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  • 1. MINISTRY OF THE ENVIRONMENT SPATIAL PLANNING DEPARTMENT As follow-up to the European Spatial Development Perspective (ESDP), the Danish Presidency is focusing on the implications of globalisation and the role of cities in regional development. In three main sections, this report deals in detail with the problems relating to the role of cities in regional development. A number of Scandinavian researchers have contributed to the report. The report is a contribution by the Danish Ministry of the Environment, Spatial Planning Department to the international conference European Cities in a Global Era - Urban Identities and Regional Development. It is intended as a supplement to the conference, introducing key aspects of the issues discussed and providing background reading. URBAN IDENTITIES AND REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT The first section includes the Copenhagen Charter 2002 - the Danish Presidency’s suggested agenda for a discussion on future urban and regional development - as well as a number of operational recommendations. The second section deals in general terms with globalisation’s impact on Europe’s cities and regions. Finally, the last section deals with different aspects concerning the development of an urban identity concept. EUROPEAN CITIES IN A GLOBAL ERA EUROPEAN CITIES IN A GLOBAL ERA EUROPEAN CITIES IN A GLOBAL ERA URBAN IDENTITIES AND REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT
  • 2. EUROPEAN CITIES IN A GLOBAL ERA URBAN IDENTITIES AND REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT
  • 3. PAGES 002-003 / FOREWORD BY THE MINISTER FOREWORD BY THE MINISTER Cities and regions are facing great challenges as a consequence of globalisation. In many ways, cities are the driving force of the global economy. The challenge for the future is to determine how this force can pull with it an entire region without compromising our identity. In other words, we must remain locally anchored in a changing global world. At one and the same time, cities are the bearers of the cultural heritage of Europe and the clearest illustration of our present: a present where cities are expressions of growth, wealth and community, as well as decay, poverty and loneliness. It is also clear that globalisation has different effects on our cities and regions. Large financial districts and communication centres have not been established in all cities. Some cities have instead developed as places for spe- Initiating a debate on these matters is vital cialised production. But all cities are part Hans Chr. Schmidt in order to meet the challenges in future of, and are affected by, the global economy. Minister for the Environment urban and regional development in Europe. The following report deals with the rela- There is a great challenge for Europe’s cities tionship between the identity of cities, and authorities here, and it is about looking globalisation, and regional development as at the problem of cities and regions in a part of the forthcoming conference entitled more functional and integrated light. European Cities in a Global Era - Urban Looking at cities and regions holistically. Identities and Regional Development. Understanding the important relationships between urban and rural areas. Supporting However we do not merely want to initiate co-operation and development both within a debate. With the Copenhagen Charter and between cities and regions. Therefore, 2002, we want to set the agenda for the the two principal elements in the Charter debate on urban and regional policy. are to utilise and improve the identity and
  • 4. qualities of our cities in global competition the conference and the report. In partner- and to ensure balanced and coordinated ship with the City of Copenhagen and the development within and between the cities City of Frederiksberg, Fonden Realdania is and regions of Europe. also part of the ten-year urban and housing exhibition, Copenhagen X. Urban and regional policy is crucial for future European cohesion, and this was also I hope that the conference in Copenhagen emphasised in the European Spatial and this report can contribute to inspiration Development Perspective (ESDP). and debate and thus comprise a stepping European cities and authorities must be at stone for future regional policy as well as the leading edge of endeavours to promote urban and environment policy and work for cohesion and balanced development in sustainable development in Europe. Europe. Without active local involvement from cities, it is impossible to ensure the goals of sustainability that have been set at both national and international levels. I am extremely pleased that we are focusing on this dimension during the Danish EU Presidency, and I would like to take this opportunity to thank all the contributors to this report. I would also like to thank Fonden Realdania, which has contributed to both
  • 5. PAGES 004-005 / CONTENTS CONTENTS PAGES 002-003 FOREWORD BY THE MINISTER PAGES 006-007 EUROPEAN CITIES IN A GLOBAL ERA - AN INTRODUCTION / DANISH MINSTRY OF THE ENVIRONMENT, SPATIAL PLANNING DEPARTMENT PAGES 010-011 COPENHAGEN CHARTER 2002 AND RECOMMENDATIONS PAGES 012-015 COPENHAGEN CHARTER 2002 A STATEMENT ON THE OCCASION OF THE DANISH PRESIDENCY PAGES 016-021 URBAN AND REGIONAL IDENTITY CHALLENGED BY GLOBALISATION: REPORT SUMMARY AND POLICY RESPONSES / NIELS BOJE GROTH PAGES 022-023 GLOBALISATION PAGES 024-029 CHANGE AND CHOICE: ON GLOBALISATION / HENNING THOMSEN PAGES 030-035 IS GROWTH IN CITIES CONTAGIOUS? HOW CITIES AND TOWNS INFLUENCE REGIONAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT / SVEN ILLERIS PAGES 036-041 GLOBALISATION IS AFFECTED BY LOCAL FACTORS: SHIFTS IN THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN STATE, REGION AND CITY / HANS THOR ANDERSEN
  • 6. PAGES 042-043 URBAN IDENTITY PAGES 044-049 IDENTITY AND URBANITY: THE HETEROGENEOUS, DEMOCRATIC CITY / PETER MADSEN PAGES 050-057 RESTRUCTURING AND URBAN IDENTITY / JENS KVORNING PAGES 058-065 PRESERVATION AND/OR AUTHENTICITY / KARL OTTO ELLEFSEN PAGES 066-071 THE BICYCLE - AN URBAN MEDIUM / HENRIK REEH PAGES 072-073 EXAMPLES FROM THE ØRESUND REGION PAGES 074-079 PLACE AND IDENTITY - MALMÖ / MATS OLSSON PAGES 080-085 REGIONAL PLANNING, IDENTITY AND URBAN STRUCTURE - GREATER COPENHAGEN / IB FERDINANDSEN PAGES 086-087 ILLUSTRATIONS AND AUTHORS
  • 7. PAGES 006-007 / EUROPEAN CITIES IN A GLOBAL ERA EUROPEAN CITIES IN A GLOBAL ERA AN INTRODUCTION Danish Ministry of the Environment, Spatial Planning Department The need for common efforts towards balanced urban and regional development has grown in line with European integration and increasing competition between cities. With the conference European Cities in a Global Era Urban Identities and Regional Development, the Danish Presidency will focus on the role of the cities in regional development at a time influenced by globalisation. ing that future urban and regional policy contributes to regional development, without comprising the environment and the identity of our cities - and without creating large areas that do not share in the benefits of development. This means that initiatives at various authority levels must be co-ordinated. It means that we must begin shaping a regional policy where the role of the cities as growth centres is supported for the benefit of the region as a whole. Therefore, global development emphasises the need to revise our knowledge and strategies if we are Globalisation intensifies the need for an to ensure balanced urban and regional integrated perspective on urban and development. This is also a central objective regional development. In many ways, cities of the European Spatial Development function as the driving force of the global Perspective (ESDP). economy and are important actors in regional development, which puts pressure At the ministerial conference in Tampere on the urban environment and leads to cer- during the Finnish Presidency, Denmark tain regional disparities in growth opportu- undertook to take a closer look at experi- nities. Therefore, the fact that regional and ence gained from the Interreg Programme. urban policy is often perceived as two sepa- A debate on urban and regional develop- rate entities is a problem. The EU and the ment should, however, also be viewed in Member States face a great challenge ensur- connection with the inevitable conse-
  • 8. MUSEUM PROJECT # 001, ATTA KIM, PART OF A PHOTO- quences of the global economy, both the identity of place. The views of these authors GRAPHIC WORK SHOWN ON A HOLOGRAPHIC SCREEN AT positive and the negative. Therefore, it is are their own contribution to the debate not enough merely to assess the experience and therefore do not necessarily represent gained from one isolated programme. A the views of the Danish government. broader debate is needed on how we ensure Likewise, the articles do not constitute an that regional policy contributes to a bal- exhaustive discussion on the subject, but anced and polycentric development pattern, attempt rather to provide an interdiscip- thus creating frameworks for growth in all linary approach to a complex issue. THE FESTIVAL “ASIAN COMMENTS” IN COPENHAGEN, SEPTEMBER 2002. the regions of Europe. The report opens with the Copenhagen The quality and identity of a place are Charter 2002, a statement from the Danish becoming increasingly important para- Presidency, which also provides an agenda meters in urban and regional development for the debate on future urban and regional during globalisation. Therefore, the concept development in Europe. The Copenhagen of urban identity is central in this confer- Charter, the subsequent articles and the ence report. The objective is not, however, conference together constitute an invitation to provide a definitive answer to what to politicians, planners, researchers and urban identity is. The objective rather is to other interested parties to enter the debate elaborate the diversity of the concept and to on the future objectives and strategies of support urban and regional development European regional policy. embedded in the place. In this connection, a number of Nordic researchers and practi- At the same time, we hope the ten-year tioners have contributed to examining the urban and housing exhibition, Copenhagen relationships between globalisation and X, being held from 2002 to 2012 will urban and regional development, and the inspire future urban development in other
  • 9. PAGES 008-009 / EUROPEAN CITIES IN A GLOBAL ERA PART OF KALVEBOD BRYGGE IN THE PORT OF European cities. We are pleased that the two tional relations. Smaller towns, however, COPENHAGEN, 2002 large municipalities of the Danish capital - often fulfil other functions than those of Copenhagen and Frederiksberg - along with larger cities. In general, larger cities repre- the foundation Fonden Realdania, are sent centres where knowledge and commu- working together on Copenhagen X, and as nication resources are concentrated, whilst such highlighting the long-term perspective smaller towns still essentially manufacture in development of the spatial environment. specialised goods. Global competition can, however, have neg- The significance of globalisation for urban and regional development ative consequences for cities and regions if Globalisation implies a new division of out a long-term perspective. The result can labour between countries, regions, and be a social and spatial separation between cities. To a much greater extent than before, cities and regions, as well as between urban cities and regions are specialising in niche and rural areas, with only few areas benefit- areas where they have special expertise. This ing from global competition. it depends on development strategies with- means that cities and regional networks will increasingly become central players in glo- These trends provide some specific chal- bal competition. lenges for urban and regional policy. If we are to promote balanced regional develop- Many believe that development of the new ment throughout Europe, then it is essential knowledge economy will, in many ways, that we strengthen co-operation and co- lead to larger cities experiencing a greater ordination as well as initiate long-term and level of growth than smaller towns. Yet holistic strategies. Both the role of the larger smaller towns are also experiencing increas- cities and smaller towns must be encour- ing growth on the basis of more interna- aged, allowing development to contribute
  • 10. to growth for the whole region. There is means involving all urban areas in develop- towns in all regions for the benefit of continued need for us to ensure regional ment. It means that the different identities regional development as a whole. Holistic development whereby cities complement of a place, including those affiliated to development of our cities and regions must one another, and where conditions of life in social and cultural environments, urban and be based upon local diversity, as also empha- weaker cities and regions are safeguarded so regional knowledge competencies, and the sised in Local Agenda 21 work. that everybody shares in the benefits of various spatial features of a city and region, development. etc., are considered when the spatial envi- The key words are integration, involvement, ronment is to be developed and renewed. and participation, if we are to ensure wellfunctioning urban and regional policies. The Urban identity as a potential in spatial development The basis for development of our regions citizens of city and region must co-operate therefore should be a broad understanding with public and private actors as equal part- The value of cultural and spatial symbols, or of European urban history, qualities and ners. We must support co-operation and co- the identity of the place, is an important identities. It is also necessary to acknowl- ordination internally between urban and competitive parameter. At the same time, the edge the less positive features of a given city regional actors and promote co-operation identity of the place provides a feeling of or region and assess how these features can between different cities and regions. belonging and meaning for local inhabitants. be applied constructively in development. Cities evolve constantly as a consequence of In the future, it will be a challenge to commit Copenhagen Charter 2002 both big-city competition and development to long-term and holistic strategies for urban We will face great challenges in the future, of the global economy, as well as mass- development that do not differentiate but also great opportunities. Everyone media proliferation of cultural values and between centre and periphery, but rather, are responsible for urban and regional develop- the global flows of businesspeople and based on a more varied picture of the identi- ment at all authority levels must work tourists. The result is that cities are becom- ties of the place. Strategies that take into con- together to perform these tasks. It is ing more and more uniform, thereby losing sideration both the negative and constructive through debate and the joint formulation of their local character, but also that central aspects associated with urban identity. action strategies that we can ensure balanced and sustainable development. There urban areas and buildings are allocated is no secret formula for how we can ensure higher priority at the expense of less spec- such development. However, it is possible rural areas. This development reflects an Sustainable urban and regional development unconstructive relationship between local It is important that development strategies which is important to debate in order to preservation and globally inspired renewal. be rooted in the culture, nature and com- ensure frameworks for regional develop- mercial structure of an area in order to ment based on growth and sustainability. tacular buildings and peripheral urban and to sum up a number of factors; an agenda Yet the dynamics of the identity of the place ensure sustainable development. Urban resulting from globalisation can also be used policies and regional strategies should be The Copenhagen Charter is a suggestion constructively. By making the scenery, structured so they are based on the place for such an agenda. The aim of the Charter architecture, history, local lifestyle, and cul- and the life led there, both in respect to is to function as a stepping-stone on the ture the basis for development, and at the transport, environmental planning and path towards improved urban and regional same time drawing on new trends, it is pos- other aspects relevant to everyday life. development in Europe. Firstly, the Charter sible to see both local and global character- Development must counteract social exclu- addresses the need to acknowledge the con- istics reflected in one another. In this way, it sion. The city and region must be accessible nection between urban policy and regional is possible to preserve local character for the to all. This concerns physical access as well development. Secondly, the Charter also benefit of both local and global actors. as social and cultural accessibility. addresses the need to focus on urban and regional conditions of life in a global era, The spatial environment is fundamental if Everyone must share in the benefits of where the identity of the place is an impor- the identity of the place is to be created, development, not just within urban areas, tant aspect. In other words, strategies devel- developed, and promoted. Highlighting but throughout Europe, as well as in the oped on the basis of an integrated perspec- local identities in relation to the spatial individual Member States and regions. The tive of urban and regional development can environment means being aware of how central message of the ESDP was that, support identities of place and thereby con- global and international flows are assimil- because of this, we should create the frame- tribute to creating growth in all regions of ated into local construction, so develop- work for a polycentric development pattern. Europe. An aspect that should underlie ment is based on neither rigid traditional- We must ensure sustainable and balanced future European debate on regional policy. ism nor uncritical internationalism. It also development in larger cities and smaller
  • 11. PAGES 010-011 / COPENHAGEN CHARTER 2002
  • 12. COPENHAGEN CHARTER 2002 AND RECOMMENDATIONS The dynamics and consequences of globalisation are extremely important for future developments in European cities and regions. But how can these global dynamics be exploited without compromising the local qualities in European cities? And how can global dynamics be used to promote urban and regional development? Drawing attention to the issue of cohesion between the challenges of globalisation and the development potential of urban identity is the first step. However, the individual authorities responsible for urban and regional development must take the decisive leap from words to action. The problems and issues in the different articles are illustrated with differing perspec- The Copenhagen Charter contains ten tives and summarised in this chapter with an principles on how the challenges of global- article on challenges and policy recommen- isation can be managed in urban and dations. The article shows how the abstract regional strategies in order to secure cohe- discussions in the report can be offered spe- sion and continued sustainable develop- cific relevance in strategy and policy devel- ment. Through the Charter, the Danish opment, and thus become a useful tool for Presidency wants to inspire decision-makers, planners and decision-makers. researchers, and other stakeholders in regional and urban development in Europe to take part in the debate on urban and regional development. The Charter also emphasises the necessity of an integrated approach to spatial development, if we are to promote balanced regional development.
  • 13. PAGES 012-013 / COPENHAGEN CHARTER 2002 / COPENHAGEN CHARTER 2002 COPENHAGEN CHARTER 2002 A STATEMENT ON THE OCCASION OF THE DANISH PRESIDENCY The challenges The global changes promote standardisation Globalisation generates new challenges in in many ways, including architecture, images preparing strategies for urban and regional and culture. Diversity, identity and locally development. The Copenhagen Charter anchored development can protect against 2002 aims to recommend how to manage this conformity. In addition, the special char- the challenges of the global era, in which acteristics of specific urban areas and regions maintaining growth and sustainability as provide the driving force for social and econ- well as identity and diversity has become omic development. The location-specific increasingly difficult. qualities and identity give meaning to the sense of place by making it unique. The global competition between cities and regions has shaped a new global division of Cities comprise a paradox. They embody labour. National borders and cultures do not the leading centres of development, but limit the chains of production and consump- they are also fertile soil for social exclusion tion. Companies can choose where they and environmental problems. Many city want to locate, and people where they want residents have poor access to transport, to work and live, on a global market. These housing, education, social services, jobs and changes influence the cities and regions of other services. Most European towns and Europe. The disparities between European cities have old industrial and harbour cities and between cities and the countryside districts that need to be regenerated. are increasing. Rural areas with small and Determining how to regenerate balanced medium-sized towns often have limited and polycentric development in cities and opportunities for development. regions using the special local and regional qualities, competencies, identities and creativity is therefore a major challenge.
  • 14. Meeting the challenges region, to improve the territorial balance in An integrated approach to urban and European development. regional policies is needed. Urban development and regional development are interre- Local, regional, national and European lated. All strategies and programmes with authorities need to take responsibility for spatial effects at the local, regional, national ensuring sustainable and balanced urban and and European levels influence urban and regional policy. Urban and regional author- regional development. In the future, author- ities should assess their potential role in the ities need to take responsibility for enhanc- global economy and convert this assessment ing co-operation and co-ordination to pro- into specific strategies for their territory. The mote cohesion, sustainability and growth in foundation for this could be the principles of all of Europe. Meanwhile, policy-makers the Copenhagen Charter 2002. The 10 must consider how globalisation affects points of the Charter are not the final regions and cities, to prevent imbalanced answers, but they outline main principles. development. If an integrated approach is Strategies for urban and regional develop- not implemented, the lack of co-ordination ment and implementation thereof need to be between different levels of authority will not carefully tailored to individual circumstances only result in greater disparity between dif- to develop and enhance the characteristic ferent areas in the same region but also identities of cities and regions. Interreg, increase the gaps between the regions of URBAN and other EU programmes support Europe. In the end, this will lead to devel- regional and urban development and regen- opment that is extremely unsustainable. eration, but progressive strategies for urban Future regional policies in Europe can con- and regional development should make use tribute to reinforcing the role of cities and of these programmes in relation to national towns as growth centres that benefit a whole and regional initiatives.
  • 15. PAGES 014-015 / COPENHAGEN CHARTER 2002 / COPENHAGEN CHARTER 2002 GLOBAL EFFECTS REGIONAL IDENTITY Regional development in global competition 1. Use the forces of globalisation construc- 3. Develop an integrated perspective on tively by assessing the local potential in urban and regional policy by promoting the global economy and integrating this awareness of the role of towns and cities into strategies for urban and regional in regional development, to promote development. regional cohesion and a polycentric urban pattern. 2. Use regional and urban identities as the starting-point in adapting to global 4. Co-ordinate strategies for urban and changes and dynamics by interpreting regional development and support and registering the characteristics of the partnerships between public and pri- physical environment, architecture and vate actors. the social and cultural capital in the region and its cities. 5. Develop innovative and sustainable long-term perspectives in which regional identity and cities’ potential strengths are linked to regional competencies, creativity and culture.
  • 16. REGIONAL BALANCE IDENTITY AND QUALITY CO-OPERATION AND CO-ORDINATION Urban identity and balanced regional development 6. Use the architectural history of the city 8. Create diverse and creative living and and global trends to shape the urban working environments in all urban and regional environment, to protect districts by including all cultures and diversity and local identity and to coun- potential factors in the development teract the monotony of the global archi- process. tectural expression. 9. Enhance integration in the entire region 7. View the revitalisation of the city and to avoid social exclusion by ensuring region as a dynamic process and make that everyone has access to sustainable use of local customs and new initiatives. transport, jobs, housing, knowledge, education and social services. 10. Strengthen opportunities for public participation in the discussion on strategies for urban and regional development and thereby empower local actors by making use of their knowledge about the place and its potential.
