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New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
New institutional economics
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New institutional economics

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  • For IPR -- Balancing incentives for innovation in ‘product’ development cycle with overpricing once product developed (besides defining “theoretical” incentives, big problems in empirical verification)
  • Slide 2: Examples of definitions of Absolute PR’s: rights to use, manage, alienate, and contract over some “asset” (physical, intellectual, human)
  • The “suppliers” of property rights may have different agendas other than maximizing ‘social’ welfare; or less cynically, may have difficulty in balancing conflicting interests. Forum shopping, other rent seeking activities; discontinuities etc. etc., mean that non-optimal institutions can persist for a very long time
  • Transcript

    • 1. NEW INSTITUTIONAL ECONOMICS (NIE): WHAT’S NEW AND WHAT DOES IT MEAN FOR IFPRI ? Mylène Kherallah, John Maluccio, & Nancy McCarthy IFPRI
    • 2. NIE: A NEW SCHOOL OF THOUGHT “ There you go gentlemen. According to this, we are now a “school of thought.” Every school of thought is like a man who has talked to himself for a hundred years and is delighted with his own mind, however stupid it may be. (J.W.Goethe, 1817, Principles of Natural Science )
    • 3. WHAT IS NIE?
      • No commonly agreed upon definition
      • Basic premise: Institutions matter for economic performance
      • Purpose is to explain the determinants of institutions and their evolution over time, and to evaluate their impact on economic performance, efficiency and distribution
    • 4. What are Institutions?
      • A set of formal and informal rules of conduct that facilitate coordination or govern relationships between individuals.
    • 5. Why is it called “New”?
      • To distinguish it from the “old” institutionalist school (Veblen, Commons)
      • NIE operates within the framework of neo-classical economics, but it relaxes some of its assumptions and incorporates institutions as an additional constraint.
    • 6. NIE: Economic activities are embedded in a framework of institutions, formal & informal “ Old” Institutionalist school Neo-classical Economics NIE
    • 7. What does NIE mean for IFPRI?
      • NIE is not new to IFPRI
      • NIE is a useful tool to address policy issues in developing countries because:
        • Frequent occurrence of market failure & incomplete or imperfect markets
        • Many of the formal rules of behavior that are taken for granted in developed economies do not exist in developing countries
    • 8. NIE New Economic History (North, Fogel, Rutheford) Public Choice & Political Economy (Buchanan, Tullock, Olson, Bates) New Social Economics (Becker) Theory of Collective Action (Ostrom, Olson, Hardin) Transaction Costs Economics (Coase, North, Williamson) (Social Capital) (Putnam, Coleman) Property rights literature (Alchian, Demsetz) Economics of information (Akerlof, Stigler, Stiglitz) Law and Economics (Posner)
    • 9. Transaction cost economics
      • Defining transaction costs:
        • Cost of screening and selecting a buyer or seller
        • Cost of obtaining information on the good or service
        • Cost of bargaining & negotiating a contract
        • Cost of monitoring & enforcing the contract
    • 10. Transaction cost economics
      • Coase (1937)
        • Market exchange is not costless
        • Firms emerge to economize on transaction costs
        • Boundary of the firm determined by nature and extent of transaction costs
    • 11. Transaction cost economics
      • Williamson (1996, 2000)
        • Combines the concepts of bounded rationality & opportunistic behavior to explain contracts & ownership structure of firms
        • Continuum of organizational form (from vertical integration to cash markets) that depends largely on the magnitude of transaction costs
    • 12. Transaction cost economics
      • North (1986, 1989, 1994)
        • Institutions that evolve to reduce transaction costs are key to the performance of economies
        • Not all institutions that emerge are efficient
        • Role of government is crucial in specifying property rights and enforcing contracts
    • 13. Transaction cost economics
      • North (1990)
      • “ The inability of societies to develop effective, low-cost enforcement of contracts is the most important source of both historical stagnation and contemporary underdevelopment in the third world.”
    • 14. How is transaction cost econ. relevant for IFPRI? Globalization & industrialization of world agriculture Market liberalization & government devolution Increasing reliance on vertical linkages, long-term contracts, and coordinated relationships
    • 15. How is transaction cost econ. relevant for IFPRI?
