology, University of Oxford, ‘NegotiatingHuman Rights through Citizenship Rights: Displaced Muslims in the post Godhra violence’at the National Seminar on “Challenges to Human Rights in the Twenty First Century”, byDepartment of Civics and Politics, University of Mumbai, and ‘Who Among the Middle ClassVotes for the BJP’ in the Summer School on “Quantitative Data Analysis of Indian Politics”by Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla and Centre for Study of Developing Societies(CSDS). 43
  • 43. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMSHUKHDEBA SHARMA HAJABAMThe State & Political Apology: Towards Peace Building in the Northeast IndiaTaking references from historical incidences of rendering political apologies by statesto victims of political actions across the world, the paper seeks to analyze the anti-democratic devices and procedures of India. Manipur is used as an indicative case.Examples of such practices include the nature of “take over” of Manipur by India,imposition of the armed forces (special) powers act, creation of a war like situationin the state through deployment of armies and Para-military forces, using the soil ofnortheast as a strategic one to deter Chinese threat but which nevertheless result inmilitarization of the region and others. The debate surrounding the idea of politicalapology by the Indian state vis-à-vis northeast has been fuelled by the recent remarks offormer Home Secretary, G.K. Pillai, “we have to rebuild trust by dealing with the coreissues. An apology, say by the Prime Minister, or the Home Minister, for the mistakesmade in the past could be a start.” The paper argues that within the framework of liberaldemocracy practiced in India both as a set of accepted norms as well as an electoralprocedure, certain historical and cultural rights of a group of people needs to be notonly recognized but also respected. Therefore, historical wrongs committed during theprocess of nation-building and in attempting to protect national security needs to beacknowledged. Such a gesture of political apology can lay down path of peace buildingin the northeast region.About the author:Shukhdeba Sharma Hajabam [MSW, PHD] is Assistant Professor with the Department of SocialWork, Indira Gandhi National Tribal University, Regional Campus, Manipur. He received hisPHD from the School of Social Work, Tata Institute of Social Science, Mumbai for his doctoralthesis, “Self-Determination Movement in Manipur”. His main interest is Social Work andPolitical Conflict; and Human Security.His recent co-edited volume, removing the Veil: Issues in Northeast (2011) by EssentialPublications, New Delhi is well received for its rich material source and insightful analysis.“Social dynamics in contemporary North East India: a Study of Regional Exclusion, Self-Determination Movements and Ethnic Violence” (Concept Publications, New Delhi) is one ofhis forthcoming works.Some of his latest peer review articles includes (1) Removing the Veil: Issues in Northeast(2011) by Essential Publications, New Delhi (2) Social Dynamics in Contemporary North EastIndia: A Study of Regional Exclusion, Self-Determination Movements and Ethnic Violence,(Concept Publications, New Delhi) (3) Conflict and Development in the North Eastern Stateof Manipur, Indian Journal of Social Work, Mumbai, Vol 72, Issue 1, January, 2011; (4) Rightto Self-Determination and the People of Manipur, Gandhi Marg, New Delhi, Vol 32, No. 4,January- March, 2011; (5) Peace Education in Manipur, Alternative Perspectives, Imphal,Volume V, Special Issue, March, 2011 44
  • 44. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMSHWETA VERMAVictims or Survivors? Collective or Diverse? Reflections on 2010 Scenario in Kashmirand Implications for Interventions in Post Conflict ContextKashmir has an important position in the south Asian context as no solutions haveemerged for the political issue in the last few decades. While in India there has been aneed to preserve nation and its security, this has also often intersected with the needfor ‘freedom’ and ‘equal rights’ of people in Kashmir. One cannot assume the impactof this to be the same on everyone as there is diversity in- what people get exposedto, what happens to them, what they think about it, how and for what reasons theyget involved, how they respond to a situation of conflict and how their experiencesimpact their personal and social development (Barber, 2008). However, one of theresults is a combination of feelings of anger, insecurity, and of being oppressed amongpeople. These were witnessed in the 2010 scenario in Kashmir which saw an action-reaction cycle of curfews-strikes-deaths-protests. Between June 11 and September 13 of2010, 87 deaths were reported along with 63 days of curfew and 69 days of strikes andagitation.1The paper is based on a qualitative research that explored perspectives of youngwomen from Kashmir in terms of events, impacts and patterns in life of young womenthat helped them cope in the 2010 scenario of unrest. The participants in this qualitativestudy were 9 young women in age group of 16 to 26 years from two districts of Kashmir:Srinagar and Budgam. The paper presents their perspectives on - factors contributingto the 2010 scenario, what made 2010 scenario significant, what were the benefits of thisscenario, and how they coped. This paper also reflects on implications of the findingson interventions in post conflict scenario.The themes that emerged indicate that diverse voices and methods of coping have tobe taken into account when one works towards peace-building and ensuring accessto services and entitlements. The respondents focused on - need for resolution, role ofpolitics and the Government, using social networks and support systems for coping, useof cognitive coping strategies (social comparison, normalizing, acceptance, reframingcurrent situation as a continuation of past) which focused on their collective identityof being ‘victims’ of oppression, and diversity in voices within this ‘collectivism’.Participants also questioned the attitudes of citizens from several parts of India on the‘Kashmir issue’.Based on the findings, the paper reflects on some of the key challenges that would befaced while working in the post conflict scenario- how to consider the ‘collectivism’as well as ‘diversity’ in the voices while addressing the sense of ‘victimhood’? How tocontinue the strengths-focused interventions without being dismissive of their copingpatterns, without labeling people only as ‘victims’ and definitely not overlookingtheir survivor-hood? The paper emphasizes how interventions with youth need to1 Reported in Kashmir’s local newspaper-Greater Kashmir, 25 September 2010 45