  • 17. PAGES 016-017 / COPENHAGEN CHARTER 2002 / URBAN AND REGIONAL IDENTITY & GLOBALISATION URBAN AND REGIONAL IDENTITY CHALLENGED BY GLOBALISATION REPORT SUMMARY AND POLICY RESPONSES Niels Boje Groth Urban and regional identity has become an issue of great political concern, due to the impacts of globalisation and the restructuring of cities and regions. Paying due reference to the other articles in the present report, this article examines the concept of identity and discusses how recent urban and regional strategies deal with the concept. Conclusions and recommendations for urban strategies and regional policies are presented. Globalisation: threats and challenges Urban as well as regional planners have always been interested in understanding how to deal with spatial identity. However, globalisation has now given spatial identity a special priority on the planning agenda. On the one hand, globalisation has caused changes in the economy of cities and regions, changes so radical that cities and regions risk losing their identities. On the other hand, globalisation forces cities and regions to become more visible towards new markets and political arenas. Cities and regions are thus faced with the threat of losing identity while at the same time they are challenged to find new ones. Therefore, cities and regions have engaged in a new discourse on spatial identity. The discourses on identity have exhibited two strands (Gerner 1997, Staun 2002). One strand, ethnos, stresses the importance of heritage. It focuses on community spirit as formed by intrinsic and coinciding rela-
  • 18. EUROPE’S VITAL AXIS ATLANTIC ARC FINISTERRES EUROPE’S MAJOR CITIES: VERY IMPORTANT IMPORTANT NOTABLE MODERATE ORBITS OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT: MEDITERRANEAN FORMER OTTOMAN EAST EUROPEAN THE HETEROGENEITY OF EUROPEAN REGIONAL IDENTITIES. tions of joint ethnic status, language, reli- when ethnic groups fight for regional devo- IN HIS HISTORICAL SKETCH OF EUROPEAN REGIONAL gion and history. The arguments are emo- lution. Historically, however, urban identi- BACKDROP FOR UNDERSTANDING THE DISPARITIES OF tionally-based, binding individuals and com- ties are closely connected to the demos REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EUROPE. munity together in common feelings and position. Par excellence, European market inherited cultural values. The other strand, towns and trade cities were regulated by demos, stresses the importance of the con- statutes defining civil rights and obligations. tract. It focuses on general and mutual rights Some statutes were national, whereas other WELL KNOWN. OUTSIDE THIS CORE OF ECON- and responsibilities of the citizen and soci- were founded on internationally codified, OMIC DEVELOPMENT, DUNFORD IDENTIFIES ety. The arguments are rationalist, binding e.g. the Magdeburg and Lübeck statutes, by LARGE REGIONAL ARCS AND ORBITS, THE citizens and society together in joint agree- which cities were connected across national DEVELOPMENT OF WHICH HAS BEEN ments on civil rights and duties. boundaries. The city statutes were a breach DEVELOPMENT, MICHAEL DUNFORD (1998) WEAVES A THE SUPERIORITY OF THE “VITAL AXIS” FROM GREATER LONDON VIA THE BENELUX AND THE RHINELAND TO NORTHERN ITALY IS FORMED BY COMMON ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL PROCESSES IRRESPECTIVE OF with feudal society and were crucial to the The ethnos position has dominated dis- forming of the new ruling class, the citizen. courses on national identity, e.g. as related When taking the demos strand as a point of to the forming of European national states departure, identity is likely to be polycentric TEXT OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF LARGE in the 19th century and the current revitali- rather than monocentric, formed as it is by EUROPEAN SUB-REGIONS. IT REVEALS THE sation of nationalism. However, discourses citizens organising their life in their own HETEROGENEITY OF REGIONAL IDENTITIES, on national identity have also shown to be interests, however within a common legal HENCE, IT ILLUSTRATES THAT EUROPEAN strongly influenced by the demos position, framework of society. IDENTITY IS MORE ABOUT DIFFERENT FATES as was the case in post-war and post-Cold OF CITIES, REGIONS AND NATION-STATES War Germany (Staun 2002). NATIONAL BORDERS. DUNFORD’S ANALYSIS DEMONSTRATES THAT LOCAL REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT HAS TO BE SEEN IN THE CON- WITHIN ONE EUROPEAN TERRITORY RATHER THAN A UNIFORM FATE OF DIFFERENT EUROPEAN CITIES, REGIONS AND NATIONSTATES. Closely connected to the idea of identity is that it has to be authentic. However, mod- In cities and regions, the ethnos position ern marketing acts as if identities are artifi- seems to be present, when urban riots occur cial. Modern marketing knows that identi- due to the presence of ethnic minorities and ties are not visible by themselves. They are
  • 19. PAGES 018-019 / COPENHAGEN CHARTER 2002 / URBAN AND REGIONAL IDENTITY & GLOBALISATION made visible only indirectly by signs and The problems of the historic strategies symbols. Accordingly, we can only grasp become apparent in the former industrial identities indirectly, via interpretations, and cities that have lost their economic base. we can only express identities indirectly, via They need to identify with new rather than representations. historical roles, and they need the entire city to be part of the new identity. Hence, Even when we search for authentic identi- Jens Kvorning, in his article, suggests that ties by excavating the historical heritage, we cities should set up strategies for new devel- find only representations that have to be opment paradigms which can embrace the interpreted. entire city as frameworks for the globalisation forces. He suggests that cities should These brief introductory remarks on general aspects of identity stress that urban and tions that work positively for the realisation of historical and current processes rather of new visions for the cities. The most pro- than one all-embracing cultural spirit of each nounced example is the Emscher-Park pro- urban and regional community. Urban and ject covering the old industrial Ruhr dis- regional identities are not inherited in any trict. Other authors of the present volume authentic manner. Rather, they are artificial (e.g. Andersen) are close to the same argu- and have to be made visible by interpretation ment when they suggest giving priority to and reinterpretation of local culture, practice long-term rather than short-term strategies. and aspirations of the city and region society. The short-term strategies are usually based According to these observations, it is not on spectacular events created in co-opera- possible or relevant to make joint interpretaELECTOR JOHN THE STEADFAST OF SAXONY, BEFORE 1532. lead the forces of globalisation into direc- regional identities owe much to multi-layers LUCAS CRANACH THE ELDER (1472-1553): PORTRAIT OF not fight globalisation. Rather, they should tion with great international architects. tions of the European city or region. Such events may be recognised world-wide for a period, but are often soon forgotten. SIGNIFYING IDENTITY. THE GERMAN PAINTER CRANACH WAS FAMILIAR WITH THE IDEA Urban strategies THAT PAINTINGS ARE ONLY INDIRECT INTER- The articles in this report reveal that iden- gral part of long-term development strategies PRETATIONS OF THE MOTIF, RATHER THAN A tity is a matter of great concern to embracing the whole city rather than focusing on MIMETIC PRESENTATION - AN IDEA GRASPED European cities, either because they have event-architecture or just the historical parts of ONLY MUCH LATER BY MODERN SEMIOTICS AND MARKETING (POULSEN 2002). HE SUGGESTED TO LUTHER THAT THE PAINTINGS AND • had to reshape lost identities or because they search for new ones. The rebuilding of The creation of urban identities should be an inte- the city. • Rather than fighting against globalisation, the DRAWINGS FROM CATHOLIC TIMES SHOULD many cities demolished during World War generative forces of globalisation should be BE REINTERPRETED IN THE NEW CONTEXT OF II revealed how intense historical identity is utilised as part of an integrated strategy for urban THE REFORMATION RATHER THAN BEING to the general public. Even though Gdansk, restructuring. DESTROYED. LIKEWISE, WHEN TIMES CHANGE, for example, had become an important CITIES MAKE NEW INTERPRETATIONS OF THEIR shipyard town and in many aspects changed Cities undergoing a restructuring process IDENTITY. CRANACH’S UNDERSTANDING OF its social identity, the city was keen to have experienced that the process in itself reshape the historical identity of the rather than the results of the process medieval merchant town after the war. endows the city with a new identity. SYMBOLIC MEANING WAS DEMONSTRATED IN SOME OF HIS PORTRAITS, WHERE HE DELIBERATELY COMPOSED STIFF REPRESENTATIONS OF According to Mats Olsson, this was the case THE OFFICIAL ROLES AND RANKS OF THE PORTRAYED PERSON RATHER THAN SENSITIVE According to Karl Otto Ellefsen, the idea of in Malmö. Furthermore, Malmö experi- PRESENTATIONS OF THE INDIVIDUAL, preservation became very influential after enced a pronounced commitment by young ENDOWED WITH MANY QUALITIES OF THE the Second World War, an idea promoted people to the city. The fascination of the MODERN LOGO. THE FIGURE SHOWS ONE by the international community of planners urbanisation process was also at stake when in several charters, one of which was the cities were made the icon of modernism in Venice Charter from 1964. However, the the 19th and 20th centuries. Haussmann’s authors of this report recommend avoiding Paris, praised by Baudelaire and the impres- the stigmatisation of the old part of the sionists, Robert Moses’ New York and the cities as museums, a view so common to Scandinavian functionalist design are but a urban planning. few examples of this modernist fascination. SUCH PORTRAIT.
  • 20. Thus, one should acknowledge that the “second order” dialogues with the citizens and grammes are examples of initiatives follow- construction of urban identities by means cultural and social movements. ing up the ESDP. of preservation of the historical city is also a The efforts to market urban identities take The ESDP launches new ideas to counter- place in a period of changing planning par- balance tendencies of economic concentra- Any efforts to make the city identical to the his- adigms. To an increasing extent, cities are tion in core regions of Europe. The general torical city should be counterbalanced by the fact elaborating strategies rather than plans. idea is to support development of regions that cities are par excellence the locus of modern- Formerly, development required plans. via the generative forces of the cities. Thus, ity. Accordingly, urban identity should not be con- Today, development is no longer to be rather than a welfare perspective, the ESDP sidered to be static. Rather, urban identities taken for granted, and cities are deeply is based on a development perspective, should reflect the changes and development of involved in stimulating development. They thereby offering an alternative to the cur- urban society. do SWOT analyses, co-operate with other rent regional policies. “betrayal” of the city’s modernist heritage. • cities, agencies and firms, form new partIt has been argued (Ashworth 1998) that a nerships, and develop visions. However, The idea of supporting regional develop- small elite which dominates urban planning their strategies can often not cope with the ment outside the European core areas is a and preservation efforts is crucial for the situation because what is needed are break with former mainstream thinking of signification of the urban identity. The pref- changes that can be seen only from the per- regional development. Formerly, theories of erence for preservation of historical build- spective of a new urban identity. Thus, in regional development were based on the pre- ings and monuments expresses the norms of order fully to grasp the range of radical sumption that economic development dif- the elite and leaves little room for the citi- strategic choices open to them, cities should fuses from the centres. Empirical evidence zen to feel at home. Taking into account explore the options from the perspectives of had shown that growth centres induce a that cities are the locus of social conflict imagined alternative urban identities. convergence of income and welfare (Cavazos and segregation, it seems obvious that the story of the city belongs not just to the 2001). According to this theory, the regional • In formulating their urban strategies, cities should policies of the 1950s and 1960s were domi- elite. The easy response to this problem is operate from the perspective of alternative urban nated by supporting the development of to press for more democratisation of deci- identities in order fully to cope with the radical hierarchical urban systems suited for chan- sion-making. However, it has to be changes they are facing. nelling economic development from the acknowledged that the act of producing an largest centres to the smaller centres. In the urban identity does not restrict people’s 1970s, regional development changed drasti- objects of identification. Rather than being Regional strategies cally. One reason was the increasing price restricted by the symbols of the elite, people EU regional policies have been dominated competition for industrial production of create their own identities in their own by a concern for a fair regional distribution standard products due to the opening of logic of street life, joking relations, slang of welfare. In order to avoid great disparities international markets, being facilitated by and symbols. According to the French soci- between regions, the EU Structural Funds new international trade agreements and ologist and philosopher Michel de Cherteau are concentrating on regions lagging behind major declines in transport costs. (1984), the production of a first order cul- the EU average. And massive funding by Meanwhile, the production of service- and ture by the elite does not restrict ordinary the European Agricultural Guidance and knowledge-based products started to develop. people. Rather, it gives cause for the pro- Guarantee Fund subsidises current ways of duction of second order cultural production living in regions dominated by the primary These developments radically changed the by the ordinary people. Thus, rather than sector. This welfare approach has dominated economic life of cities and regions. One just asking for a public dialogue on the first EU regional policy for many years. overall conclusion was that the former order cultural production, one should also However, strands of the EU regional poli- growth model was nonviable, since it came ask for a new dialogue between the first and cies are also oriented to regional develop- out in the open that regional development second order cultural productions. In conse- ment. Most pronounced is the work carried was much more dependent on local capabil- quence, the dialogue should be mediated in out during the late 1980s and the 1990s by ities within the regions rather than on exter- a multitude of current cultural expressions the Member States on the European Spatial nal relations. Further, it was envisaged that of the elite and the people. Development Perspective (ESDP). Informal technology and education, and other factors and non-statutory as it is, it invites govern- internal to the region, stimulated economic The construction of urban identities should be ments, decision-makers, organisations and development rather than being an achieve- formed in a broad partnership-dialogue on visions the European Commission to contribute to ment of economic development. Finally, it for the “first order” development of the city while goal-oriented spatial development of the was acknowledged that the strongest posi- at the same time leaving room for a multitude of EU. Within the EU, the Interreg pro- tion in international competition was held •
  • 21. PAGES 020-021 / COPENHAGEN CHARTER 2002 / URBAN AND REGIONAL IDENTITY & GLOBALISATION THE SEARCH FOR NEW IDENTITIES. GLASGOW by products that were difficult to copy else- tion is the object of more international SUFFERS FROM ECONOMIC RESTRUCTURING where. Thus, the new wisdom is to develop trade than e.g. the service production of the DUE TO THE CLOSURE OF ITS SHIPYARD specialised competencies. The single com- large cities. This observation may run con- INDUSTRY. TODAY THE CITY IS TRYING TO pany may specialise. However, more viable trary to a general impression that the largest synergy and strength will be developed if cities are the most internationalised. At least FEBRUARY 1999). THE OTHER HEADLINE IS specialised competencies are developed in in the case of Denmark, Illeris’ observation ABOUT BRANDING A NEW SCOTTISH IDENTITY regional networks of specialists, suppliers, is supported by the fact that, during the WORLDWIDE. IN CO-OPERATION WITH THE specialised education and labour markets, 1970s and 1980s, manual production firms WALT DISNEY COMPANY LTD., “SCOTLAND much of which is nested in tacit abilities have to a large extent have become subcon- THE BRAND”, IN 1999, ARRANGED AN INTER- and competencies that are difficult to codify tractors, integrated in international chains ACTIVE EXHIBITION IN A FLORIDA THEME and hence, difficult to copy elsewhere. of production. This new wisdom has given rise to a con- To the extent that towns and smaller cities TRADE ORGANISATIONS WITH THE OBJECTIVE cern about searching for regional identities, become international, they are becoming OF DEVELOPING A UNIFORM APPROACH TO since closely related to the economic iden- generators of local regional development SELLING SCOTLAND OVERSEAS. A KEY GOAL tity of a region are competencies that are rather than just mediators of regional devel- IS TO REPLACE THE HUMBLE BACKWARD- especially embedded in the region. This is opment spreading from the large centres. LOOKING IMAGE OF KILT-AND-BAGPIPE why the branding of regional identities has This new role of the cities lays the ground- SCOTLAND WITH AN IMAGE FOCUSING ON become an integral element of current work for establishing a new urban-rural regional policy-making. partnership in which the cities are given “RISE AS PHOENIX FROM THE ASHES”, I.E. TO FIND A NEW IDENTITY (THE EXPRESS, 24 PARK TO SHOW RECENT SCOTTISH ACHIEVEMENTS. SCOTLAND THE BRAND WAS FORMED IN 1994 BY THE SCOTTISH GOVERNMENT AND SCOTTISH ACHIEVEMENTS IN SCIENCE, MEDICINE AND DESIGN (THE SUNDAY TIMES, 16 responsibilities for regional development. MAY 1999). In his critique of the growth centre model, Sven Illeris suggests that urban systems Formerly, towns and smaller cities usually develop in two tiers rather than as one competed in their role as centres in the mono-hierarchical system. The one tier local hierarchies. Now, it seems more rea- consists of the largest cities. They are the sonable for cities to co-operate in their role centres for business service, administration as “subcontractor” on the world market. and some special branches of high technol- Cities embracing complementary urban ogy. The other tier consists of towns and functions may co-operate as one larger smaller cities usually dominated by manual “city”. And they may co-operate on the production. Illeris makes the interesting establishment of labour-market facilities, observation that, in some respects, the education, and specialised business services smaller cities rather than the large cities in order to build up competencies that are have become global, since manual produc- needed in the region but which are too spe-
  • 22. cialised for each city to establish on its own. special development programmes to achieve This strategy for building regional compet- more radical changes. At EU and national encies via urban networking has become the levels, development programmes of this key model for regional development, as sug- kind have to be carefully prepared and gested by the ESDP. jointly contracted by the regions and the superior regional policy body. Following the ideas of the ESDP and the above-mentioned observations on regional It is beyond the scope of this article to make policies, it should be considered: detailed propositions about the EU regional policy. However, following the above-men- • Cultural Symbol: The Meaning of the Text“. Graham, B. (ed.), Modern Europe. Place, Culture, Identity. three strands as mentioned below. Similar approaches have been introduced into the research programme of the European Spatial working. Planning Observatory Network (ESPON) Accordingly, special attention and programmes closely related to the upgrading of EU’s should be focused on inter-urban development. • That crucial development potential is connected with systems of cities suited for polycentric net- Ashworth G.J.: ”The Conserved European City as that regional policies be subdivided into with cities developing international relations and reference list. up, it should be recommended in general lagging behind. Articles in the present report are not included in this for a match between top-down and bottom- core regions and not just focus on the regions • perspective, the role of cities and the need development potentials outside the European REFERENCES tioned ideas of stressing the development include a broader amount of the regions with • That the perspective of regional policies should regional policy. Local regional development policies should focus on the enhancement of regional competencies via goal- London: Arnold 1998. oriented learning processes facilitated by networks Bailey B. & L. de Propris: “EU Structural Funds, of urban and regional actors and made visible by Regional Capabilities and Enlargement“, paper presented at the RSA International Conference, Aix-en- launching interpretations of the regional identity. At the EU and national levels, regional policy should be subdivided into three strands: Provence, May 2002 (www.regional-studiesassoc.ac.uk). Cavazos R.J.: Metropolitan Income Growth and In regional policies, the interplay between 1. The first strand should focus on the top-down framework conditions and bot- establishment of framework conditions de Certeau, M.: The Practice of Everyday Life. tom-up actions has become an organising for the development of polycentric Berkeley: University of California Press 1984. principle (e.g. the partnership principle). urban systems in regions with sufficient Geographies of Development and Underdevelopment Accordingly, the ability of regions to match local milieu for urban networking and Historical Geographies of Modernisation“, B. regional policy measures has become crucial (“potential polycentric development Graham (ed.): Modern Europe. Place, Culture, Identity. (Bailey and Propris 2002). Only regions regions”); Convergence. London: Ashgate 2001. Dunford M.: “Economies in Space and Time: Economic London: Arnold 1998. European Commission: The European Spatial with an institutional milieu above a certain Development Perspective ESDP. Luxembourg 1999. threshold capacity are able to take action Gerner, K.: Centraleuropas Historie. Stockholm: Natur and to co-ordinate local agents, firms and “well-fare” type of assistance to regions Staun J.: Mellem Kantiansk Patriotisme og Politisk decision-makers in joint strategies and ini- where the institutional milieu is general- Romantik, Ph.D. thesis, Copenhagen University, tiatives. These regions should be in focus ly too weak to build strategies for Department of Political Science, Copenhagen 2002. for strategic investments in framework con- regional development from below ditions for establishing polycentric networks (“peripheral regions”); och Kultur 1997. Poulsen H.K.: Cranach, Exhibition catalogue, Statens Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen 2002. 2. The second strand should focus on the strong enough to guide the development of their region. 3. Finally, the third strand should focus on the provision of development contracts Left behind are regions with institutional with regions restructuring their economic milieus that are below the threshold. Such base and in which the institutional regions are in need of more traditional wel- milieu is part of the restructuring process fare assistance. and hence not suited to handle the problems (“restructuring regions in crisis”). Finally, regions suffering structural crises so profound that institutions and firms have become part of the problem might need
  • 23. PAGES 022-023 / GLOBALISATION
  • 24. GLOBALISATION The processes of globalisation occur everywhere. However, what are their consequences for European cities? Many people have pointed to the effects on world cities such as New York and Tokyo. However, most Europeans live in cities of quite another character, better described as medium-sized regional centres. This chapter examines the dynamics of European cities and the role of cities in the global age. What challenges does globalisation create for spatial planning? What advantages do European cities have that make it possible to avoid many of the negative consequences of globalisation? What role can Europe’s large and small cities adopt in regional development? And what does the concept of globalisation actually mean - and is this phenomenon new at all?