      • Characteristics of rural agricultural- economy in developing countries:
      • Small farmers and traders face high transaction costs resulting in thin markets
      • Market failure in the provision of credit, inputs, and services in remote areas
      • Incomplete or imperfect land and labor markets
    • 16. How is transaction cost econ. relevant for IFPRI? (cont’d)
      • The transaction costs literature will be important in:
        • Explaining the choice of contracts between different market participants
        • Analyzing the type of institutional innovation needed to integrate small farmers and the poor in the new agricultural economy
        • Understanding the role of the government and the private sector in supporting the development of these institutions
    • 17. Example 1: Contract farming
      • Contract farming as a way to cut transaction costs and include small farmers in high-value markets (Minot 1986, Delgado 1999)
        • What are the conditions that make contract farming sustainable and beneficial to small and poor farmers?
        • What is the role of the government in improving those conditions?
    • 18. Example 2: Grades & standards
      • Increasing demand for safe, healthy, and high-quality food in the industrialized countries are changing the nature of international grades & standards (Kherallah, 2000)
        • How can developing countries respond?
        • Do grades and standards act as a barrier to trade to small farmers or do they create an opportunity to enter high-value produce markets?
    • 19. Example 3: Transaction costs and traders behavior
      • How do traders respond to high transaction costs in terms of screening for trust-worthy partners, obtaining information, and enforcing contracts? (Gabre-Madhin, 1998)
        • Is the institutional response of traders efficient?
        • What is the role of the government to cut down on transaction costs and decrease the riskiness of market exchange?
    • 20. Weaknesses & limitations of transaction cost economics
      • Better at describing behavior & providing diagnosis than at predicting outcomes or prescribing cures
      • Measuring transaction costs is difficult
      • Poor modeling of risk & uncertainty
      • No unified framework or theory
      • Still very ignorant about institutions
    • 21. New Institutional Economics: Social Capital
      • Isn’t “standard” economics enough?
      • What is social capital? How does it operate?
      • How is it currently measured?
      • Empirical examples
      • The (many?) problems
    • 22. Beyond neo-classical economics
      • Objective is modeling behavior
      • Other social sciences, social relations matter
      •  A need to extend the models economists use and to incorporate findings from other fields
      • - in fact already exist many examples
    • 23. Social Capital definition: part 1
      • “ Social capital refers to features of social organization [in particular, horizontal associations] such as networks, norms and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit.” Putnam (1995)
      • “ a variety of different entities, with two elements in common: they all consist of some aspect of social structure, and they facilitate certain actions of actors … within the structure” Coleman (1988)
    • 24. Social Capital definition: part 2
      • “ includes the social and political environment that enables norms to develop and shapes social structure. .. Includes the more formalized institutional relationships and structures, such as government, the political regime, the rule of law, the court system and civil an political liberties” Grootaert (1998)
      • “ Social capital is defined as the norms and social relations embedded in the social structures of societies that enable people to coordinate action to achieve desired goals.” The World Bank (2000)
    • 25. Social Capital Definitions: part N
      • Enough already!
    • 26. Social Capital definition: deconstruction
      • Norms
      • Networks
      • Trust
      •  Coordination and cooperation
      • Individual/Household
      • Local/Community
      • National
      • International
      • Private versus Public good
    • 27. How is social capital hypothesized to work?
        • lowers transactions costs of exchange
        • improved diffusion of information and innovations
        • strengthens informal insurance mechanisms
        • increases the probability of trust-sensitive exchanges being made
        • improves local authority performance by drawing them into networks
    • 28. Social? Capital?
      • Is it Social?
        • Social in sense of society
        • But this does not necessarily mean public good
      • Is it Capital?
        • Analogy to other forms of capital useful
        • Don’t push too hard on this, especially distinction between stocks and flows
    • 29. How is social capital quantified (at “micro” level)?
      • Contacts & other network measures
      • Group membership (and characteristics)
      • Degree of civic engagement and/or responsibility
      • Strength of family networks
      • Trust measures
      • (Absence of) Violence
    • 30. Example 1: Traders in Madagascar (Fafchamps & Minten 1998)
      • Social Capital networks of traders have efficiency implications: Larger sales and gross margins.
      • In particular
        • Relationships with traders lower transactions costs
        • Relationships with individuals who can help in times of financial difficulties insure against liquidity risk
        • Relationships with family reduce efficiency, however
    • 31. Example 2: Group membership in South African Households Maluccio, Haddad, May (2000)
      • Household level social capital, as measured by group membership, is an important determinant of income in changing South African economy. After controlling for fixed effects and endogeneity find:
        • Significant impact in 1998, but less than education
        • 1993 initial levels matter due to structural shift
      • Spillover effects are weak for non-group members, even in communities with high social capital
    • 32. Social capital: problems to bear in mind
      • Exclusionary aspects
        • If it’s who you know, how did you get to know them?