  • 45. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMacknowledge and support their meanings and methods of coping, while supportingthe use of channels of expression and communication.This study was conducted in 2011 with support from Global Consortium on SecurityTransformation (GCST), Chile.About the Author:Ms Shweta Verma works in the framework of mental health, human rights and inclusivedevelopment in India. Since completing M.A. (Social Work) in 2002, she has been working withSaarthak, an NGO based in Delhi.Her work has focused on capacity building, program review and design, service delivery, advocacyand research. For last 9 years, she has been working on the issues of disability rights, disasterresponse, child rights and protection, gender based violence and human trafficking. In the lastfour years, she has been in a leadership role providing technical assistance to government andnon-governmental organizations to re-design their programs and processes for working withpeople with disability and make these aligned with the UN Convention for the Rights Peoplewith Disability (UNCRPD).In 2008, she was deployed as Psychosocial Specialist by BCPR, UNDP in response to cycloneNargis (Myanmar). Currently, Shweta is a PhD scholar concentrating on the theme of resilience,gender and conflict in Kashmir. She has also conducted qualitative research involving youngpeople from Kashmir. Shweta has facilitated and co-facilitated workshops for many organizationson Basic Counseling skills, working with groups and families, Working in communities, andUNCRPD. She has conducted Needs Assessment, Resource Mobilization, Case formulation andworked towards increasing access to opportunities and resources for persons with disability,homeless people, people with psychosocial difficulties, and also people living with mentalillness. 46
  • 46. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMSRISHTEE R. SETHIFragile States in South Asia: An Analysis of PakistanTerms such as fragile, failing, weak, under stress, at risk, collapsed states are all usedto describe a failed state, certainly the intensity and the extent of failure differs. Whatremains common is that a failed state does not provide legal, political and social rightswhich every citizen is entitled to and often is unable to maintain civil order and peacein substantial portions of its geographic territory.Following this as the key theme, an attempt is made to analyze the ‘failed’ state status ofPakistan in order to comprehend the size and stature of the crisis. Pakistan has been atthe forefront of international security concerns owing to its western borders functioningas the ‘incubator of extremism’. Its unstable governance and corrupt leaders provide norecourse to the on-going violence and deterioration of the state apparatus.An investigation of the factors contributing to Pakistan’s ‘failed’ state status is carriedout. This enables us to logically approach the problem faced by Pakistan today andprovide suitable regeneration programmes to address the crisis and ensure sustainablepeace. This in turn calls for us to explore fragile states in South Asia and draw uponpossibilities for the role of state in conflict transformation and peace building as pre-emptive measure.While researching on the issue, the Failed State Index was used to evaluate the conceptof state failure and it was noted that 7 out of the top 10 countries for the past 5 yearshave been Islamic nations. Therefore, Pakistan would be an appropriate prototype toinvestigate into the functioning or ‘non-functioning’ of these nation-states.About the Author:Having graduated with a MA in International Relations and World Order from the Universityof Leicester, UK, Srishtee is currently pursuing an M.Phil. Programme at the Centre forResearch Methodology at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. Her principal researchinterests lie in the field of politics and international relations, primarily state fragility, borderlandcommunities and peace and conflict. Geographically her research interests lie in the South Asianregion and the Golden Crescent Area (Afghanistan, Pakistan and India) with prime focus onIndia and Pakistan viz-a-viz ethnicity, conflict and security concerns. She intends on exploringand researching further into the region’s specific socio-political issues and to contribute toresearch within this realm in active geopolitical elucidation of regional/international issuesfacing developing countries. 47
  • 47. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMUPASANA ROY BURMANA Deeper Look into Ethnic Conflicts of South AsiaThe idea is an attempt to employ the idea of intra state security dilemma emulated byBrian. L. Job and the idea of public sphere to understand the ethnic conflicts of SouthAsia. The paper surveys the theoretical literature of intra state security dilemma tocreate a set of propositions regarding the ethnic conflicts and makes an attempt to testthe propositions for several of South Asia’s ethnic conflicts. The paper argues that theweak identity of the states arises because the regime represents a particular ethnic orsocial sector. This pushes the other ethnic groups to compete to preserve their ownsecurity and survival against the perceived threat. This security activity consequentlycreates an environment of increased threat and reduces the security for most if not allothers within the border of the state. The state acts in a self-defeating form by usingits coercive machinery. The weak identity