  • 25. PAGES 024-025 / GLOBALISATION / CHANGE AND CHOICE: ON GLOBALISATION CHANGE AND CHOICE: ON GLOBALISATION Henning Thomsen Globalisation is inescapable. The colossal and continuing economic integration of the world has repercussions on all aspects of urban life. It is a force to be reckoned with in the decades to come. But how did it develop and what challenges do European planners face? Within the last decade or two, the word globalisation has become one of the most powerful and pervasive concepts in use in the English language, or in most languages for that matter. For true to the very nature of what the word is describing, it seems to creep into every language un-translated, in its original and by now global form. Globalisation comes from the noun “globe”, which entered into common usage in the 15th century. Its etymological origin is in the Latin word “globus” meaning “spherical”, and globe means “something spherical or rounded” and refers to “spherical representations of the earth, a celestial body, or the heavens”. Spherical depictions of the earth in the form of a globe were used as early as the time of the ancient Greeks, the earliest in 150 BC. The earliest surviving terrestrial globe was made in Nuremberg in 1492 by Martin Behaim, a globe said to have influenced Christopher Columbus to attempt to sail west to the Orient.
  • 26. IMPERIAL WAR MUSEUM NORTH, SALFORD, MANCHESTER, The usage of words like “globalisation”, that the gap between rich and poor has ARCHITECT: DANIEL LIBESKIND. “globalise” and “globalising” in their contem- never been more evident than today: the porary meaning, however, is a fairly recent assets of the world’s top three billionaires phenomena dating back only to the 1960s. exceed the GNP of all of the 48 least devel- THE BUILDING HAS BEEN CREATED OUT OF THREE “SHARDS” OR PIECES OF A SHATTERED oped countries (population: 600 million). GLOBE TO REFLECT THE WAY WAR AND CONFLICT HAVE DEVASTATED OUR WORLD. THE Globalisation today has primarily come to But whether poor or rich, it seems beyond MUSEUM AS SUCH CONSTITUTES AN IMPOR- mean the colossal economic integration that doubt that the manifold implications of TANT CULTURAL ATTRACTION IN THE MIDST has taken place in the post-World War II globalisation are going to influence our OF A VAST URBAN REGENERATION AREA IN period. But globalisation is also at the heart everyday lives for decades to come. THE FORMER DOCKLANDS OF SALFORD, MANCHESTER. of a heated global debate about the implications of this increasing economic integradebate is: Has globalisation made the world Conquering the world - the development of globalisation a better place to live? According to the geographer John Rennie tion. The fundamental question in this Short, it is possible to identify at least three The protagonists of globalisation claim that major waves of globalisation that brought progress - economic, technological, politi- the world closer together. The first, he sug- cal, etc. - has improved the lives of millions gests, is the period from 1492 (Christopher and millions of people, allowing countries Columbus’ first voyage) until about 1865 and businesses to thrive and further con- (the end of the American Civil War), the tribute to the bettering of circumstances. second is the period between 1865 (the end of the American Civil War) and 1989 (the The critics of globalisation maintain that, end of the Cold War), and the third and even so, 30,000-35,000 children under five current period began in 1989. die every day of preventable diseases, and
  • 27. PAGES 026-027 / GLOBALISATION / CHANGE AND CHOICE: ON GLOBALISATION The encounter between the Old and the most globalised period yet in history. New World in the 15th and 16th century, resulting from the voyages of explorers like Mass migration also contributed to this Christopher Columbus, Amerigo Vespucci, globalisation. About 60 million Europeans Francisco Pizarro and others, bridged the migrated to the New World in the century hemispheric divide in a series of transac- after 1820. tions and exchanges of people, plants, animals and viruses that created a global world. The period 1914-1945 constitutes a rupture More probably than technological sophisti- of world wars and economic depression. cation, skilful organisation, or religious But as early as 1944, at the Bretton Woods devotion, it was the introduction of diseases Conference, the Allies created the economic from the Old World for which the indigen- framework that would shape most of the ous peoples had no immunity that made it second half of the 20th century and pave easy for the Europeans to gain control. The the way for increasing globalisation. Part of population of the New World dropped this agreement was the creation of three from approximately 54 million around supranational governing institutions, the 1490, to just over 5 million by 1650. This International Monetary Fund (IMF), the demographic catastrophe necessitated the World Bank, and the General Agreement import of slaves from Africa to work the on Trade and Tariffs (GATT), which in mines and estates. These dramatic popula- 1994 would evolve into the more binding THE IMPERIAL WAR MUSEUM NORTH IS tion changes, along with economic exploita- World Trade Organization (WTO). All of AMERICAN ARCHITECT DANIEL LIBESKIND’S tion and cultural domination, characterised these institutions have been instrumental in the first period of globalisation. the development of globalisation as we IMPERIAL WAR MUSEUM NORTH, SALFORD, MANCHESTER, 2002. ARCHITECT: DANIEL LIBESKIND. FIRST BUILDING COMPLETED IN THE UK. BORN OF SIMPLE YET EMPHATIC IMAGERY, THE ARCHITECTURE IS GROUNDED IN COMMON know it today. HUMAN EXPERIENCE, AND THUS IS TESTI- The second phase of globalisation, according MONY TO THE CONTINUING ABILITY OF ARCHI- to John Rennie Short, began after the TECTURE TO SHAPE AND CREATE COMMUNITY. American Civil War. At this time the US constituted itself as a major world player Understanding the world - the challenges of globalisation along with the Europeans. This period of Economic integration thus is the prime pre- globalisation was characterised by growing requisite of globalisation. But the implica- political internationalisation and continuing tions of economic integration are felt in all and overwhelming economic globalisation. areas of society. Not least so in the city, where all of the challenges seem to con- The expansion of railway transportation verge. Thus in the future, urban planners and shipping in the second half of the must not only understand the structure of 1800s reinforced the economic integration. economic development, but must become The invention of the telegraph in the mid- multi-talented jugglers, able to balance 1800s (simultaneously by Samuel Morse in social, environmental, cultural, infrastruc- the US and Fothergill Cooke and tural, security, legislative, political and econ- Wheatstone in Great Britain) and the omic issues and challenges. adoption of the gold standard by most major nations by 1870 encouraged capital The following is an attempt to single out mobility, a force which has been a trade- some of the main challenges urban plan- mark of globalisation ever since. The ners are currently facing. It should be wealth and riches of Europe and the US noted that the four areas singled out below were further added to by the colonisation - the environmental, the social, the cul- of wide areas of Africa and Asia. tural and the political areas - do not constitute the full list of challenges, and that Even if the economic globalisation we are they are, in the true sense of globalisation, currently experiencing seems overwhelming, intertwined and strongly interdependent. many economists profess that the period from 1870 until 1914 is still by far the
  • 28. Environmental challenges Social challenges Nowhere has humankind altered the envi- What has been termed as almost an ethic of ronment more than in cities. The ecological individual self-fulfilment and achievement is impact of cities today reaches far beyond arguably one of the most characteristic fea- their individual boundaries, and the growth tures of modern global society. Several schol- in cities during the last century has been a ars have outlined the immediate threats crucial source of environmental change. For thrown upon us by this individualisation: centuries before that cities may have domi- tradition, family, and even democracy - usual nated political life and high culture, but in and common strongholds in societies around the 20th century they became the common the world - are at risk. The immediate ques- habitat for the human species, an expansion tion facing the urban planner in the light of derived primarily from migration and pop- individualisation is obvious: should planning ulation growth. help individuals in their quest for self-fulfilment and commit itself to increasing indi- The urban impact extends far beyond the vidualisation, or should planning maintain city limits and into hinterlands, to down- its classical commitment to helping establish wind and downstream communities, and in a sense of community, which would mean some respects to the whole globe. The cru- countering excessive individualisation? cial challenges of providing water and energy, of garbage disposal, sewage system main- Another major trend with severe implica- tenance, and pollution control will occupy tions for the urban planner is the continu- planners for decades to come. And in the ing force of migration, both within and light of the massive growth of cities in poor between countries. This migratory trend has countries, we would do well, in a global implications for the make-up of societies sense, to remember that it took wealthy around the world and also involves funda- countries almost a century to organise par- mental political issues. The initial result of tially effective responses to the pollution migration is increasing multi-ethnicity. The effects of urbanisation. problems faced by the planner in the wake of this are to help establish surroundings The car is a good example of a 20th-centu- that allow both multiethnic and multicul- ry technology that has had enormous envi- tural cohabitation. ronmental (and social) consequences at both local and global levels. In 1910 there Weaving through practically all of the social were less than a million motor vehicles in challenges raised by globalisation is the very the world. By 1995 this number had obvious and undeniable problem of segrega- reached 777 million. Today cars are respon- tion. Segregation both within and between sible for about a fifth of the carbon dioxide nations comes in many different guises, but added to the atmosphere. Worldwide about poverty and lack of opportunity in most 1 to 2 percent of the land surface is taken cases constitute the primordial emblem of up by auto space (roads, parking lots, gas segregation. However, the scope of causes stations, etc.) matching (and overlapping) and the consequences of segregation are the space taken up by cities. Auto accidents much larger than this, and the dramatic and currently kill about 400,000 people annu- fundamental inequalities in the distribution ally. And surveys indicate that an American of wealth and opportunity cannot but raise adult spends roughly twice as much time issues concerning safety (personal and local) behind the wheel every day (72 minutes) as and security (communal and global). The average parents spend with their children. overall challenge inevitably becomes finding Examples of challenges created by automo- ways to make the benefits of globalisation bile technology are countless and will available to more people (everybody), and remain on the urban planning agenda for not only to a privileged few. This is a chal- decades. lenge in which planning has a privileged role to play.
  • 29. PAGES 028-029 / GLOBALISATION / CHANGE AND CHOICE: ON GLOBALISATION THE BIG PICTURE - WHY WAR? Cultural challenges Culture also has a role to play in a continu- AUDIO-VISUAL EXHIBIT IN THE IMPERIAL WAR MUSEUM For many, the globalisation of culture is ing process of empowerment. In our day identical to the incessant spread of and age, consumption and culture seem to THE ATTACK ON THE WORLD TRADE CENTER American culture, ideas, products, entertain- be the prime vehicles for self-expression. IN NEW YORK ON 11 SEPTEMBER 2001 MADE ment, and politics, resulting in a homogeni- But whereas consumption favours the well- THE WESTERN WORLD REALISE WHAT sation of the cultures of the world. And it is to-do middle and upper classes, culture in AFRICAN, ASIAN AND LATIN AMERICAN PEO- certainly not untrue that the co-modifica- all its richness, from soccer to sado- PLE AND POLITICIANS HAVE KNOWN FOR tion of culture, be it sports, music, art, cine- masochism, has the ability to become inclu- YEARS: THAT GLOBALISATION IS INTIMATELY ma, or dance for that matter, seems to con- sive and empower both the less well-off and firm this view, evidenced by the growth and the marginalised. NORTH, SALFORD, MANCHESTER. TIED TO QUESTIONS OF CONFLICT AND SECURITY. IN THE BACKGROUND A DEPICTION OF THE INTRODUCTORY PAGE FROM THE power of the largely American run or ENGLISH-AMERICAN POLITICAL THINKER Americanised media and entertainment The identification and involvement of local THOMAS PAINE’S 1791 BOOK “THE RIGHTS OF industry of the late 20th century. cultural milieus in urban planning, the balancing of global trends and local customs, MAN”. But this view of culture is contested by and the involvement of all areas of society in other developments, in particular the the planning process will be even more growth of individualisation, information important in the future, if planning is to RIGHT: T-34 TANK. EXHIBITED IN THE IMPERIAL WAR technology, and communication, which continue to reflect the cultural richness of MUSEUM NORTH, SALFORD, MANCHESTER. together have facilitated the development of localities and the ideas of the people living heterogeneous cultural expressions. A look there. THE T-34 TANK, AN EXAMPLE OF A TRULY GLOBALISED PRODUCT, WAS DEVELOPED FOR at any urban area around the world is evi- THE SOVIET ARMED FORCES DURING THE dence of the simultaneous existence of both SECOND WORLD WAR. 50,000 TANKS WERE homogeneous (primarily Americanised) and Political challenges BUILT DURING THAT WAR AND MORE THAN heterogeneous cultural trends. Early on in the present phase of global- 12,000 AFTER, SOME OF WHICH WERE STILL USED IN THE WAR IN BOSNIA IN THE 1990S. THE INTERNATIONAL ARMS TRADE HAS BEEN ANOTHER OF THE CURRENTS SHAPING GLOBALISATION. isation, say the 1970s, many scholars In this light, culture is, it must be said, not believed that politics, and in particular the an unchanging, static container holding a nation-state, would lose its importance in a certain locality’s past. It is not simply the globalised world. This observation has been passive consumption of imported cultural pursued by most of the media in the last products. Culture, rather, is an ongoing and decade or so as well, implying that voters dynamic process that allows a locality to are increasingly distrusting of politicians, engage in a critical and productive exchange and sickened by politics. with the world.
  • 30. But lately many of the more enlightened Amartya Sen was born in India, and educat- scholars have stressed the continuing rele- ed in Calcutta and Cambridge, UK, where Appadurai, A.: Modernity at Large - Cultural vance of both the nation-state and of politics. he is now Master of Trinity College. He has Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University The need for cooperation - locally, regionally, taught and lectured all over the world. of Minnesota Press 1996. and internationally - has possibly never been Thus, as almost an embodiment of global- more evident, and the need for strong public isation, he consistently contributes, as a participation in the governing of world issues scholar and as an individual, to the debate has never been more necessary. about the future development of global- BIBLIOGRAPHY Bauman, Z.: Globalisation - The Human Consequences. Cambridge: Polity Press 1998. Giddens, A.: Runaway World - How Globalisation is Reshaping our Lives. London: Profile Books 1999. isation. It seems fitting to let Professor Sen Halliday, F.: The World at 2000. Houndmills: Palgrave 2001. The continuing importance of democratic describe the penultimate challenge we face Hirst, P. & G. Thompson: Globalisation in Question - institutions and of democratic governance in the light of continuing globalisation: The International Economy and the Possibilities of promises to remain one of the major chal- Governance. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers 1996. lenges in our age of globalisation, and “[T]here is a basic need to recognise that indeed one where urban planning, a funda- despite the big contributions that a global London: Penguin Books 2000. mental form of participation in the public economy can undoubtedly make to global O’Rourke, K. H. & J. G. Williamson: Globalization and affairs of a locality, will have to develop prosperity, we also have to confront, at the History - The evolution of a nineteenth-century new, strong, and democratic habits. same time, the far-reaching manifestations McNeill, J.: Something New Under the Sun - an Environmental History of the Twentieth Century. of inequality between and within nations. atlantic economy. Cambridge Mass.: MIT Press 1999. Sen, A.: Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxford University Press 2001. Short, J. R.: Global Dimensions - Space, Place and the Contemporary World. London: Reaktion Books 2001. Stiglitz, J.: Globalization and its Discontents. London: Allen Lane 2002. The real debate associated with global- Postscript isation is, ultimately, not about the efficien- In 1998 the Nobel Prize in economics was cy of markets, nor about the importance of awarded to Amartya Sen for his contribu- modern technology. The real debate, rather, tions to welfare economics. The Swedish is about inequality of power, for which Academy of Sciences in particular wanted there is much less tolerance now than in the to commend Professor Sen for his clarifica- world that emerged at the end of the tions of “the conditions which permit Second World War.” aggregation of individual values into collec- (The Observer Sunday, June 25, 2000) tive decisions, and the conditions which permit rules for collective decision making that are consistent with a sphere of rights for the individual”. In passing, this is a proposition that would seem as relevant for a research program on urban planning as it has proven to be for economics.