        • May be particularly true for the poor
      • Endogeneity
      • Measurement is difficult
      • It can have negative externality effects
    • 33. NIE on Property Rights and (a bit) on relevant Legal Frameworks
    • 34. Why Important?
      • Property rights in productive resources – land itself, trees, pasture, many water sources, fish, etc. often characterized by non-private property rights structures
        • Substantial part of income generation, especially in SSA
        • Poor, and reliance on non-private resources as safety net
        • Almost all “big” environmental problems are a function of resources under non-private, non-market property rights (desertification, forest mgmt, soil erosion, pollution, overfishing, overgrazing)
        • Intellectual property rights
    • 35. Property Rights
      • With transactions costs, they matter for efficiency; note: they matter for equity even in absence of transactions costs
      • Absolute PRs: Definition of the bundle of legal interests in “resource”
      • Relative PRs: Exchange. Contractual obligations -- particularly when time is an important part of the “transaction” -> monitoring and enforcement of the contract.
    • 36. Emergence of Absolute Property Rights
      • Demand Side:
      • (Alchian, Demsetz)
      • Relative prices will change so that property rights will emerge to more efficiently allocate resources. “Optimistic View”
      • Supply Side (North):
      • Existing power structures matter, changes will be costly, not necessarily “optimal”. Asset specificity and Network externalities.
      • Methodologies for analysis still in infancy
      • Almost all focus on “move to privatized”; little on operation under non-private tenure or if non-private is “optimal”.
    • 37. Relative Property Rights
      • Focus on Contracts, bargaining and negotiation
        • Assymetric Information
        • Assymetric assets, risk-bearing mechanisms, etc.
        • Incentives and Mechanism Design
      • Very well-developed and rigorous (read: mathematical) frameworks for analyses but:
        • Emphasis on transactions in industrialized nations with very strong legal institutions already
        • Assume different power relations (maybe based on asymmetries in assets/wealth etc.), or take as exogenous, or assume away altogether
    • 38. NIE, Law and PR
      • Implies that making and monitoring agreements should be decided at “local” level (information, moral hazard et.al. more easily gathered); formal law basically there to provide credible enforcement
      • However, once formalized, law can certainly change bargaining position of participants –ex-ante and ex-post consistency
      • Credibility vs. Flexibility in legal regulations of property “institutional” change; rent-seeking vs. institutional adaptation to circumstances -- Devolution
    • 39. Problems – Theoretical (according to an NIE person)
      • Basic proposition: cannot separate equity from efficiency – immediate “problem” of developing criteria for evaluation (remember: positive transactions costs so “pareto” improvements in absence of costs may not be “pareto” with them – valuation of change in equity is crucial).
      • Bhardan article (WD,1989) articulating what he saw as gaps in NIE; Furubotn & Richter (2000) conclude their 481 page book with almost exact same gaps – serious theoretical stagnation.
    • 40. Problems -- Empirical
      • Very difficult to “judge” even efficiency of resource use under alternative PR regimes; technical parameters often very difficult to obtain – many studies have sketchy information at best
      • Methodologies for capturing qualitative “institutional” aspects still very much in their infancy – severe problems with proxies ( are lots of meetings a sign of “strong social cohesion and organization” or weak and inefficient organization?; tenure security – title vs. traditional norms; insiders/outsiders)
    • 41. What’s the purpose of Institutional Research
      • To sufficiently capture the institutional context so that we can more accurately predict how other policies are likely to impact on households (&/or members in the household)?
      • To capture the institutional context, and to capture how any particular policy may in turn affect the functioning of the institution?
      • To determine factors that directly affect the institution, and so derive policy recommendations to directly change the institution?
    • 42. Concluding Questions:
      • How useful is transaction cost economics to inform public policy beyond enforcing property rights & contracts, improving public market information, investing in infrastructure, etc.?
      • Is there a benefit to separating social capital out, or should we just focus on the individual mechanism being studied in each case?
    • 43. Concluding Questions:
      • Who decides on the criteria for assessing institutions? Especially when distribution is important?
      • Where’s the “demand” for these types of analysis? Not just property rights, but broader “socio-cultural” institutions?

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