of the state creates the condition of securitydilemma among competing ethnic groups. So the weak identity of the state createsintra state security dilemma resulting in ethnic conflicts in South Asia. This intra statesecurity dilemma is described by Brian. L. Jobs as insecurity dilemma.There are several methods of structuring peace in relation to the ethnic conflicts inSouth Asia. But this paper highlights the issue of the existence of public sphere withinthe ethnic groups which acts as a ground to challenge the hegemony of the state. Thispublic sphere will be an alternative public sphere where the truth is not designed anddominated by the state currency but rather comes out from the dialogue and discussionwithin the group itself. This public sphere has to be created from within the ethnicgroup itself and outside the dominant discourse. This new way of understandingabout them and their needs through their voice creates the wall of resistance againstthe power. Foucault had said that resistance acts as an adversary to the power, so itthreatens power. It is only then that power acknowledges the identity of them sincethey act as a resistance to the power itself. Until and unless both are brought on thesame platform, peace will never act as a solution but rather it will become an instrumentof domination.This paper tries to put forward two things. On one hand it shows that the state representsthe interest of a particular section of the society. This identity of the state creates thecondition for threat to the survival and security to the other ethnic groups. This pushesthem to act for their survival and security which turn to be offensive towards the state.While on other hand it states the formation of public sphere within the ethnic groups asa mean to secure peace and end ethnic conflict in South Asia. So the article attempts toexplain ethnic conflicts in South Asia by intra state security dilemma and the creationof public sphere.About the AuthorMs Barman completed her graduate in Political Science from Jadavpur University in 2007,MA in International Relation in 2009 from Jadavpur University and M.Phil. in International 48
  • 48. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMRelations with in 2011 from Jadavpur University and NET qualified. Shes started withLectureship in Dec 2008.Her publications include “A new interface to the first India-Pakistan War” Volume 14, 2010,Jadavpur Journal of International Relations from the Department of International Relations,Jadavpur University. She participated and presented a paper in the Seminar on “Waves ofDemocracy in South Asia”, 26th September 2008 organized by Association of InternationalRelations and in collaboration with Jadavpur University. She has worked at the Centre for CivilSociety and Participated in the Liberty and Society Seminar Kolkata. October 12- 15 2006. 49
  • 49. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDM VALEDICTORY ADDRESSMukesh KapilaHealing Broken Societies: Can Development Aid Buy Peace?All conflicts have a “career”. They smoulder, flare up, die down, re-ignite, extinguish.But they always remain flammable. But are all conflicts bad, and do they have tobecome violent?Experience from around the world suggests that transforming conflicts requires anunderstanding of their specific logic in their particular contexts i.e. the underlyingfactors or causes as well as the more proximate triggers to violence. How important arethe interests of the winners and losers? Can we construct a universal theory of “warand peace”?Such a theory could help policy makers and practitioners influence conflict dynamicsand structure peace support efforts. In particular, would there be value in recognizingwhen a conflict is “ripe’ for solution and when, conversely, external interventionsmay make it worse? How do humanitarian and development aid influence conflictdynamics? Is there a way to buy peace through aid?In a globalized world that is ever more interconnected through social media and theconvergence of global norms and standards, the traditional contract of mutual duties,rights, and obligations, between citizen and state is being challenged. Thus notionsof human security and state security are evolving but are policymakers’ mind-setsadapting quickly enough to manage the inherent tensions?What could South Asia learn from elsewhere in terms handling its myriad intra-Stateconflicts?About the AuthorDr Mukesh Kapila was until recently Under Secretary General for National Society andKnowledge Development at the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societiesin Geneva, having served in other senior roles there since 2006.Previously, he has been special adviser to the United Nations in Afghanistan and to the UNHigh Commissioner for Human Rights, and has served as the UN Resident and HumanitarianCoordinator and UNDP Resident Representative in Sudan. He was also Director of Health Actionin Crises at the World Health Organization. He was the Head of Conflict and HumanitarianAffairs at the UK Government Department for International Development, following a spell inthe UK National Health Service.Dr Kapila is a Senior Member of Hughes Hall College at Cambridge University, AssociateFellow of the Humanitarian and Conflict Response Institute at Manchester University andan associate at the Centre for Global Studies, University of Victoria, Canada. He is a Council 50
  • 50. Fourth International Roundtable Conference, JTCDMmember of Minority Rights Group International, was an early member of the U.N. DisasterAssessment and Coordination system; and has served on the Boards of the U.N. Institutefor Training and Research, and the International Peace Academy. He has advised severalinternational organisations including the UN International Strategy for Disaster Reduction(ISDR) and UNAIDS.Dr Kapila has qualified in medicine and public health from the Universities of Oxford andLondon. He was honoured for international service with a CBE from Her Britannic MajestyQueen Elizabeth II and has also received the Dr Jean Mayer Global Citizenship Award of theInstitute for Global Leadership. 51