  • 31. PAGES 030-031 / GLOBALISATION / IS GROWTH IN CITIES CONTAGIOUS? IS GROWTH IN CITIES CONTAGIOUS? HOW CITIES AND TOWNS INFLUENCE REGIONAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT Sven Illeris The cities of Europe are not tied up in national hierarchies but are part of multifarious networks with an infinite number of cities in different regions. With globalisation, the cities’ relationships to each other and to regions have become complex and multifaceted. The author examines the significance of cities for regional development. While many would maintain that economic growth in larger cities always spreads to other regions, using European examples, the author demonstrates a more varied picture; a chequered mosaic where it can be difficult to find cohesion between various causes. The author claims that both large cities and small towns contribute to regional development significantly, although in very different ways. He argues that competition between cities should be regulated, so that many types of city, and thus regions, can be secured positive development. What is the role of cities in regional economic development, primarily in terms of number of jobs? We shall consider two aspects: the role of cities in the development of regions outside the local area, and the role of cities in the development of their own region. Before starting, it must be stressed that the article will only deal with this question in the Western world, in particular in the European Union. In other parts of the world, conditions and processes are different. The national dynamo? It is often assumed that it is possible to improve a region’s economic development by selecting a city (or “centre”) elsewhere for promotion. The desired effect is that growth in the “centre” will spread to the neighbouring regions. But is this necessarily so? Can we improve a country’s economic development by developing its capital (or main economic centre) and then assume that it will pull with it the development of
  • 32. SECTION OF AALBORG SEEN FROM THE AIR, OVERLOOKING the whole country? Is it true that the only thus spreading growth impulses. Instead of THE UNIVERSITY AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY chance of any country - given the increasing trying to promote growth everywhere, the global competition - is to allocate all total impact of a targeted effort will be big- resources to the development of its capital? ger if a “strategic” sector is selected, from COMPANIES. AN EXAMPLE OF INTERNATIONALLY ORIENTED where there is a maximum of spread effect. MANUFACTURING IS THE INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY INDUSTRY IN AALBORG (160,000 This idea seems to be intuitively captivat- INHABITANTS), NETWORKING CLOSELY WITH ing. At least, it has often been put forward This idea was later extended to regional AALBORG UNIVERSITY AND WITH as a self-evident truth. But it has also been development and used to argue in favour of argued in a more scientific way, based on a the selection of “growth centres”, cities from theory suggested by the French economist where spread effects could increase the econ- Perroux (1955). omic development of neighbouring regions. INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY FIRMS IN THE REGION. In the 1960s, this notion was widely acceptHe did not originally consider regional ed, and growth centres were selected to work questions, but the relationships between the as dynamos in many countries. But in the sectors of an economy. If a sector, or even 1970s these policies were largely abandoned. only a large company, grows, it will buy Since the 1990s, the growth centre idea has more inputs (raw materials, semi-manufac- been revived. It is important to consider the tured goods, machines, services etc.) from various arguments behind the changing other sectors, which then will experience assessment of growth centre policies. growth; they, in turn, will buy more from still other sectors, etc. The originally First of all, the growth centres of the 1960s expanding sector will typically be innovative very rarely lead to the anticipated results in and demand creative inputs. And its prod- neighbouring regions. This is not necessar- ucts - sold elsewhere in the economy - will ily an argument against the theory, since the be better or cheaper than previous products, ineffectual ways in which growth centres
  • 33. PAGES 032-033 / GLOBALISATION / IS GROWTH IN CITIES CONTAGIOUS? FIGURE 1 TOTAL CAPITALS TOURIST REGIONS OTHER CITIES (>200,000 POP.) OTHER REGIONS FIGURE 1. were selected in the 1960s constituted a the capitals have consistently higher growth ANNUAL POPULATION GROWTH FOR 1955-2000 IN SOUTH- watering down of the idea. Due to local rates than the more peripheral regions. But political pressures, too many centres were in France, Spain (with 2 main centres), often selected so that only absurdly few Norway, and Sweden, the opposite is the resources could be allocated to each. case. In Italy (2 main centres), the results ERN EUROPE AND IRELAND (GREECE, ITALY FROM NAPLES AND SOUTHWARD, SPAIN, PORTUGAL, IRELAND). fluctuate within sub-periods. There are good Perhaps one could verify the theory, not by reasons for all these findings, but the growth OF POPULATION FOR 1955-2000 IN THREE looking at the effect of the too common centre theory is not really supported. PARTS OF WESTERN EUROPE FOR VARIOUS small selected growth centres described CLASSES OF CITIES AND REGIONS: CAPITALS above, but by looking at the spread effect One could also look for empirical support (AND OTHER MAIN CENTRES) INCLUDING from national capitals or main economic of the argument of the importance - in the THEIR COMMUTING REGIONS; OTHER CITIES centres? Following the logics of the theory, context of international competition - of WITH OVER 200,000 INHABITANTS; OLD INDUS- this effect should be stronger in the neigh- large national capitals or main economic bouring regions with declining effects as one centres. Do countries with a dominant capi- moves farther away. Of course, many other tal city show higher growth rates than coun- - E.G. FRENCH DÉPARTEMENTS OR DANISH factors - some of which are impossible to tries with more polycentric urban systems? COUNTIES). measure in a quantitative way - have an Again, national growth rates depend on FIGURES 1-3 SHOW ANNUAL GROWTH RATES TRIAL AREAS; TOURIST AREAS; AND OTHER AREAS. (THE FOUR LATTER TYPES OF AREAS ARE ADMINISTRATIVE UNITS AT NUTS 3 LEVEL impact on regional economic development. many other factors; we can only look for a UNTIL ABOUT 1970, BIG CITIES EVERYWHERE However, a hint may be obtained by meas- hint. However, there is not the slightest HAD HIGHER GROWTH RATES THAN SMALLER uring development in zones 100-250 km indication that countries with the former TOWNS AND RURAL AREAS. IN THE 1970S, THE from the capital and zones over 250 km type of urban systems - such as the United away. Of course, this will only be possible in Kingdom, France, or Denmark - have high- countries where distances from the capitals er competitiveness than countries of the lat- GROWTH IS AGAIN CONCENTRATED IN THE are large enough. One can try to do this in ter type, such as the United States, CAPITALS. OLD INDUSTRIAL AREAS WITH LOW western European countries (except Germany, or Switzerland. GROWTH RATES AND MEDITERRANEAN Germany, which has several main economic TOURIST AREAS WITH HIGH GROWTH RATES centres) over the period 1955-2000, by Even the theoretical construction of the ARE ALSO EXCEPTIONS. measuring changes in the population, as growth centre notion is questionable. The these correlate well with employment. The theory rests on the assumption that the following results appear: In the United chain effects between sectors in an economy Kingdom and Finland, the regions nearer to are analogous with chain effects between GROWTH CURVES CONVERGED. SINCE THEN, ALL CURVES RUN CLOSE TO THE AVERAGE, EXCEPT IN NORTHERN EUROPE, WHERE
  • 34. FIGURE 2 CAPITALS OTHER CITIES (>200,000 POP.) OLD INDUSTRIAL REGIONS TOTAL OTHER REGIONS FIGURE 3 CAPITALS TOTAL OTHER CITIES (>200,000 POP.) OTHER REGIONS FIGURE 2. neighbouring regions. It is a fact that a urbanisation, large cities showed the highest ANNUAL POPULATION GROWTH FOR 1955-2000 IN CEN- growing sector buys inputs from certain rates of growth. There were, and still are, TRAL EUROPE (ITALY FROM ROME AND NORTHWARD, FRANCE, SWITZERLAND, AUSTRIA, WESTERN GERMANY, other sectors, but the beneficial spread of many reasons for this: DENMARK, THE NETHERLANDS, BELGIUM, UNITED growth impulses to adjacent regions is • A large labour market is an advantage for KINGDOM). merely an assumption that seems to be both supply and demand, so workers and FIGURE 3. without much substance. Geographically, employers prefer to locate where there is a ANNUAL POPULATION GROWTH FOR 1955-2000 IN NORTH- the chain effects outside a sector’s own large labour market. In particular, the size ERN EUROPE (FINLAND, SWEDEN, NORWAY, ICELAND). region are so dispersed that they do not pull of the markets for highly qualified person- growth in any particular geographical direc- nel has become more and more important. tion. In spite of the intuitive attractiveness • In order to enhance their attractiveness, of the growth centre theory, it must be con- especially to highly educated people, big cluded that neither empirical, nor theoreti- cities offer amenities such as cultural cal arguments give much support to it. services. • In a big city, the costs of supplying goods and services are minimized due to Regional effects a large local market and good transport What about the role of cities in the devel- facilities to distant national and interna- opment of their own region? Here, we are tional markets. on firmer ground: they must contribute to • It is also cheaper and easier for firms to it. 1,000 new jobs in a city are 1,000 new obtain inputs. In particular, this is the jobs in the region, too. case with information and knowledge inputs, which are becoming increasingly But does this necessarily point to a policy of important. Though information can supporting the growth of big cities? Are increasingly be obtained electronically, they likely to grow more - and induce more face-to-face meetings with people in pub- growth in their region - than medium-sized lic administration, interest organisations, or small towns? media, research institutions, consultancy firms, etc. remain important - and they From the beginning of the industrial revo- are concentrated in capitals and other lution until the 1960s, there was no doubt main urban centres. about the answer. In this period of rapid
  • 35. PAGES 034-035 / GLOBALISATION / IS GROWTH IN CITIES CONTAGIOUS? 1,400,000 INHABITANTS (COPENHAGEN, CONTIGUOUSLY BUILT-UP AREA) MUNICIPALITIES WITH 150,000 - 300,000 INHABITANTS 14% 15% MUNICIPALITIES WITH 25,000 - 100,000 INHABITANTS 19% MUNICIPALITIES WHOSE BIGGEST TOWN HAS 5,000 - 20,000 INHABITANTS 22% MUNICIPALITIES WHOSE BIGGEST TOWN HAS LESS THAN 5,000 INHABITANTS 22% DENMARK TOTAL TABLE 1. EXPORTS AS A PROPORTION OF TOTAL TURNOVER IN 1998 BY SIZE-CLASSES OF DANISH MUNICIPALITIES. 18% • Firms also have advantages connected with So there are forces which now pull in the a location in the same agglomeration as opposite direction to the forces mentioned other firms in the same or related sectors. above of geographical concentration: DENMARK HAS RELATIVELY LARGE EXPORTS Both co-operation networks and inspira- • Manufacturing has shifted away from big OF FOOD. BUT EVEN IF AGRICULTURE, FISHING tion from competition stimulate them to cities to medium-sized and small towns, AND MANUFACTURING OF FOOD AND BEVER- increase their competitiveness. Such clus- where there are lower costs and more sta- AGES ARE EXCLUDED FROM THE CALCULA- ters are often formed in big cities. TION, THE PROPORTIONS ONLY CHANGE TO 13% IN COPENHAGEN AND 20% IN THE 5,000-20,000 BRACKET. ble labour. • Regional and local services - e.g. educaSo overwhelming were the advantages of tion, health, and social services - have big-city locations and the associated super- expanded tremendously, especially in the ior growth rates that urbanisation theories 1970s. Medium-sized and small towns bestowed the status of a law of nature to the benefited relatively more than big cities notion that firms will naturally move to (while rural areas often lost their few ser- urban centres. It was even thought to be reinforced in the second half of the 20th vices, shops and primary schools). • Clusters - like those within big cities - century, when the importance of qualifica- also exist in specialized industrial districts tions and knowledge increased, and when outside big cities. Strong cultural tradi- sectors over-represented in big cities, such tions of entrepreneurship, innovation, as consultants and high-tech industries, and networking make some of them very grew more than any other sectors. competitive. • Car ownership, air travel, TV and Therefore, it came as a shock when, in the telecommunications have made life in 1970s, it was observed that the real world small towns less isolated than previously, did not behave as predicted by the theories both for firms and for families, and (see Figures 1-3). increased their attractiveness, relative to big cities. This has been especially impor- The figures describe the overall pattern. The tant for areas with pleasant climates (“sun reality behind the pattern is a rather unstable belts”), beautiful landscapes, and exciting mosaic (which has also been observed in urban environments. They have attracted North America since 1970): Some big cities qualified people who again attract firms - grow, while others do not. Some small towns or set up their own. But dull or even and rural areas grow, while others do not. uncomfortable environments are left And some areas grow in some periods and behind, and the extremely low population not in others. Copenhagen stagnated in the densities in northern Scandinavia seem to 1970s and 1980s, only to recover vigorously hamper the creation of sufficiently strong in the 1990s - when, for instance, growth in local networks and labour markets. Paris was below the French average. The move of manufacturing out of the It may be added that if regional economic biggest cities means that capitals or main development is measured in terms of GDP centres are not particularly important for per capita, we also observe a convergence international competition. International towards the average (Sørensen 1997). trade primarily deals with agricultural and
  • 36. manufactured products. Big cities do, of REFERENCES problems are - one cannot expect much course, compete internationally for certain spread of effort to other regions or the types of activities and investments, which whole country. Ellis, S., Hirmis, A. & Spilsbury, M: How London Works. require highly qualified staff, good interna- London: Kogan Page 2002. tional accessibility, and excellent amenities. In recent years, it has been broadly recog- Perspective ESDP. Luxembourg 1999. But the importance of this competition has nized that, as far as possible, local and Hansen, N.: “Are Very Large Cities Successful?”, Inter- been exaggerated in the public debate. regional governments should carry out European Commission: European Spatial Development national Regional Science Review, 24, 2001, pp. 344-359. Apart from serving themselves, metropoli- development policies, as these are better Roskilde: Roskilde University, Department of Geogra- tan centres primarily produce services for than national or European authorities at phy and International Development Studies 1994. their own countries. They do export some taking local problems and potentials into sance”, Cahiers de l’Institut des Sciences Economiques services, but services are internationally far account. The observation of an unstable Appliquées, Série D, no 8, Paris, 1955. less traded than manufacturing goods (ser- mosaic pattern supports this argument. Sørensen, C. (ed): Empirical Evidence of Regional vices internationalise primarily through for- Illeris, S: Essays on Regional Development in Europe. Perroux, F. : “Note sur la notion de pôle de crois- Growth: The Centre-Periphery Discussion. Copenhagen: Ministry of the Interior 1997. eign direct investment, creating affiliates in However, the devolution of development foreign countries or acquiring existing local policies has led to a reinforcement of the firms there). Thus, even in London, a sur- century-old competition between cities. vey in 1998 found that other countries con- Previous competition between European stituted the main market area for only 9% countries, now regulated by the EU, to of employment (Ellis et al 2002). some degree continues, although now dis- International trade is more important for guised as competition between cities. There smaller towns, where the bulk of manufac- are positive aspects of this competition, and turing industries are now located. Medium- it inspires actors to do their best. However, sized and small towns show a variety of spe- while we accept that competition between cialisations, some serving their local sur- companies is in the general interest, compe- roundings, others primarily selling manu- tition between cities is different. Cities are factured goods or special services to the rest local societies, whose citizens have lives and of the world. Accordingly, their compe- resources that cannot be allowed to be writ- tences and identities are very different. ten off in the same way as losing compa- Table 1 shows an - admittedly crude - cal- nies. National and EU authorities must culation of the export share of the produc- establish rules of the game which ensure tion of different sizes of Danish towns. that economically weak cities and regions have sufficient resources to be able to com- To conclude: Since the 1970s, the long pete against strong ones. term development of all size-classes of big cities, small towns and rural areas in the It is also in the general interest that cities Western world is close to the average, and towns in the same region cooperate to though with much individual variation and complement each other wherever possible, considerable short-term instability. in order to reach the best possible results for Development today is influenced by the the region as a whole. This is exactly the high number of factors influencing the loca- purpose in the proposed EU European tion of economic activities and pulling Spatial Development Perspective (ESDP). development in different directions. Policy conclusions The observation of overall average growth rates in all classes of cities and towns does not mean that there is no need for policies to promote regional economic development. There are still cities and regions with too few jobs and too low incomes. However, efforts must be made where the
  • 37. PAGES 036-037 / GLOBALISATION / GLOBALISATION IS AFFECTED BY LOCAL FACTORS GLOBALISATION IS AFFECTED BY LOCAL FACTORS SHIFTS IN THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN STATE, REGION, AND CITY Hans Thor Andersen One of the many changes normally ascribed to globalisation is that cities and regions today create still closer cross-border networks. Even if there is nothing new about this as such, it is relevant to observe what this means for the single locality. This article argues that globalisation must not be understood as an infringing process leaving us powerless. The meaning of globalisation depends on local conditions, and European cities have special conditions and, therefore, special opportunities. The cities and regions of Europe constitute a close-knit system of economic and political relationships built up over more than one thousand years. Cities and regions are the nodes of society in terms of economy, social relationships, culture, and politics. With the advent of nationalism 300 years ago, another model was taking shape. Localities became subordinate to the state, which was given a centralised and uniform code of practice. Communication between the cities of a country was improved, leading to more division of labour and new opportunities for development. Thus, the nation-state provides the political and administrative infrastructure for the development of the national territory and constitutes, therefore, a significant basis for economic growth (Lefebvre 1991). With the fall of the Iron Curtain, the European territory changed dramatically. The importance of the states has diminished in tandem with a growing number of organisations becoming more important for
  • 38. INTENSITY OF LIGHT COMBINES POPULATION European integration. In particular the EU, Europe, we are still lacking a thorough DENSITY AND AFFLUENCE; WESTERN EUROPE with its single market, has become the debate on the division of labour and AND NORTH AMERICA, AS WELL AS JAPAN dominant non-nation-state actor and responsibilities between the local, regional, increasingly performs the overall, national and national levels. AND EASTERN CHINA, STAND OUT CLEARLY. THERE IS ALMOST A SURFACE COVERAGE CREATED BY A CLOSE, COHERENT URBAN SYS- planning and co-ordinating functions TEM, WHEREAS THE CITIES IN LARGE PARTS regarding economic and commercial rela- OF SIBERIA, AFRICA AND CENTRAL ASIA CON- tionships. At the same time, local and The cities of globalisation STITUTE ISOLATED ENCLAVES. regional authorities have acquired increasing The cities apparently most affected by responsibility for commercial and employ- globalisation are world cities such as Los ment development and, thus, also for the Angeles, Mumbay, Mexico City, and Lagos. welfare of the population. These cities are inhabited by populations the size of medium-sized states. And growth The globalisation debate of the past decade will continue for the next decades, although has focused on the reduced possibilities of not in the large cities of North America the state to control development. The (Hall & Pfeiffer 2000). Their significance impotence of the state is claimed to be the will also exceed the weight according to the reason for the increase in economic, social, size of their populations, as they are busi- and political differences. In addition, the ness markets and national or continental large cities have been singled out as the centres. These large cities, or world cities “new”, central commercial and political (Friedmann & Wolff 1982), are in a league unit, even though it is intrinsically impossi- of their own; they constitute the control ble to distinguish a city from its region on centres of the global economy but, addi- the basis of economic or social processes. In tionally, most often also contain the most spite of the past decades of marked decen- important political organisations as well as tralisation across almost all of western cultural and educational establishments.
  • 39. PAGES 038-039 / GLOBALISATION / GLOBALISATION IS AFFECTED BY LOCAL FACTORS The world cities are today characterised by parts of the population are some of the a number of trends that may become reality methods. Conversely, the socially mar- also for minor cities and city regions: ginalised congregate in ghetto-like settlements in the periphery of the city or in 1. New industrial structure. In the world cities, particularly two kinds of business run-down neighbourhoods abandoned by the middle class a long time ago. sectors have crystallised as being important. On the one hand, this applies to However, most Europeans do not live in the finance and insurance sectors, strate- world cities but in medium-sized and minor gic corporate management, and the busi- cities. These minor urban communities will ness service sector, such as law firms, not become centres of the global economy telecommunications or computer ser- and its hierarchy of decisions. Their poten- vices, and, on the other hand, an array tial must be found somewhere else. One of sectors servicing the former, including possibility is the service sector and niche building and construction, restaurants, industries in which special skills and know- entertainment and security services. ledge may ensure competitiveness. These new industrial structures are Knowledge industries are regarded as the replacing manufacturing industries and, only realistic way of ensuring that welfare partly, the public sector. develops steadily in the future. This demands large, long-term investment in 2. Social polarisation. Global megacities are education and research. However, money experiencing a growing gap between a alone is not sufficient; social structures and well-educated group of high-wage earn- cultural relationships must be adapted to ers and a group of unskilled workers on the new conditions, e.g. by acceptance of minimum wages. The well-educated new norms and attitudes as well as openness group performs management functions, towards the new and the different. In par- MINIATURE FROM THE HAMBURG BY-LAW, HAMBURGER is employed in transnational corpora- ticular, this is a challenge to older industrial STADTRECHT, 1497 (DETAIL). tions, international organisations, cities, which have seen de-industrialisation financing and business services. This take place over the past decades. THROUGHOUT HISTORY, CITIES AND REGIONS HAVE CREATED CROSS-BORDER NETWORKS. group is “outsourcing” increasing num- THE TOWNS OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE, bers of household chores - childcare, WHICH TOTALLY DOMINATED TRADE IN cleaning, cooking, gardening - which, in Local politics in a global era MEDIEVAL NORTHERN EUROPE, ARE A STRIK- turn, are performed by the other group, Globalisation is not only an economic ING EXAMPLE OF URBAN IMPORTANCE not infrequently immigrants or other process of change but also entails changes BEFORE THE AGE OF THE NATION-STATES. people with a marginal status in the and restructuring of the political system. DEPICTED ARE HANSEATIC SHIPS MOORING labour market. Again, this has clear consequences at local ALONGSIDE THE QUAY IN HAMBURG. level in cities of all sizes. Everywhere, the 3. Physical restructuring. The physical requirement to increase competitiveness is environment of the world cities is con- leading to marked changes of local political stantly being transformed to be able to prioritisation, strategies and institutional match global competition. New office structures (Mayer 1995). blocks, shopping centres, hotels and luxury housing are added. In addition, the In almost all Western countries, local poli- relatively large social inequalities tics have become more important to indus- enhance the spatial division. In the large trial policy. The reason for this strengthen- cities of Asia, Latin America, and Africa, ing of the local level is the competition social inequalities have created outright from outside. In many countries, state rela- physical barriers, which keep unwanted tionships with regions and cities are what groups out of the realms of the social can be termed horizontal. Instead of hierar- elite. Fences, private security guards, and chical structures, co-operation between, and the establishment of secluded neigh- integration of, local actors now often take bourhoods intended for the affluent on the responsibility for economic policies.
  • 40. FENCED-IN STREET IN A RESIDENTIAL AREA NEAR Another change in local politics is the trend HALMTORVET IN CENTRAL COPENHAGEN. of prioritising the business sector and Globalisation can be affected by local factors employment at the expense of social and As a consequence of globalisation, by far welfare policies, with other political areas the majority of large cities in western SEEN IN EUROPEAN CITIES. IN THE GLOBAL such as educational and cultural policies Europe have staked heavily on developing CITIES THERE IS A TREND TOWARDS SOCIAL sometimes being adjusted to considerations their competitiveness. The fact that urban POLARISATION WITH PHYSICAL MANIFESTA- for business and labour market policies. areas are now generally regarded as econ- TIONS IN THE SHAPE OF FENCES, GATED COM- This is the shift in prioritisation lying omic and cultural development centres has MUNITIES. THIS DEVELOPMENT IS NOT behind the term of “entrepreneurialism” been of particular benefit to the capitals. UNKNOWN IN SMALL AND MEDIUM-SIZED (Parkinson 1991). Generally, smaller towns do not have the THE EFFECTS OF GLOBALISATION ARE NOT CONFINED TO MEGACITIES, BUT CAN ALSO BE CITIES IN EUROPE, E.G. COPENHAGEN. LONGTERM STRATEGIES FOR URBAN DEVELOPMENT same large spectrum of possibilities for At the same time, the growing importance development. But still, it is often much eas- SOME OF THE NEGATIVE EFFECTS OF GLOBAL- of local politics also implies, however, that ier for them to mobilise local resources. ISATION. it is feasible to develop new forms of part- There is a large difference between how nerships between public and private actors. cities and regions have reacted to the econ- New forums for involvement of non-public omic, political and social changes that actors, such as private citizens, organisations began to take hold in the early 1980s. And or local associations, are coming into play. given that social relationships influence glo- Similarly, the public sector is leaning bal processes, globalisation can of course towards the private sector by setting up also be affected by how well the local com- task-oriented enterprises (Harding 1997). munity is prepared. WITH PUBLIC INVOLVEMENT CAN RESIST The fact is that globalisation per se does not mean that public regulation, the welfare state or economic policies are replaced by an uncontrollable market. The conse-
  • 41. PAGES 040-041 / GLOBALISATION / GLOBALISATION IS AFFECTED BY LOCAL FACTORS A TAXI DRIVER IN NEW YORK TAKES A BREAK quences also depend on local conditions. Globalisation not only creates losers. For FROM HIS WORK. AS A SERVICE WORKER, HE Most states have responded by developing one thing, access has been gained to previ- IS A TYPICAL REPRESENTATIVE OF THE CITI- new types of control and regulation, such as ously closed markets, which is of benefit to increased co-operation between the public many enterprises, particularly the transna- sector and the business sector. tionals. Among the winners, we typically ZENS IN THE GLOBAL MEGACITIES. THE GAP BETWEEN UNSKILLED SERVICE WORKERS AND HIGHLY-EDUCATED EMPLOYEES IS GROWING find well-developed Western countries, AND MAY GIVE AN IDEA OF THE FUTURE IN EUROPEAN CITIES. This is not to suggest that globalisation is which can determine the rules of global- insignificant or that the process can be con- isation through international organisations. trolled locally or nationally. On the con- Increased freedom of movement on the trary, these closer relationships between labour market has, in contrast, not been an states and enterprises also alter the possibil- outcome of globalisation. An increasing ity of the nation-state to control and regu- number of countries are imposing restric- late development (Andersen et al. 1999). tions on immigration. Even a country trying to maintain its influence through binding co-operation, political decentralisation and development of Two models for urban development local qualifications has to realise that its What can cities do when encountering the clout in relation to urban and regional net- above challenges? Several cities and regions works is being reduced. are trying to increase their competitiveness; the simplest way is aggressive marketing of
  • 42. impressive shopping, office, and residential Andersen, H.T., Clark, E., Hansen, F. & Jørgensen, J.: “Globalisering og det Urbane - Mellem Vækst og Velfærd”, Kristensen, H. (ed.): Bypolitik, Kvarterløft og become a necessary, stable platform upon eums or all-commercial crowd-pullers. Such REFERENCES high demands on leadership, but can buildings, preferably combined with mus- which the labour market and businesses projects can be seen everywhere in city-close can be revitalised. dock areas; London Docklands is probably Velfærd. SBI-rapport 312. Hørsholm: Danish Building the best known example, but the pattern and Urban Research 1999, pp. 17-36. also recurs in cities such as Amsterdam, Postindustrial Economics. Oxford: Oxford University Oslo, Hamburg, and Copenhagen. The Final perspective - the world seen from Europe Press 1999. model is typically based on a partnership So far, the debate on changes in local poli- Friedmann, J. & Wolff, G.: “World City Formation: An between state and local authorities, funding tics has often been conducted in the light of Journal of Urban and Regional Research, Vol 6:3. the transformations. Most commonly, the North American examples. Frequently, large 1982, pp. 309-346. infrastructure is improved in the selected cities have been overwhelmingly favoured - Hall, P. & Pfeiffer, U.: Urban Future 21. A Global areas while one or more public institutions well assisted by the discussion about the E & FN Spon 2000. are established, ensuring constant attraction global cities (Sassen 1991). In principle, Harding, A.: “Urban Regimes in a Europe of the of the public. Private investors’ risk, how- Europe’s many small and medium-sized Cities?”, European Urban and Regional Studies, vol: ever, comprises only financing and renting cities are facing the same challenges, oppor- Lefebvre, H.: The Production of Space. Cambridge of the all-commercial building project. The tunities and threats. However, there is a Mass.: Blackwell 1991. model is tangible and produces rapid and substantial difference as Europe distinguish- visible results. However, the long-term es itself decisively from North America, Chichester: John Wiley & Sons 1995, pp. 231 - 249. effect is more modest - an additional public both through political tradition and the Parkinson, M.: “The Rise of the Entrepreneurial museum, as well as a shopping and office public regulation of basic welfare benefits. centre. The knock-on effect is small, both as In our part of the world, the labour markets p. 292 - 307. to addition of new jobs and development of are more regulated and ensure the interests Sassen, S.: The Global City. New York/ London/ Tokyo. local business qualifications. of the workers to a much larger extent. Esping-Andersen, G.: Social Foundations of Agenda for Research and Action”, International Agenda for the Twenty-first Century Cities. New York: 4:4. 1997, pp. 291-314. Mayer, M. “Urban Governance in the Post-Fordist City”, Healy, P. (ed.), Managing Cities. The New Urban Context. European City: Strategic Responses to Economic Changes in the 1980s”, Ekistics, 350-351, 1991, Princeton: Princeton University Press 1991. Increased efficiency cannot be achieved only A less widespread model is the long-term through cuts in people’s welfare and rights and integrated one, which among other in the labour market. Well-developed types places was tried out in Hamburg in the of division of labour and partnerships 1980s and the early 1990s. This develop- between public and private institutions ment strategy is broadly founded, complex, assist in ensuring both competitiveness and and based on all important actors, both pri- efficiency. The differences between the indi- vate and public, contributing positively. The vidual western European countries in this model makes strong demands on leadership, respect may, however, not be disregarded both because it is complex and it has a (cf. Esping-Andersen 1999). The important long-term objective. According to such a conclusion is that, although globalisation strategy, the controlling actors cannot avoid may be a shared precondition for all cities encroaching on individual participants in and regions, the tangible effects depend on the coalition. The model does not aim at local conditions and politics. spectacular projects but at the development of lasting business qualifications that can improve competitiveness. This short-term project model produces rapid and visible results, but rarely enduring effects for urban and commercial development. On the other hand, the model does not make such strong demands on political leadership. The existing social relationships are not challenged to any appreciable extent. Conversely, the long-term model often involves a “clash” with existing social and political structures. This makes
  • 43. PAGES 042-043 / URBAN IDENTITY
  • 44. URBAN IDENTITY Identity makes a place something special. This chapter illustrates how identity can contribute to developments in cities and regions that are increasingly becoming important in the global economy. But how can cities develop without losing existing qualities? And how can local identity be interpreted, while at the same time remaining open to global impulses? How is the city experienced by the people moving around in it? And what is needed in order for people to experience the city and its Several of the authors refrain from using the concept of identity in the singular. A city does not have one, but many identities, for identity is a question of perception and can be linked to many different aspects of the city. When one talks of one identity, the definition can easily be understood as a sign of nostalgia, in such a way that identity is comparable with our perception of the past. It can also lead to marginalisation, because one fixed definition can exclude others. Therefore, problems may arise if one attempts to fix a city’s identity with a few simple catchphrases. Identity is both about how a city is experienced from the outside and how it is experienced from different perspectives from the inside. development as meaningful and relevant?
  • 45. PAGES 044-045 / URBAN IDENTITY / IDENTITY AND URBANITY: IDENTITY AND URBANITY: THE HETEROGENEOUS, DEMOCRATIC CITY Peter Madsen The concept of identity involves two interrelated ideas: unity and individuality. A person’s identity makes him or her unique, individual; but identity is also what we have in common with others. Generally, in modern society, an individual’s identity is chosen rather than given, meaning that a person’s individuality is not determined by belonging to a single, unified community with members identical to oneself. Rather, identity evolves through assimilation of characteristics from a plurality of communities; individuality is complex and heterogeneous. city becomes a physical and mental setting for the acquisition and development of identity and reflection on the possibilities available to the modern, emancipated individual. But what is implied by a democratic urban identity? Identity and community “Just as a person gives evidence of the same emotional essence in his gestures with his hands, in his way of walking and in the sound of his voice, each express perception occurring in my journey through Paris - the cafés, people’s faces, the poplars along the In two ways the modern city is a setting for acquisition and development of this heterogeneous identity. A city is a physical living space as well as a significant, symbolic, mental space. Thus, the modern city should not favour uniformity but create the setting for plurality, complexity and heterogeneity. This creates a democratic identity: the quays, the bends of the Seine - stands out against the city’s whole being, and merely confirms that there is a certain style of a certain significance which Paris possesses.” In this quotation by the French philosopher Maurice Merleau-Ponty, identity is understood to be something which lies beneath the surface, a unity, or a meaning which is
  • 46. NORDEA’S HEAD OFFICE, COPENHAGEN, revealed through various individual mani- common with which the individual identi- ARCHITECTS: HENNING LARSENS ARCHITECTURAL OFFICE. festations. fies. Thus, identity and community are interrelated. Questions regarding identity, THE CITY OF BANKS: HOW SHOULD AN ATTRACTIVE AND CENTRALLY - LOCATED SITE As with the personality of an individual, so like questions regarding community, have a AT THE PORT OF COPENHAGEN BE UTILISED? too that of a city; as the character of an indi- historical character: to search for oneself is, THERE WERE MANY SUGGESTIONS. THE TRA- vidual, so too what seems to be a city’s char- in many regards, a modern endeavour. The DITIONAL SHIPYARD AND MACHINE FACTORY acteristic traits: the comparison is appealing. modern philosophical tradition revolves WERE DEMOLISHED AND OPPORTUNITIES LAY Behind the diversity of a city lies a unity; a around the concept of the individual. Søren OPEN. THEATRE, MUSIC HOUSE, PUBLIC unique identifiable significance with which Kierkegaard was among the founders of this the city’s inhabitants identify. This percep- branch of philosophy, which emphasises LARGE DANISH BANKS, ORIGINALLY tion of unity may, however, be problematic. choice as a personal, individual matter. The “PRIVATBANKEN”, THE GRUNDERZEIT PERI- It ignores variation or leads to a situation crux of the matter was, for Kierkegaard, the OD’S CENTRAL CAPITALIST ENTREPRENEURIAL where endeavours to achieve unity exclude conscious choice of the religious dimension. BANK, SINCE MODERNISED AS UNIBANK AND variation or anything which does not fit into Later, this thesis of personal responsibility NOW INTERNATIONALISED AS NORDEA. WHAT the unified city. The search for unity may for one’s choices and actions was appropri- IS THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THIS FOR THE CITY’S lead to efforts for homogeneity. ated into secular existentialism. This is a BATH… INSTEAD THE SITE WAS USED FOR AN ADMINISTRATIVE BUILDING FOR ONE OF THE INHABITANTS? THE BUILDINGS THEMSELVES ARE BEAUTIFUL, BUT WHAT IS THEIR SYMBOLIC MEANING? modern concept: individuals perceive themThe concept of identity is ambiguous. It selves and their own personality as some- may refer to absolute individuality: when thing autonomous: individuality is emanci- the police identify a criminal using a char- pated. Individuality consequently becomes a acteristic unique to any individual such as a task for the modern individual. Thus, ques- fingerprint. Identity may refer to something tions regarding community are perceived less specific, as when one is searching for differently than would be the case if indi- oneself. The concept of identity is also asso- viduals perceived themselves as becoming a ciated with the collective, to something member of already established communi-
  • 47. PAGES 046-047 / URBAN IDENTITY / IDENTITY AND URBANITY: ties, like the immediate and extended fam- nity which is both a condition of member- ily, the social environment and fields of ship of the community and a characteristic activity, the religious community. of each member. The idea of a unique “Danishness” tends towards this because In addition to the religious community, the “Danishness” is found in a unique compe- national community has often been a refuge tence: being able to speak Danish. A com- for a form of modern subjectivity which munity which is defined in this way and the found itself left to its own devices. In many identity associated with this community are ways the national community is a product of exclusive. In contrast, a modern, secular modernisation, or is, in its function radical- political party is an example of an open ised by modernisation. In Germany and community where membership is condi- Italy, nationalistic pathos acted as a lever for tional upon support for a set of thoughts, the formation of states which promoted goals and expectations. Similarly, a modern, trade and industry and thus modernisation. democratic, and secular state is an open In Denmark, expectations regarding a community which is based on a constitu- unique national community became not least tional foundation, a system of law, and an an imaginary space in which the nation’s mil- organised administration. itary defeat could be managed. Mental challenges in the modern city Modernisation Historically, the big city has been home to It is characteristic of modernisation that pre- open, arranged non-essentialist communi- vious forms of community are destroyed and ties. From the perspective of the individual, replaced by new ones. Some of these new there is identification with a plurality of communities represent attempts towards these communities: individuality is hetero- revival of previous community forms: geneous. Kinships or relationships are pri- nationalism and religious traditionalisms are marily elected affinities. Organic communi- widespread examples. Other new communi- ties which functioned as social organisation- ties originate from common interests which al forms in the past are being replaced developed out of modernisation: trade under modernity by arranged communities unions are a good example. Depending including those arranged by public institu- upon their convictions, political parties tions, from local to national governments include elements of both. These modern and supranational organs. The city is the communities all have in common that they physical and symbolic space for this mod- are taken over from tradition or constructed: ern, heterogeneous identity. The reflexive they are not spontaneous or “organic”, they acquisition and development of this identity do not evolve from a given and inherited represents an intellectual, emotional and aspect of daily life. Membership in such a symbolic exertion which is greater than that community is thus characterised by choice: required for identification with a clearly rather than assuming an identity, the indi- defined “organic” community, whether the vidual establishes one through identification. community is a family or similar group or This is true regardless of whether member- an abstract, common symbolic community ship is real (for example in a trade union) or with mundane (the nation) or transcenden- imagined (in a nation). tal (God) characteristics. Just as it is possible to distinguish between What can the city contribute? The question spontaneous and constructed communities has a historical and contemporary dimen- and between real and imagined commun- sion. The concentration of the international ities, it is also possible to distinguish style in architecture and city planning (as between open and closed communities. A laid out in actual projects such as those of closed community is defined through an Le Corbusier in Paris and Hilbersheimer in essence, something unique to this commu- Berlin, although only partially realised)
  • 48. HAVNEPARKEN (THE HARBOUR PARK) ISLANDS BRYGGE. implies an eradication of all traces of histo- seen from a mental perspective, are affected ARCHITECT: POUL JENSEN; LANDSCAPE ARCHITECT: ry; that everything will have the same char- by increasing complexity and speed. In other acter; or historical as well as contemporary words, every urban situation is at the same THE CITY OF CITIZENS: COMMERCIAL ACTIVI- heterogeneity will become invisible. An time both local and global because the city TIES GRADUALLY MOVED AWAY FROM ideal city, on the contrary, does not hide has been spun into a web of physical con- ISLANDBRYGGE AREA, AND A LARGE ATTRAC- functional and social variation behind archi- nections which extend out into the world in TIVE AREA WAS AVAILABLE FOR URBAN tectural uniformity. An ideal city displays its many directions. The city has also been RENEWAL. LOCAL ACTIVISTS ENSURED THAT historic layers without being museum-like: spun into a mental web of influences and THE AREA ALONG THE HARBOUR WAS USED refunctioning, gentrification, etc. are also impulses originating from all corners of the part of life in the city. An ideal city makes world. To reflect on one’s situation has, in ARE INTEGRATED INTO THE PARK, INCLUDING an effort to fit into its surroundings physi- principle, become the same as reflecting on A PROMENADE ALONG THE HARBOUR, AN cally and symbolically. It provides a setting the global situation - in the end everyone is UPSIDE-DOWN BOAT UNDER WHICH SOCIAL for individual life in a variety of communi- a member of the global community. The GATHERING TAKING PLACE, A BATHING AREA ties while at the same time curbing the ten- global community has only a limited institu- ALLOWING FOR SWIMMING IN THE HARBOUR dency of market forces to determine the tional framework (such as the United WHERE THE WATER IS NOW CLEAN, AND A shape of the city space and its transport Nations) for the purpose of common routes. It does not permit systematic func- administration of the actual global situation. ANNELISE BRAMSNÆS. FOR A PUBLIC PARK AND RECREATIONAL AREA. ELEMENTS OF THE PREVIOUS LAND USE MEETING HOUSE. THE GROUND PLAN UNITES THE OLD RAILWAY LINE WITH NEW PATTERNS, AND CONCRETE STRUCTURES COMPRISE ELEMENTS IN THE PARK. tions, i.e. the abstract logic of the market and of administrative bureaucracy, to “colonise” the “lifeworld”, i.e. the frame- Urban identities work of understanding in daily life (cf. The relations between the mental and phys- Habermas 1987). An ideal city promotes ical-institutional management of the social continuous reflection over the given frames field has, in a European context, obtained of reference. An ideal city builds on the its form through the interaction of the pub- local and absorbs impressions from the out- lic sphere and democratic institutions. The side. Its inhabitants are both citizens of the historical path away from absolute monar- city and inhabitants of the world. chy has been long. Old European cities are characterised by both political power and International exchange takes place at all lev- religious institutions. The centralised politi- els: information, trade, economy, education cal power has left its mark on cities in the and movement of people across national form of monumental buildings and city borders. None of this is radically new, but planning. Religious institutions have left together these processes mean that the indi- their mark through monumental building vidual’s life situation and city life as a whole, of churches, cloisters, etc.
  • 49. PAGES 048-049 / URBAN IDENTITY / IDENTITY AND URBANITY: Increasingly, universities won independence protect both aspects, both the physical set- from church and state and evolved into rela- ting and the symbolic space. It has meaning tively autonomous institutions for intellectu- - it offers inhabitants inclusion in a mean- al management of history and culture, as well ingful context - for example, “I am an resi- as practical disciplines. Libraries and univer- dent of a city with a democratic system of sities as well as different levels of educational government” or “I live in a city with diverse institutions left their mark on cities. This was consumer and entertainment opportuni- also true for the growing democratic institu- ties”. This means something to them: it tions at state and local levels. Merchants’ and challenges them to “buy new clothes”, “go craftsmen’s cities were increasingly affected to a gallery”, or “think about how the city by industrialisation. In addition, trade was council could make the city better for one- increasingly centralised in department stores. self and fellow inhabitants”. A city organises Cities of the 19th century with their horse- daily life and gives it meaning: the meaning drawn wagons and/or sea-going vessels were it provides for its inhabitants. affected by the new wonder of transport the railway. In this way, the contemporary ing, transport, and intellectual history for The Port of Copenhagen: vision and reality those who care to notice. If, that is, this his- Most of the Port of Copenhagen no longer tory does not disappear behind the exhaust functions as traditional docks. This has given from the twentieth century’s dominant won- rise to new opportunities to undertake signifi- der of transport - the automobile. cant changes to the existing city. A large area Proponents of automobile transport have was previously occupied by a shipyard and appealed to modernity’s core concepts: machine construction facility but was released “development”, “progress” and “necessity”. As and could have been rebuilt for a number of an ideology on four wheels, the automobile uses. For example, a beautiful and complex is the perfect incarnation (or rather encapsu- building with a public swimming pool and lation) of the supposedly free individual envi- library combined with a bazaar or global food sioned by liberalism. In fact, automobile traf- market where Danish vendors would work KVARTERHUS (DISTRICT HOUSE) FOR THE HOLMBLADS- fic is a clear example of how the pursuit by alongside members from the many new and GADE DISTRICT, COPENHAGEN. REBUILDING AND EXTEN- each individual of his or her own interests older ethnic groups that have immigrated to SION BY DORTE MANDRUP ARCHITECTS. counteracts the interests of each individual. Denmark. Such a site use would provide food Cyclists, the majority of road users in for both body and soul (like a Roman bath or Copenhagen, experience the city differently: an oriental bazaar), a place for cultures to LIBRARY IS A CULTURAL CENTRE IN A DEVEL- in addition to a practical use of the city space meet and recreational opportunities - all in OPING AREA. SMALL CHANGES IN AREAS FAR (they reach their destination more quickly), one outstanding location in the city centre. FROM THE CITY’S CENTRAL STREETS MAY GIVE their daily tour through the city becomes an This was, at one time, the author’s vision for A DISTRICT LOCAL CHARACTER. PUBLIC FUNDS opportunity to become immersed in the this disused urban space. Such a building CREATED A FRAMEWORK FOR UNIFYING THE interaction between weather, history, urban complex would have had significance and CITY AND THE LOCAL ENVIRONMENT. space and people. meaning: it would have been an opportunity city displays its political, social, manufactur- LOCAL ENVIRONMENT IN DEVELOPMENT: THE CHARACTERISTIC ARCHITECTURE OF A PUBLIC for physical interaction between the different The “identity” of a city lies in the interac- inhabitants and cultural groups of the city. It tion of all these factors: its inhabitants and could have characterised the city as a space their cultures, its institutions and their where a sense of community is expressed visi- buildings, its transport systems and infra- bly and where the political institution manag- structure and thus the city’s place in the ing the common interests of the city focuses surrounding world - in conjunction with its on creating attractive and stimulating spaces residential, commercial and administrative for ordinary citizens’ daily lives. The building buildings. The physical structures of a city complex was not envisioned as a place for represent its accumulated history and at the consumption like restless shopping, but same time provide the setting for its inhab- rather a setting providing daily food needs in itants’ daily lives. City development must an open atmosphere where the curious could
  • 50. taste foreign cuisines. These opportunities to promote the identities characterised by the could have existed a few steps away from a church or absolute monarchies, not to men- the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London/New new subway route and within cycling dis- tion Fascism or Stalinism. Between the York: Verso 1991. tance from most parts of the central city. results of citizens’ initiatives on the one hand BIBLIOGRAPHY Anderson, B.: Imagined Communities: Reflections on www.cities-for-cyclists.org Habermas, J.: The Philosophical Discourse of and the building of a town hall on the other, Modernity. Cambridge: Polity Press 1987 (especially Instead the area was used for administrative there are a multitude of areas where the Chapter 12). buildings for one of the large Danish banks, modern, secular, democratic city manifests Madsen. P. & Plunz, R. (ed): The Urban Lifeworld - which in the mean time (an example of the itself: in school buildings, libraries, parks, trend of globalisation) was absorbed into a pedestrian streets, public squares and sports Nordic bank. A monumental, and in many complexes, as well as cultural institutions. ways beautiful building complex: it repre- The key is to combine the physical elements sents, though, something entirely different of these buildings with the essence of their than the previously described vision: the social character. In this way the city develops city of banks rather than the city of citizens. settings for individual development and par- In the southern port area, citizens made ticipation in a variety of communities. Formation, Perception, Representation. London: Routledge 2001. themselves heard. Thanks to a local citizens’ initiative, an area of the harbour front has Returning again to Merleau-Ponty’s com- been laid out as a public park with a meet- parison: the democratic city has a multitude ing house. The park integrates elements of of gestures, tones of voice and ways of walk- the previous land use, harbour, and indus- ing. Cities are all different, each with its trial functions, thus preserving its history. own history, geography, social and econ- The park is also evidence that inhabitants of omic situation. This is a characteristic of the city not only have rights but also exer- democracy rather than unity: the city’s cise these rights, just as city hall does. inhabitants are diverse. In the same way that it is a strength of democracy to be a consensus framework for development and The democratic city an intermediary between society’s diverse As long as the city has similar characteristics, groups, interests and endeavours, so too it displays its democratic identity. The demo- must the democratic city, at many levels, cratic community should be preserved and signal a tolerance of heterogeneity - and the highlighted rather than communities associ- will to bring the diverse together. From ated with consumers, automobile drivers, or both a physical and mental perspective, this economic institutions. It is infinitely more might be a guiding principle for urban difficult to promote this identity than it was development in Europe in the 21st century.
  • 51. PAGES 050-051 / URBAN IDENTITY / RESTRUCTURING AND URBAN IDENTITY RESTRUCTURING AND URBAN IDENTITY Jens Kvorning The article argues that developers operating internationally with their standard projects produce urban uniformity, and that some of the paradigms and strategies developed by spatial planning in response to the new global conditions are tending to do the same. Uniformity On the face of it, changes in European cities are assuming increasingly uniform forms. Within the same time frame, the same programme packages are launched in all cities by developers operating internationally. In the current debate on the city, two very different views of this development can be However, if planning institutions remain confident of their role and use the concept of identity consciously in their work, they may secure a local context for global ideas, which is a necessary precondition for creating terms of reference in a globalised world. encountered: The one considers uniformity as a loss of local identity and a blurring of local cultures - as a restriction on the opportunities in the experience and living space surrounding us. The other view stresses homogenisation as unavoidable but also as a genuine expression of the new global conditions. The fact that fundamental social changes elicit widely diverging assessments is nothing new. When industrialisation disintegrated the pre-industrial city, a similar debate was going on and when some very extensive restructuring was taking place again after World War I, these changes came to consti-
  • 52. GLOBAL REPETITION: THE SAME OFFICE BUIL- tute the dominant theme of a cultural strug- way than earlier, under different circum- DINGS AND PRIVATISED CONSUMER SPACES. gle during the inter-war period. However, stances, with other consequences and other although there are precedents of the kind of objectives than earlier and, in spite of the debate we are facing, it is nevertheless a new similarities, the debate is thus about some- complex of problems. First of all, the issue thing different and has to be conducted in of uniformity versus locally anchored differ- another way. ences is not only a question of attitude, but also one of the inherent dilemmas of global- Another thing is that upon a more thor- isation. Globalisation seeks out and operates ough analysis, the prima facie uniformity in relation to differences - it is fuelled by turns out - by the standard of the central differences, so to speak - but it leaves uni- urban districts - to occur together with formity behind. Thus, we are forced to increasing diversification and deepened come to grips with this dilemma. inequalities in cities and urban regions. Diversification between affluent and poor Looking at the architectural themes for neighbourhoods, diversification between debate spawned by the new conditions, it neighbourhoods in the ascendant, benefit- seems like we have approached the archi- ing from the dynamism of globalisation, tectural debate of the inter-war period - the and neighbourhoods in decay, not being debate between a kind of modernism crav- capable of connecting to the dynamism of ing for internationalisation and the regional the new economy. The outcome is increas- or traditional architecture craving for local ing disintegration of the coherence of the change and tradition instead. In a certain city, both as an economic and a social struc- sense, globalisation has realised the visions ture. So globalisation not only produces of modernism of the 1930s. However, uniformity. The conditions created by architecture today is produced in another globalisation, and by which globalisation is
  • 53. PAGES 052-053 / URBAN IDENTITY / RESTRUCTURING AND URBAN IDENTITY created, concurrently produce uniformity unity only functional by virtue of the between certain types of areas in different capacity of many parts to work with their cities, and they produce increasing differ- own programmes. ences between districts within individual cities. Globalisation redefines, so to speak, the differences by which we normally Identities describe the city. With some caution, the concept of identity can be launched at this point. The concept In other words, we are in the middle of may, at a very abstract level, be applied to some marked restructuring of cities, and the entire city - i.e. the special character of this demands a new kind of understanding the city. However, this can never be any- and new actions. thing other than delicate encirclement of a volatile dimension, which we must endeav- In the professional debate, we are actually our to maintain and extend. also encountering a string of concepts indicating such new understanding. We see new Used in the plural, however, the concept types of directions for action aiming at more refers to the fact that a given city has many strategic plans, reflecting the dynamism of identities, which are registered by many dif- the market in new ways and orienting itself ferent groups with many different cultural towards the themes of globalisation. and social preferences. In the plural, the concept furthermore alerts us that our iden- However, it may be reasonable to take a tity as individuals is built up partly by our closer look at whether the political and pro- moving over time through many spaces and fessional attitudes and strategies emerging our successive settling down in many differ- over the past ten to fifteen years relate clear- ent spaces with many different identities. ly to the above-mentioned phenomena and in particular whether they relate clearly Identity may be perceived as a purely visual to the potential uniformity. dimension, solely attached to the physical or architectural space, or the concept may If we believe at all in the possibility of the existence of institutions capable of thinking extended definition of the concept entails conditions set by globalisation and de- that identities can be read anew and rede- industrialisation - then efforts try to see the fined without any significant physical city as a combined productive space in both changes having taken place - in other an economic and cultural sense. However, a words, that the spatial identity is a dynamic productive space will only function if relationship like almost any other aspect of opportunities are given to many different FREDERICO SORIANO & DOLORES PALACIOS. used socially, and the symbols it carries. The planning is possible under the new urban PALACE OF CONGRESSES AND MUSIC, BILBAO, ARCHITECTS: architectural space, the way in which it is of the city as a unity and a community - i.e. UPPERMOST: be perceived as comprising the unity of the urbanity. groups, in many different spaces, and with ABOVE: many different social and cultural practices, Getting back to the presumption of the ten- GUGGENHEIM MUSEUM BILBAO, ARCHITECT: FRANK to create new formations which realise the dency towards urban uniformity, the basic potential of the city - its cultural and hypothesis is that identities are being erod- social dynamism. ed and diluted or disintegrated by the uni- GEHRY. formity striking central urban districts, parThis necessitates that we set ourselves free ticularly as urban actors adapt to interna- from the tendency to focus only on central tional norms. Obviously, the architectural urban districts or the tendency to apply the spaces created in some urban areas are glo- same strategy to all parts of the city. That bal repetitions, but seen from the extended we try, instead, to build up an understand- use of the identity concept, uniformity only ing and some strategies, which can cope becomes a reality if social and cultural prac- with thinking of the city as a unity, but a tices are homogenised as well. They do so,
  • 54. BILBAO IS FAMOUS FOR THE NEW of course, to a certain extent - and again in economic restructuring is bound to be con- GUGGENHEIM MUSEUM, BUT THE URBAN certain districts in particular. But only by nected with spatial restructuring. All such RESTRUCTURING STRATEGY, WHICH THE taking interest in all the elements that con- spatial restructuring may predominantly be MUSEUM IS PART OF, CONSISTS OF MANY stitute the extended identity concept can created through the market or it may, to a the potential for an independent urban larger or smaller extent, be influenced by an identity emerge. explicitly formulated and deliberately pur- MORE ELEMENTS - A NEW CONCERT BUILDING, A NEW METRO SYSTEM, NEW PROMENADES ALONG THE RIVER AND NEW BRIDGES. sued restructuring strategy. The latter cate- TOGETHER THESE ARE AN ATTEMPT AT CREATING FOCUS POINTS FOR A NEW IDENTITY, Architecture has been international since WHICH MAY HELP DISTANCE THE CITY FROM the Renaissance. New economic forms and THE CULTURAL LOGIC OF INDUSTRIALISM. new structures of power have tended to gory is covered by the examples below. bring about the same kinds of urban struc- Bilbao tures and edifices in all cities affected by the Bilbao is often quoted as an example of a new forms. But in the encounter with the successful urban restructuring strategy. local landscape, i.e. topography and climate, However, the way in which this strategy is AND A MORE GENERAL ATTEMPT AT CHANG- as well as social and cultural practices and often described - when Frank Gehry’s muse- ING THE FUNCTION OF THE CITY’S SPACE BY traditions, these global models have been um is depicted as the entire strategy - is ADDING NEW MEANING TO THE RIVER AND modified. It seems as if the problem we are symptomatic of the simplification and mis- ITS PROMENADES. facing is that these modification and adap- reading taking place. The Bilbao strategy is tation processes are weaker than they used interesting - but only because it consists of to be - or are non-existent. much more than Gehry’s building. THE GUGGENHEIM MUSEUM, BILBAO ALLOWS ACCESS TO THE RIVER THROUGH A SYSTEM OF SLOPES. IT IS THUS BOTH A MANIFESTATION OF A DIRECT SYMBOLIC EFFECT Explaining the strategy as solely a question My claim is, however, that the modification of enticing Gehry and Guggenheim to of the international norms is still possible if Bilbao and thus creating an iconic building the planning institution believes in itself is to apply a form of explanation which and acts intelligently - that working deliber- actually contributes to uniformity. This ately with identities as a counter-strategy form of description emphasises that the against uniformity is one of the important freely available global element being is the new tasks when planning. I will try to make crux of the matter; that everything is about this claim plausible by means of a number finding this particular signal with its global of examples. The article is entitled power of transmission. “Restructuring and urban identity” based on the understanding that the past 20 years Gehry’s building is described as the building have seen a fundamental economic restruc- that put Bilbao on the world map. As a turing of Western societies, and that this communicative statement, this is correct,
  • 55. PAGES 054-055 / URBAN IDENTITY / RESTRUCTURING AND URBAN IDENTITY but as a description of a restructuring strat- the building will retain the awe it inspires egy it is nonsense. The problem of being today. The crucial point is the local process- put on the world map in this way is that es the project is able to trigger towards a such a position will quickly fade away. The new understanding of the city - the capabili- spectacular building operates in the same ty of the project to assist in the building of a media reality as other advertisement state- new identity, to change Bilbao’s overall iden- ments - it will soon be outdone or over- tity as an industrial city to a new identity shadowed by other spectacular edifices. linked to the cultural. The attempts of the Bilbao strategy to utilise the cultural may be However, the Bilbao strategy is more inter- put into perspective by being held against a esting than this because it consists of many strategy containing many similar elements, elements and many layers orienting them- but applied in relation to a different starting selves in different ways towards the interna- point, and linked in a different way and tional, towards the local, towards the practi- with a different objective. cal-functional, and towards the symbolic. Gehry’s building speaks out in an international cultural space, but at the same time, Santiago de Compostella a large music and concert centre has been Santiago de Compostella has been the tar- erected as part of the same strategy for get of a form of religious tourism for cen- urban transformation, and this centre turies. In the past decades, the flocks of speaks into the local and regional cultural tourists have grown in parallel with general space. It is within the field of these two cultural tourism. To an increasing extent, buildings that, both in a concrete and sym- these large flocks have left their marks on bolic sense, a restructuring process must be the city, partly in the form of traffic pres- triggered. At the same time, the central sure, partly in the form of more and more parts of the city have become better linked facilities and shops adapting to tourism and with the entire urban area covered by an thus slipping into tourism’s internationalisa- improved and prominently shaped under- tion and uniformity. The city’s response to ground system, and the public spaces and this situation was an overall strategy con- the river - perceived as a particularly sym- taining an array of practical measures in bol-laden place - have been made accessible relation to traffic and improving pedestri- and interesting in new ways. Combined, ans’ possibility to walk around and experi- these measures offer the possibility of a new ence the city. However, the quite funda- SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELLA’S MEDIEVAL future and a new way of functioning, where mental measure was to make existing resi- CITY CENTRE, WITH THE MANY LARGE the urban spaces are used in new ways and dents stay in the inner city. This was done MONASTERIES AND THE CLOSELY-KNIT SYS- a new awareness of the material future of by persuasion and economic incentives in the city can arise. the form of urban renewal subsidies. By TEM OF PUBLIC SQUARES, IS WHAT EVERY HEAD OF TOURISM FOCUSING ON INTERNA- ensuring that the historic city was still pop- TIONAL CULTURAL TOURISM DREAMS OF. CULTURAL TOURISM WAS, HOWEVER, A PROB- The difficult part is to maintain what has ulated, a safeguard was implemented against LEM FOR THE CITY. IN ORDER TO PROTECT THE now been created, to supplement it, to make the sneaking touristification. With people CITY AGAINST THE CHANGES BROUGHT ON BY it proliferate; to retain commitment, prima- living in a place, there will also be local FLOCKS OF VISITING TOURISTS, A NUMBER OF rily among citizens, and, thus, also among shops, local life, and thus less space for PROJECTS HAVE BEEN IMPLEMENTED WITH investors. Whether the strategy will hold up tourism to gain the upper hand. With peo- THE PURPOSE OF MAINTAINING AND in this respect remains to be seen. What is ple living in a place, tourists will visit a city more or less certain is that, within a few still characterised as being an authentic years, Gehry’s building in Bilbao will no space for daily life, with the large monu- BUILT, NEW CAR PARKS HAVE BEEN ESTAB- longer be anything exceptional but merely ments in another context than if they were LISHED TO MAKE THE CITY CENTRE MORE one among many other interesting build- allowed to become a display of heavy cul- PEACEFUL, AND AN ART BUILDING FOR LOCAL ings. It caught the attention of the world for tural stones in a tourist space. Like global- ARTISTS WITH A NEW PARK HAVE BEEN ESTAB- a brief moment. It is part of the architectur- isation in general, mass tourism harbours LISHED IN AN OLD CONVENT GARDEN. al world’s self-conceit and misreading of the the same intrinsic dilemma: It is searching media reality surrounding us if we believe for the exceptional, but leaves - if left STRENGTHENING THE CENTRAL CITY AS A SPACE FOR EVERYDAY LIFE. DWELLINGS HAVE BEEN IMPROVED, NEW SCHOOLS HAVE BEEN
  • 56. uncontrolled - the exceptional dismantled, fronting us as city planners is how we trans- trivialised, and made uniform. form cities so that they can function under a new economic and social order. With regard An element of making the inner city an to identity, it is all about examining how attractive place to live is to maintain it as a urban identities referring to industrial logic space of daily life by investing in new car can be replaced by identities referring to parks, new schools, refurbishment of parks, another perception of the city and daily life. new housing, and a new - but modestly sized - art museum. All these new facilities Bilbao is the epitome of an industrial city, were built as state-of-the-art buildings. This whereas Santiago de Compostella is arguably adds new cultural statements to the unique already a part of a service economy. I would accumulation of cultural manifestations in like to conclude the studies of how restruc- which Santiago de Compostella is steeped. turing and identities are interlocked with an Through this strategy and these additions, example at the regional scale. An example the city is surviving the flocks of tourists where initial identity was attached to the and, in the long term, it will remain inter- industrial to an extreme extent. esting as a tourist destination because it remains a living space. Emscher Park Alvaro de Siza’s projects stand out as the The Ruhr has, so to speak, no history prior most distinct examples of additions, which to industrialism. The area here is a product are quite modern, international in their of industrialism to such a radical extent point of departure, but still indisputably that earlier structural and historical features local in their tangible appearance. His have faded away. Thus, it is also an area absolutely modern museum building places whose entire identity is attached to the itself with complete ease immediately next industrial. The visual identity is the large to one of the large convent complexes, and industrial factories. The cultural and social his additions to the convent garden express identity is attached to the life unfolding an infinitely sensitive ability to add new lay- around the factory. ers to the existing. This is not the grand international architect delivering his signa- much more interesting architect - who leading to the entity functioning in another knows how to participate in and vitalise the way. There is a total breakdown of the existing. In this landscape, very few elements itself and its surroundings. HELIO PINON & ALBERT VIAPLANA ter. Not only are some structures changing, city’s cultural and historical dialogue with CAR PARK, SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELLA, ARCHITECTS: takes on another and more dramatic charac- tect - and, in terms of urban identity, a UPPERMOST: Therefore, the problem of transformation ture building. This is another kind of archi- can be found for which the new service economy has any advance interest. Santiago de Compostella’s strategy is, simiABOVE: ART MUSEUM, SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELLA, ARCHITECT: lar to Bilbao’s, directed at the cultural, but This recognition formed the groundwork ALVARO DE SIZA. the cultural in a wider sense. It is arguable of the strategy formulated in connection that the cultures of daily life take centre with the so-called Emscher Park Project, stage to a much larger degree in Santiago de covering old Ruhr. Compostella. The starting point is also different. The problem is not to assign a new By application of the park concept, it was path for a city marked by industrial culture recognised, among other things, that the but to ensure that a city, already econom- urban structure in the area was a kind of ically a part of the service society, can sur- overgrown village without the historical, vive in this context. urban concentrations to which the new service economy is often attached. Whether the focus is on globalisation or Conversely, the park concept expressed the urban restructuring, the problem con- ambition of being able to build a new kind
  • 57. PAGES 056-057 / URBAN IDENTITY / RESTRUCTURING AND URBAN IDENTITY of urban landscape, which united the recre- elsewhere. And there is no doubt that the ational and the productive in new ways. new spatial identity created will, in the long Within this overarching framework, general run, attract visitors, and particularly objectives for the orientation of the trans- investors, because it is obvious that some formation projects were formulated: to rec- structures have been created here that tify the ecological problems; to create a new inspire new forms of daily life, that are not material basis for residents in the area, a only a deft orchestration of something new local economy, including a large role to already known and secure, but something be played by energy production and partic- outlining new possibilities. ularly renewable energy; and to create some new cultural structures and new spaces The point of departure for this article was around this transformation. To a large the tendency of globalisation towards uni- extent, it was a question of building a new formity and the question of whether the identity for the area, not by drawing up a identity concept may act as a form of guide- master plan, but by formulating a series of line when formulating counter-strategies to objectives which could inspire broadly. The this uniformity. At this point, it is important transformation process came to consist of to observe that part of the predominant many projects widely anchored in the area. thinking within the planning world is drawing in the same direction as international The recognition that there were no histori- investors’ standard packages. When the cal inner cities meant that the strategies introduction of an internationally oriented normally applied were out of the question. cultural institution, designed by an interna- Instead it was recognised that existing histo- tional star architect, is regarded, in profes- ry, expressed in huge industrial monuments, sional circles, as the cornerstone of a success- constituted a strong visual identity. That it ful transformation strategy, it is relevant to was by reinterpreting the significance of see this as a form of intellectual standard these industrial monuments - to load them package which contributes to producing with new meaning, so to speak - that a new uniformity. identity could be built, connecting to new forms of daily life. The necessary counter-strategies, however, cannot be formulated simply by referring to Based on the large old industrial plants, an local tradition. The task is to make the array of unique parks was created - activity transformation processes add new layers to parks, exhibition parks, production parks, the city in order to create a dialogue with office parks - all drawing upon the qualities the many historical statements making up vested in the industrial landscape. In this way, the urban landscape in a way that is specific A NEW CENTRE FOR ADULT EDUCATION WITH the spaces known in all other kinds of to the individual city or the individual LIBRARY AND INDOOR TOWN SQUARE. THE restructuring projects were avoided and neighbourhood. If counter-strategies CENTRE IS SELF-SUFFICIENT IN ELECTRICITY instead some quite new forms of spaces of become a question of a regional or histori- daily life were established, connecting history cising architecture freezing traditional THESE TECHNIQUES ARE A CENTRAL PART OF with the present time and thus creating a forms, the outcome will inevitably be both THE FINANCIAL STRATEGY IN THE FIELD. form of authenticity and energy not seen the creation of non-functional frameworks anywhere else. The process has activated very for daily life and the presentation of unsup- diverse groups and proceeded in such a way ported cultural statements. UPPERMOST: CULTURAL CENTRE, EMSCHER PARK, ARCHITECTS: JOURDA & PEROUDIN. AND IS A RESEARCH PROJECT IN ITSELF WITHIN THE AREA OF NEW ENERGY TECHNIQUES. that its fabric is comprehensible, including to those who have not been directly involved. ABOVE: LANDSCAPE PARK “DUISBURG NORD”, ARCHITECTS: LATZ PARTNERS.. Our everyday lives are overridingly characterised by globalisation. Having recognised Within a five-year period we may not see a this, as professionals we have the task of mass of American tourists arrive in the trying to activate the structures which can Ruhr by plane to see “our museum”. But a modify the universal and make it settle as large number of locals will appear in some something specific locally. Identity does not spaces and some contexts not to be found emerge by freezing the existing but by let-
  • 58. THE LANDSCAPE OF THE RUHR CONTAINS A ting the global meet “our way of doing Vis-à-vis these demands on restructuring REPETITION OF THE INDUSTRIAL PLANT, THE things”. A promising counter-strategy is strategies, the Emscher Park Project is one INDUSTRIAL CITY, THE SYSTEM OF INFRA- formulated by using the extended under- of the most interesting because, with its STRUCTURE, AND THE MOUNTAIN OF WASTE. standing of the concept of identity to unify overarching common, necessary and com- the visual identity and the local social and prehensible objectives, it is capable of acti- cultural practices. It is all about vitalising vating broadly and thus anchors the discus- ECONOMY BROKE DOWN AND THE INDUSTRI- the local debate in a broad sense in order to sion and the tangible projects in the local AL PLANTS WERE BEING DECONSTRUCTED, establish this modified resistance, which public mind. Once this happens, the neces- AND BOTH CULTURAL AND VISUAL IDENTITIES can merge global norms and models into sary resistance structure has been estab- WERE THREATENED. THE EMSCHER PARK the local. This demands new forms of lished. Lyon’s parallel improvement effort PROJECT AIMS AT CREATING A FUTURE FOR debate and cooperation, which perceive the in all neighbourhoods across the city, com- THE RUHR IN THE POST-INDUSTRIAL ERA. THE professional player neither as a process plemented by an administrative organisa- engineer nor as an autocratic artist. The tion optimised to this task, also constitutes task of the planning institution is to chal- an interesting strategy. HOWEVER, THERE IS NOT THE IDENTITY AND CONCENTRATION OF MEANING OF A TRADITIONAL HISTORICAL CITY CENTRE. WHEN THE STRATEGY HAS BEEN TO ANCHOR THE PROJECT BROADLY IN SEVERAL DEVELOPING CENTRES; TO WORK WITH FINANCIAL AND CULTURAL RESTRUCTURING TOGETHER IN ORDER TO lenge and provoke the debate - and listen. INCLUDE AWARENESS OF THE ENVIRONMENT It is all about presenting opportunities, Or illustrated by a single Danish example: AND RESOURCES; AND TO GIVE REMAINING which are not only the repetition of the When one of the most talented young archi- INDUSTRIAL PLANTS A NEW MEANING AS CON- same large cultural institution. And, quite tects co-operates closely with local groups in NECTING POINTS FOR NEW TYPES OF PARKS essentially, it is all about creating interest one of the most dilapidated neighbourhoods AND NEW KINDS OF SPACES FOR DAILY LIFE. and respect for all parts of the city - not in Copenhagen and creates new public only those parts coupled actively to global spaces that reflect both the international and dynamism. Much of the understanding of the present time and are anchored in the identity, which has been presented as being local area, both physically and culturally, linked to the current transformation then a more promising example of the cre- processes, has been an urban identity, ation of identity and counter-strategies which exclusively considered the developed emerges than the ones attached to vast glit- parts of the city. Strategies with this con- tering cultural institutions. tent contribute to polarisation and the disintegration of the city as a unified place of production of new cultural and social practices. They contribute to uniformity by not activating the entire urban area.
  • 59. PAGES 058-059 / URBAN IDENTITY / PRESERVATION AND/OR AUTHENTICITY PRESERVATION AND/OR AUTHENTICITY Karl Otto Ellefsen The preservation of historic urban areas is today the general strategy for maintaining and strengthening identity and local character in the majority of European towns and cities. However, current preservation strategies are not unproblematic. There is often a conflict between, on the one hand, preservation and, on the other, a town or city’s need for transformation and space for the expression of the identity of our age. In such a situation, it is important to be aware that there are many different methods of preservation. Those responsible for safeguarding make a number of choices - either consciously or unconsciously. Reality operates with very different perceptions of the meaning of authenticity and identity. The author shows the spectrum of European preservation practices and indicates the attitudes the different strategies express. Finally, he has some critical comments and requests for those who must make the choices in future preservation. The need to renew the physical surroundings and abandon old ideas has been a dominant concept inherent in industrial society’s urban development and has been a credo for modern urban planning. The concept of preservation grew as part of what we can call the general criticism of modernism in architecture and urban studies, which developed through the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s. This criticism was primarily based on dissatisfaction with the results of modern urban development, the destruction of old cultural environments and the building of new environments that met all functional requirements but that did not meet the social and cultural patterns requiring space in European towns or cities. The criticism led to changes in the values that guided urban planning. Attempts have been made to replace universal solutions, or environments that in principle could be placed anywhere, with regional or local solutions. Modern building technology and high-technology materials no longer only yielded benefits. The
  • 60. VENICE, ONE OF EUROPE’S MOST IMPORTANT scientific, rational argument for new sur- torical monuments, buildings and histori- MUSEUMS AND AN ENTERTAINING THEME roundings no longer had the same power in cal urban cores. PARK. A STRONG AND COMPLETE HISTORICAL public debates. It was safer to choose the MONUMENT, BUT APART FROM THE MUSEUM empirically proven good and traditional There have subsequently been significant solutions. The historical town or city as a changes in European preservation author- FROM THE MUCH LESS CHARMING MESTRE monument gained an increased cultural ities’ ambitions, values, and preservation ON THE MAINLAND. value, because as an authentic monument it strategies (see for example the two bears the town or city’s collective identity. UNESCO reports from 1995). Preservation VISITORS (TOURISTS), A DYING CITY WHERE MUSEUM GUARDS COMMUTE EVERYDAY of surroundings has become a much larger issue and is seen as being a far more com- From the Venice Charter to “clusters of authenticity” plex problem. The Venice Charter (1964) was the first Firstly, preservation is not only limited to a international political superstructure for a unique historical object, but also includes new preservation policy. The Charter’s pri- the historical character of the surroundings. mary goal was to preserve the cultural her- We are not as concerned with the docu- itage that was partly destroyed by the war. mentation of the typical as with the docu- Architecture and urban planning was also mentation of the unique. The time perspec- being greatly influenced by modernism’s tive has been extended from the genuinely values, and reconstruction was therefore historical to include the recent past, and in also seen as being a threat almost as great some cases the surroundings produced as war itself. The specialists behind the today. Age in itself is no longer a necessary charter focused on formulating operational criteria for preservation. Ambitions have, in international guidelines and they limited other words, expanded from focusing on their area of interest to the undisputed his- “dead” ancient monuments to include living
  • 61. PAGES 060-061 / URBAN IDENTITY / PRESERVATION AND/OR AUTHENTICITY ANALYSIS OF SEVILLE’S STRUCTURE AND DIVISION INTO environments that are a product of histori- ing in a Norwegian village than in a central AREAS. cal processes - cultural environments that European pre-Roman town or city. THE PLAN IS INSPIRED BY ALDO ROSSI’S INTERPRETATION OF THE URBAN ENVIRON- are seen as being threatened by physical, social and cultural transformation. The specialists behind the Venice Charter were architects and art historians. The cur- MENT AND DIVIDES THE CITY INTO AREAS BASED ON STRUCTURE AND TYPOLOGY. THE Secondly, monuments are seen in the con- rent approach to preservation is based to an HISTORICAL CORE IS DELIMITED IN THE MID- text of which they are part, a place, a town equal extent on ethnology, social anthropol- DLE. WITHIN THIS AREA, ELEGANT HISTORICAL or city, a cultural landscape and perhaps ogy and linguistics. The criteria for evaluat- AND TYPOLOGICAL SURVEYS WERE CARRIED also a region or a territory. The concept of ing what is worth preserving in a cultural place and how local character is described is environment in the Nordic countries has, of particular interest. however, expanded from including histori- OUT AS NEW INTERVENTIONS WERE DISCUSSED IN CONNECTION WITH PLANS FOR THE WORLD EXPO IN 1990. cal value, age, different types of craftsmanA further trait in the current approach to ship and aesthetic qualities, to include a set building preservation is that universal of various socio-cultural criteria such as rep- norms have been shown to be difficult to resentivity, identity, symbolic and environ- use. The discussion around an object’s or mental values. environment’s preservation value and the choice of preservation strategy is in practice A consequence of this is that the concept of relative to culture. Authenticity in western authenticity, which is closely linked to iden- cultures has mainly been associated with the tity, and which has always been a central preservation of physical materials. However, concept in the discussion around preserva- in Japanese and Chinese cultures, authenti- tion, has received a new content. From being city has equally been linked to stability of unambiguous, the concept of authenticity form or (in other words) that the building has expanded to become a relative concept is documented and that craftsmen’s tradi- comprised of many different dimensions. tions are preserved so that it is always possi- “Clusters of aspects of authenticity” is a for- ble to build it again. The history of the mulation that was used at UNESCO’s Nara 1800s has a much greater value in the USA conference in 1995, when the principles in than in Europe and the concept of “histori- the Venice Charter were reformulated. cal traces” has a completely different mean- Authenticity can be linked to original mate-
  • 62. VITORCHIANO - THE PLACE GROWS OUT OF rials, similarity of form, historical continuity strategies. The theories of the architects THE VOLCANIC ROCKS ALONG THE GORGE of use, unchanged traditions of craftsman- Aldo Rossi and Christian Norberg-Schultz FORMED BY THE TIBER, AS SHOWN IN A PIC- ship, and to continuity of the landscape or can illustrate the thinking behind the new TURE TAKEN BY CHRISTIAN NORBERG-SCHULZ. construction in which the object is placed. approach to urban architecture. They have THE RANGE BETWEEN LOCAL CHARACTERISTICS (PLACE), AND HOW THE PROPERTIES OF different views of how identity is linked to PLACE CAN AFFECT OTHERWISE UNIVERSAL Our approach to preservation today means the city, and their perceptions are also part SOLUTIONS, IS A CENTRAL PROBLEM IN THE that we often find ourselves in a situation of the current debate. In other words, by DISCUSSION OF LOCAL IDENTITY. THE LATIN where very many objects in a historical going back to Rossi and Norberg-Schultz NOUN LOCUS PRIMARILY MEANS PLACE OR building environment and very many urban we can improve our understanding of the LOCALITY, BUT CAN ALSO REFER TO A SPECIAL environments are eligible for preservation. situation today. POINT, SITUATION, TERRAIN OR REGION. When the field is expanded to include “living”, expanding, and economically flourish- Rossi’s central theoretical work L’architettura ing urban areas, conflicts arise between della città (Rossi 1966) was inspired by con- preservation and many other social, cultural temporary structuralism and can also be seen and political urban development goals. as being a part of an Italian academic tradi- Preservation is an interest that, with an tion in understanding the urban environ- authority that is disputable, competes with ment. Italian towns and cities were only other interests. This conflict is particularly bombed lightly during the war and suffered obvious in developing countries where the little damage. However, economic develop- need for economic growth and modernisa- ment, particularly in northern Italy, has tion is unquestionable. placed great pressure on historical town and city structures. A town or city is in Rossi’s theory a “manufakt”, a historically produced Architecture, historical identity and place result. A town or city as it exists today is an As a part of the criticism of modernism the way physical surroundings have devel- from the 1960s onwards, theories were oped as a tool to satisfy these needs. The developed which focused on local character, town is therefore a structure where the throw- and which formed the background for offs of all eras are incorporated and reused. In many later architectural and urban planning other words, a town or city’s architecture expression of need, its change over time and
  • 63. PAGES 062-063 / URBAN IDENTITY / PRESERVATION AND/OR AUTHENTICITY “URBAN LIVING ROOM”, COMPETITION ENTRY FOR THE marks its history. It bears and expresses col- gave it its distinctiveness. Locus was also VESTBANEN AREA IN OSLO, ARCHITECTS: OFFICE FOR lective memory - the town or city’s identity. primarily understood within a religious METROPOLITAN ARCHITECTURE, 1ST PRICE. context, as a holy place and this can illus- NARRATIVE PROTECTION. THE OLD STATION Rossi, from an analytical viewpoint, sees trate the meaning Norberg-Schultz gave BUILDING IS LEFT AS AN ANECDOTE THAT the town or city, on the one hand, as an place in his architecture theory. TELLS ABOUT THE STATION AS IT ONCE WAS expression of general principles. The town AND IS AN EXAMPLE OF GOOD INSTITUTION- or city builds on a language (basic struc- Norberg-Schultz was inspired by the AL ARCHITECTURE FROM THE END OF THE ture) with a given number of elements or philosopher Martin Heidegger, and his the- 1800S. IN THE PROJECT, THE NEW URBAN basic units (types); building types, struc- oretical approach was phenomenology. He tural and topologic principles. This lan- wanted to discuss the surroundings as they guage forms a structural unity where the really are, as objects and entire places, not units mutually define each other. As for divided up into categories. His concepts are other languages, the town contains its own not precise in the conventional scientific grammatical rules for its own change. The sense, but are characteristic such as use, fea- town’s structure is also the basis for self- ture, atmosphere, and character. Every place regulation, but also a potential object for must possess its own aesthetic quality. The transformation in the sense that new needs problem with new development is that it can demand new structural principles. often does not manage to retain these place AREA IS NOT DETERMINED BY THE STRUCTURE AND FORM OF THE BUILDING. characteristics. A “loss of place” therefore However, on the other hand, the town or city occurs which is also a loss of identity. The can be seen as being something singular and task of architects and urban planners should special, as a locus solus - a distinctive place. It therefore be to give people reference points can also be seen as an artefact. For example, a by creating meaningful places or in other building or a specific part of an urban envi- words through making genius loci visible. ronment is an expression of the general principles of architectural order but also has If we compare Rossi’s and Norberg-Schultz’s unique aesthetic properties that point back to theories, three points are particularly inter- the unique historical events at this place. esting. Firstly, Norberg-Schultz searches for a comprehensive description and flexible Christian Norberg-Schultz developed the categorisation of the urban elements that concept of place and gave a different inter- Rossi’s urban theory inspired. In addition, pretation of its content (Norberg-Schulz Norberg-Schultz emphasises the natural 1979). The antique place was governed by landscape and the cultural landscape’s mean- the genius loci, the place’s divine spirit that ing for a place’s spatial structure and charac-
  • 64. RESTORATION OF THE RIVERBANK AND JOZE ter. Thirdly, the approach to discussing the principles are clearly shown? The diversity ˇ PLECNIK’S PROJECTS IN LJUBLJANA, SLOVENIA relationship between town or city/place, in approach is shown in the field’s abundant ARE A RARE AND VERY SUCCESSFUL EXAMPLE physical surroundings and identity are very concepts expressed through small but signif- OF HOW A RESTORATION PROJECT OF AN different. Place, for Rossi, is a continually icant differences of approach, conservation, changing “manufakt” that documents place restitution, regeneration, rehabilitation, history and therefore bears place identity. reconstruction, renovation and restoration. For Norberg-Schultz, a place’s meaning or There are very different views on how and identity is a fixed quantity that can be inter- to what extent guidelines should be given preted through taking care of the existing for new development in preservation areas. architecture and through new architecture. Preservation and transformation should be ENGINEERING AND ARCHITECTURALLY VALUABLE INFRASTRUCTURE PROJECT CAN STRENGTHEN A CITY’S IDENTITY. seen in the context that new building development should submit or mimic old build- Preservation strategies ings through using guidance on form. But European towns and cities demonstrate a it is also possible to claim that towns and wide spectrum both in terms of objects cities are constantly changing and that new selected for preservation investment, and architecture should primarily express the how preservation is carried out and set in needs of the day by adding an authentic the context of other urban development. In expression of this onto the old form. practice, all preservation involves intervention in reality and affects the surroundings, European towns and cities demonstrate the either physically, or through changing their breadth in the discussion around which his- meaning. Throughout European history torical elements should be highlighted as there have been detailed discussions not either history-bearing or identity-creating. only of what should be preserved but also Glasgow’s celebration of its industrial histo- how preserved objects should be maintained ry and the ritualisation of the Ruhr area’s and where relevant treated. Should an area industrial monuments in Emscher Park, or an object be returned to an assumed which Jens Kvorning wrote about in his original form based on fragments of know- article (pp. 50-57), attempts to link the ledge? Or does a town or city ruin lose its town or city’s identity with recent history. authenticity, its beauty, charm and patina so Other towns, such as Oslo, prioritise pre- that it becomes in practice a false copy? Or serving their landscape characteristics. can this be avoided by the preservation process clearly showing the divide between Most towns use very hybrid preservation authentic material and the new so that the strategies that vary from area to area.
  • 65. PAGES 064-065 / URBAN IDENTITY / PRESERVATION AND/OR AUTHENTICITY BERLIN: A MAP THAT SHOWS (IN RED) NEW BUILDINGS Discussion of these complex strategies can wise, is that structural preservation allows THAT WILL BE BUILT IN THE PERIOD 2000-2010 AND AN however be reverted to the purer approach- greater freedom for new projects to rede- es, with clear theoretical justifications. fine historical traces, transfer new princi- EXAMPLE OF A RECONSTRUCTION STRATEGY. ples of architectural order onto the histor- THE GOAL IN BERLIN IS NO LONGER TO REINVENT OR CONVERT IT TO A MODERN CITY, • On one side there are the museum ical traces, and develop typologies. BUT TO CARRY OUT A SCENOGRAPHIC RECON- preservation strategies where total and STRUCTION WHERE THE CITY IS REBUILT authentic preservation of urban areas has • Narrative protection emphasises the his- USING PRINCIPLES TAKEN FROM THE HISTORI- precedence over all other considerations. torical-narrative (history-telling) elements CAL ARCHITECTURE. THIS IS ACHIEVED BY In this strategy, all new building is unde- of a town or city. Preservation work is sirable. Venice is the best example of this not focused on the whole, but on the type of strategy. often incomplete fragments. These, com- PRESERVING AND RECONSTRUCTING HISTORICAL BUILDINGS AND BY BUILDING NEW BUILDINGS IN ACCORDANCE WITH MODELS bined with new urban development, rep- OF THE OLD. USING THIS POLICY, BERLIN WANTS TO STRENGTHEN ITS HISTORICAL • Reconstruction strategies involve the resent a resource that projects can use IDENTITY AS GERMANY’S CAPITAL. THE GOAL recreation of something that has existed and make clearer. Narrative protection APPLIES TO MUCH MORE THAN THE DESIRE previously. The Polish restitution of his- therefore makes it possible to combine TO RECREATE MONUMENTS AND MAKE HIS- torical monuments and urban centres is the need for change, the need for new a clear example of a reconstruction strat- cultural expression and the documenta- egy (Karsten 1987). tion of historical continuity. The strategy TORICAL STRUCTURES VISIBLE. THE SEMANTIC ASPECT OF MORPHOLOGY IS GIVEN MEANING IN ITSELF. THE TOWN IS SEEN AS A TEXT THAT is politically and professionally more THE NEW PROJECT WILL COMPLETE. FIGURATIVE ELEMENTS THAT VISUALLY COM- • Structural preservation involves differen- MUNICATE ARE IMPORTANT FOR THE “DISCUS- tiating between stable historical structures SION” TO WORK. pragmatic than consistent reconstruction and more transitory expressions of form. Preservation work focuses on the princi- or new structural entity concepts. • General preservation of urban environ- ples that have controlled the town or city’s ments can be seen as being a fifth strat- architecture and has resulted in structures egy, even though in practice it will with a high degree of permanence. In a include elements of the four previously built-up area with a city block structure, mentioned strategies. The difference structural preservation will involve pre- with this strategy is that it builds on a serving the block division and possibly wide approach to what has value in the also the buildings’ typology. However, surroundings and links the identity con- maintaining the building pattern and the cept of built-up areas, physical proper- style may be of lesser importance. A sig- ties, and spaciousness to the concept of nificant difference between this and quality. Attitudes to what should be pre- reconstruction strategies, critical or other- served in Copenhagen’s city centre illus-
  • 66. RESTITUTION OF RENAISSANCE HOUSES FROM THE SQUARE trate this strategy. The Danish SAVE sys- Authentic comes from the Greek word IN POZNAN. tem’s analysis methods for recording authentes for instigator. The concept means “urban architectural values” focuses on that an object is completely genuine and just these qualities. This is not primarily reliable. Authentic is a demanding concept THE HISTORICAL TOWN OR CITY HAD ITS about a complex antiquarian discussion, to use because everything is an authentic FIRST DRAMATIC BREAKTHROUGH IN EASTERN nor a thorough survey of the city’s histo- expression of what it is. The distinction EUROPE AND THAT THIS BEGAN IN THE PERI- ry, but a systematic observation of that between the genuine and the false is diffi- OD FOLLOWING THE SECOND WORLD WAR. IN which is considered to be of value in the cult to draw and changes over time. That POLAND, THE DESTRUCTION OF POLISH CUL- city’s architecture as it appears today. which was considered in its time to be a IT MAY SEEM LIKE AN ANACHRONISM THAT THE DESIRE TO TAKE CARE OF AND REBUILD TURE WAS A PART OF THE NAZI OCCUPATION cultural expression of little value can be PROGRAMME. TO REMEDY THIS PROGRAMME OF DESTRUCTION, IT WAS DECIDED IMMEDI- seen later to have value as a cultural monu- Authenticity? ment. An object’s meaning is dependent on TORICAL OBJECTS AND URBAN AREAS WHICH All preservation work is simpler than it was culture and changes with it. HAD BORNE POLISH HISTORY WOULD BE some decades ago, because cultural monu- REBUILT. ment protection has acquired political force Even so, the concept of authenticity is throughout the whole of Europe. However, important in the discussion of preservation at the same time, cultural monument pro- strategies. Urban architecture is no con- tection has become more difficult because stant. Architecture is always a tool for the whole authenticity problem with the changing societal needs, and these cannot historical narrative and meaning-bearing always be met within the historical urban International Charter for the Conservation and Resto- aspects of preservation-worthy objects and structure. The natural consequence of this is ration of Monuments and Sites, ICOMOS. Venice 1964. their environments has become more diffi- that the historical town or city makes space Karsten, I.A.: Minnesmerket - en Del av Vår Identitet. cult to relate to. Monuments rise above the for the urban functions that do not come Historiske Byer i Polen og Tsjekkoslovakia. Academic discussion. They raise ideological problems into conflict with it. While the need for dissertation at Stockholm University, Department of Art in restoration, but have a meaning-bearing physical transformation, which is the History 1987. ATELY AFTER THE WAR THAT DESTROYED HIS- REFERENCES Gjenoppbygging, Revaluering og Regenerasjon av weight that can only be damaged by authentic need for today’s urban society, is Conférence de Nara sur l’Authenticité. Japan 1995. destruction. Problems arise when the sur- met by other parts of the urban structure. Proceedings, UNESCO, 1995. roundings we use daily as part of the living The problem in the historical core can then Larsen, K.E. (ed.): Nara Conference on Authenticity - Norberg-Schultz, C.: Genius Loci - paesaggio, ambiente, city (with the power of society’s economic, be that it exists as a theme park for histori- Operational Guidelines for Implementation of the productive, social and cultural activity) cal monuments that primarily serve as World Heritage Convention. Intergovernmental become monuments worthy of preservation. wings for tourism and as an entertainment Heritage, UNESCO 1995. The fear of losing history can empty such centre in the developed urban region. The Rossi, A.: L’architettura della città. Padova: Marsilio historical monuments of meaning and make quality requirement for new architecture is 1966. them into aesthetic figures without depth. then simple - it must be like the old. architettura. Milano: Electa 1979. Committee for the World Cultural and Natural
  • 67. PAGES 066-067 / URBAN IDENTITY / THE BICYCLE - AN URBAN MEDIUM THE BICYCLE - AN URBAN MEDIUM Henrik Reeh The way people get around town significantly colours their perception of urban space and culture. As such, the choice of transport - be it by foot, bike, car, bus, metro, train, etc. - contributes to urban identity. Besides being a sustainable method of transport, the bicycle represents a unique medium in the appreciation of the cities of Europe. This article is a tribute to the bicycle which has long been a primary means of transport in Copenhagen and could play an equally important role in many other cities. Of course, since the 1950s, many of the roles of the bicycle have been overtaken by the motorcar. Yet from out of the congestion of traffic in the city, new pockets for the bicycle as a medium for motion and urban experience may emerge. In many northern European cities over the last 30 years, the bicycle has returned as a source for multifarious and improvisational urban culture. The bicycle enables city dwellers to develop an active bodily relationship to a city’s labyrinthine structure, appropriated (Reeh, 1991) via the movements of everyday life. In Copenhagen, a third of the inhabitants ride a bicycle to and from work. Nothing points to a The bicycle can often seem too old-fashioned decline in these figures; on the contrary. these days to be taken seriously in the pro- Perhaps the traditional Danish bicycle culture motion of urban life and identity in this era can inspire experiments elsewhere in Europe. of globalisation. Has not the bicycle been reduced to something Europeans these days only see on the TV when they watch Tour de France? A Danish cycling story over three generations The Danes’ use of the bicycle as a means of transport has long been recognised by the rest
  • 68. THE WOMAN IN THE PICTURE ABOVE IS RUSH- of the world. In 1963, National Geographic Copenhagen, at least during the summer ING HOME FROM THE OFFICE IN COPENHAGEN Magazine published a long article on months. Even when she later was to move out CITY CENTRE THIS AUTUMN DAY IN 1962. HER Copenhagen, where a full-page photo shows to one of the northern suburbs almost 10 km the main street, Strøget, not as the pedestrian from the city centre, during the summer she street it is today, but rather as a street popu- rode her bike all the way in to the city instead lated not least by bicycles. of taking the train. Only when she turned 65 CHILDREN AND GRANDCHILDREN HAVE SINCE BECOME AVID CYCLISTS IN THEIR DAY-TO-DAY LIVES. THIS FAMILY ILLUSTRATES A CHAPTER IN DANISH CYCLING HISTORY. did this custom wane - three quarters of an Riding a bicycle was nothing strange for the hour along cycle paths with blue and green cycling woman, born in 1925, in the photo’s scenery - in favour of driving and the eternal foreground. Already as a child, when few fight for one of the few spaces in the under- people had cars, she rode a bike. During the ground parking lot. At 77 years of age she still war (1940-1945), when private cars were out cycles, around where she lives: to the harbour of service or laid up, the bicycle played a key and to the sea, to and from her children’s role in family transport - even across greater homes to pick up her grandchildren from distances. In the first decades after the war, school and kindergarten. cars were expensive and in short supply. Not until the 1960s did the car become more The woman’s children - born around 1960 - widespread. At that time, some of the bicy- did not cycle in the city when they were small; cle’s functions as an individual transport it was simply too dangerous, their parents felt. means disappeared. Yet the bicycle survived They sat on a child seat on the back of mum’s and since 1975 has made a strong comeback. bike, but learned how to ride at the family Despite one, and then a second car in the summer cottage, cycling through the woods family, the woman in the photograph contin- and to the beach. Only as they got older were ued cycling the 4-5 km from her terraced they allowed to cycle in the suburban town home to her office, right in the middle of where they lived, although still managing 10-
  • 69. PAGES 068-069 / URBAN IDENTITY / THE BICYCLE - AN URBAN MEDIUM 12 km a day to and from school, 5-6 km each wheels, two chains and one frame - 2.5 m way, regardless of the weather and time of year. long, but a quick and easy means of trans- The children never got a moped, but instead port. The adult in front controls the speed, RATHER FEW VARIATIONS, TODAY THERE bought a bike with gears, and then at a later direction and braking, while the child at the EXISTS A VERITABLE ABUNDANCE OF ASSORT- age - over 30 - acquired a car. back gets some exercise and becomes accus- ABOVE: WHEREAS 50 YEARS AGO A BICYCLE WAS JUST A BICYCLE: A STANDARD PRODUCT WITH tomed to the rhythm of the city flow of cars, ED TYPES OF BICYCLE. FOR MOST PEOPLE IN COPENHAGEN, THE BICYCLE IS A COMPLETELY Transport to and from work - from 5 km all pedestrians and ... bikes. They reach school NORMAL MEANS OF TRANSPORT AND NOT the way up to 18 km each way - is still by in a matter of 5 minutes, and the father can JUST SOMETHING THAT BELONGS IN THE PAST bicycle for several of the children - now over cycle on alone, towing the trailer bicycle 40 years old. In fact, for the most part the behind him. OR TO THE FUTURE. BICYCLES ARE FOUND IN MANY DIFFERENT VARIETIES AND FOR EVERY PURPOSE. INDEED, THE BICYCLE HAS BECOME cars are left unused during the week, unless A PART OF MODERN DRESS - A SYMBOL it is raining, snowing, or dark. If heavy items During weekends throughout the year, this EMPLOYED IN THE SOCIAL AND AESTHETIC need to be transported or even the entire grandchild learns to ride alone around the STAGING OF EVERYDAY ROUTINES. family then the car is naturally used, and summer cottage; during a year he will ride up also for trips during weekends, to summer to 800 km (without falling off) on uneven for- cottages, grandparents, and friends. Car, est paths and gravel roads, which provide the bicycle, and public transport are functioning only access to the best stretches of beach. The side by side - the bicycle having a prominent bikes will have to wait amongst the trees. RIGHT: place in day-to-day life. THE PHOTO SERIES PROVIDES AN IMPRESSION OF A CYCLIST’S GAZE AND LINES OF MOTION The grandchildren can ride unaided from the IN THE CITY. THE PHOTOS ALSO ILLUSTRATE age of 5, although great care must be taken in The bicycle as a medium for urban experience: beyond contemplation HOW WE OFTEN LACK VISUAL AWARENESS OF traffic. One of the grandchildren, who is 7 It is fascinating to stand at the traffic lights and years old, lives right in the centre of witness a flock of cyclists of all ages and in all Copenhagen and goes to school 1.5 km from attires waiting at the red light. Then you really where he lives. But instead of taking the bus, get a chance to see how different and colourful walking or going by car he cycles - not by urban residents are - just like their bikes. EVEN THE MOST WIDESPREAD SHAPES AND MATERIALS. YET THE BICYCLE CONFRONTS US WITH THE ASPHALT’S OVERSEEN LANES. himself, but on his trailer bicycle, which is attached to the back of his father’s regular It can be an equally intense feeling to be part bike. All in all, it makes a bike with three of this bicycling stream. You will often come
  • 70. close to others and you can allow yourself to The overlooked asphalt bike path observe them while you wait for the lights to In particular, cyclists almost always look turn green. And you will soon learn to keep down at the asphalt in front of them. your distance once the flow begins to move. Sections of asphalt come at variable speed - Cyclist tempers vary widely and can often get from 0 kph when the lights are red, up to 40 away with being so - without presenting a seri- kph down bridges or hills. Without thinking ous threat to others. about it, you can reach 20-25 kph between sets of traffic lights. When bicycle and bicyclist are moving towards a set destination, then traditional observation Asphalt may be an elastic material, but holes or contemplation of urban scenery is suspend- can appear over time which the cyclist must ed (Reeh 2001). Of course, people see parts of avoid, just as he or she must negotiate puddles URBAN CULTURE DREW A WEEK’S MOVE- the city while they are cycling, yet the appreci- and go round broken glass from bottles or MENTS IN COPENHAGEN ON A MAP. JUST AS ation of urban space is subordinate to the spe- indicator lights. Every obstacle on the asphalt THE STUDENTS LIVED IN DIFFERENT PLACES, cial care needed to actually steer the bicycle. is registered immediately by the experienced PARTICIPANTS AT THE AUTHOR’S SEMINAR ON urban cyclist, who picks out the lowest curb THE ROUTE DRAWINGS WERE CHARACTERISED BY PERSONALITY AND WAY OF LIFE. THE BICY- The cyclist’s attention is not only directed at CLE, HOWEVER, PROVED TO BE THE DECISIVE fellow cyclists and weaving cars. In order to MEANS OF TRANSPORT FOR THE STUDENTS. access point from road to footpath. ensure constant motion without any unneces- The cyclist reacts to every deviation from the sary stops, the cyclist will also be aware of the norm, yet does not think about these sections ON TOP OF ONE ANOTHER, A PICTURE OF AN red traffic lights up ahead, and will readily or bands of asphalt of differing shades of ANYTHING BUT PARTIAL CITY CAN BE SEEN. IT accelerate in order to make the green light. grey. Bike-path asphalt is overlooked in two IS NOT DIFFICULT TO RECOGNISE ALL THE The role time plays in the equation means respects (Reeh 2002a) by the cyclist in MAJOR THOROUGHFARES AND GEOGRAPHI- time is often spent looking at watches whilst motion. On the one hand, the cyclist over- CAL FORMATIONS OF THE CITY’S CENTRAL cycling - at churches and towers, at the front looks the asphalt - surveys and monitors it. DISTRICTS. AS SUCH, SOME OF THE OPTIONS of shop windows, bank corners, and neon On the other hand, the aesthetics of the signs. The collective demands on visual atten- asphalt are overlooked - it remains un- tion and presence of mind colours the cyclist’s noticed. Nevertheless, gazing at the asphalt overall urban appreciation. feeds the individual cyclist’s silent delibera- IF ALL 18 PARTICIPANT MAPS WERE PLACED THE INDIVIDUAL HAS, AND MAYBE WILL MAKE USE OF NEXT TIME, CAN BE SEEN. A CITY FOR BICYCLES IS OPEN TO IMPROVISATION AND UNPREDICTABLE MOTION. tions of the self and of the world in general.
  • 71. PAGES 070-071 / URBAN IDENTITY / THE BICYCLE - AN URBAN MEDIUM URBAN BICYCLE CULTURE IS DEPENDENT ON How is the cyclist’s practical and reactive, The dangers of cycling BOTH LIFESTYLE AND INFRASTRUCTURE. rather than aesthetic and contemplative view Cyclists come under the heading of so-called HERE ARE SOME OF THE DEVELOPMENTS of the asphalt to be represented? To capture soft road-users. Bicycle frames are made of THAT HAVE INSPIRED A THIRD OF THE INHAB- on film what the cyclist looks at without real- metal, yet the cyclist’s body is not protected ly seeing, I undertook the experiment of reg- by a chassis. At most protection comes in the ularly stopping and vertically photographing form of a cycle helmet of hard foam material the asphalt in front of me. Every 150 metres with a plastic coating and straps to keep it of the 5 km route from home to work was firmly on the head. Children often wear such recorded from two angles: a wide-angle view helmets. Other safety equipment is required: which caught the broad perspective cyclists lights after dark, reflectors on both front and are constantly aware of, and a portrait view back wheels as well as at the front and rear of which focuses on the fine variations in the the cycle, bike bells, etc. For it is, and will body of the asphalt, as well as disparities in it remain, dangerous to ride a bicycle in the (chewing-gum, glass fragments, paint lines). car-dominated city. ITANTS OF COPENHAGEN TO USE THE BICYCLE EVERY DAY. Neither of the two picture types correspond to the complexity and dynamics of the urban Cyclists not only have to keep their balance. cyclist’s gaze, but they indicate fragments of Cyclists must also pay attention to and avoid fields of vision cyclists overlook - see without other road-users, all of whom are struggling registering - during their human-powered for space and lanes. And there are many in forward motion (Reeh 2002b). the struggle: other cyclists (including the lightning-fast dispatch cyclists in colourful suits), pedestrians, mopeds, scooters, cars, The city of the bicycle - forms and extension of urban space buses, trucks, etc. The bicycle is a method of transport easy to Motorists, bus drivers and especially lorry driv- control. The bicycle is adaptable to continu- ers must get used to taking particular care - ous route improvisation (Reeh 2002d) in the during, for example, a right-hand turn - not to urban street labyrinth (Reeh 2002c). Better run into cyclists and knock them over. Every than the car, the bicycle allows the cyclist to year in Denmark, 1500-2000 cyclists are make regular route changes. On a bicycle, the injured or worse - killed in traffic. In 2001, city is a network of optional routes (Reeh this figure reached 56 - more than one fatal 2002b), one of which may arouse interest on traffic accident a week. Fortunately, this trend the way in to town, whilst quite another pres- has been on the decline for quite some time. ents itself on the homeward trip. There are no great variations in time used, although the mental differences are noticeable. The choice Cyclists need independent infrastructure of route reflects the mood of the cyclist, and Over the last 30 years, cyclist safety has sys- the route chosen affects the day’s mood. tematically been improved through the development of a comprehensive system of infrastructure specifically designed for cycling.
  • 72. nearly all busy streets and roads - even in Can urban cycling become more widespread in Europe? places where one might not have expected The above urban reality is Danish and, in enough space to be left for the cars. particular, a Copenhagen trait. Similar condi- Separate cycle paths are the absolute pre- tions exist in other Nordic cities, in certain condition for growth in popular cycling. German cities, and in Holland. But can the • Cycle paths can be found in cities on • In addition, there are also separate traffic bicycle, as a human-powered medium for lights for bicycles, at dangerous junctions, transport and urban experience, establish for example, where bicycles are allowed to itself throughout the rest of Europe? Can the proceed or turn at other times than cars. bike prevail in larger cities where car traffic • In some places the road is even painted blue at junctions where bicycles and cars has seized hold of urban space with long queues and polluted air? CAN THE BICYCLE BECOME WIDESPREAD IN cross. These long painted stretches of MANY EUROPEAN CITIES? OR WILL IT cycle path really help stress to car drivers In principle, nothing is standing in the way REMAIN A SPECIAL PHENOMENON ASSOCI- that they must give way. of the bicycle becoming more popular as a ATED WITH CITIES LIKE COPENHAGEN AND AMSTERDAM? HERE THE BICYCLE HAS means of daily transport in congested towns Moreover, development of a separate bicycle or cities, and in particular for shorter dis- infrastructure means that it is not necessary tances (up to approx. 5 km). Periods of pub- BICYCLE UNITES BODILY MOTION WITH THE to cycle all the way into the city and all the lic transport strikes may prove the catalyst EXPERIENCE OF URBAN SPACE. way home again. that inspires city dwellers to suddenly take to • On the trains, by purchasing a special using bicycles in their everyday lives. In time, ALREADY BECOME A SPECIAL MEDIUM IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF URBAN IDENTITY. THE cycle ticket (just over 1 euro) you can take however, proper cycle paths must be built. your bicycle, either by getting on at select- An independent and extensive cycle infra- ed doors or by using allocated cycle car- structure is the primary condition for riages. This way, cyclists can skip more cycling’s evolution from an individual experi- Reeh, H.: Storbyens Ornamenter - Siegfried Kracauer og boring or demanding areas of their jour- ment to a collective culture that unites per- den Moderne Bykultur. Odense: University Press of neys and first make use of their bicycles sonal transport and urban identity. FURTHER READING IN TEXTS BY THE AUTHOR Southern Denmark, 1991, pp. 151-177 and “The Ornaments of the City - Siegfried Kracauer and Modern Urban Culture” (summary in English), pp. 259-275. Reeh, H.: “Fragmentation, Improvisation, and Urban Quality: A Heterotopian Motif in Siegfried Kracauer”. after arriving in the city centre or green recreational areas. • All taxis (and many private cars) are A city like Paris is - and could be - an excellent city for bicycling. Distances are not that equipped with a special attachable bike great within the city limits and height differ- Architecture, Pérez-Gómez, A. & Parcell, S. (ed.), rack capable of carrying at least one bicy- entials are manageable. Only at bicycle pace Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press 1999, pp. cle on the back of the car - again, for a does Paris open up with a wealth of new Reeh, H.: “« Un paysage hanté, intense comme l’opi- nominal extra fee (1.5 euros per bike). impressions and possibilities. um », Ville et notion de paysage selon Siegfried People can cycle to a party and catch a Kracauer et Walter Benjamin”. Revue d’Esthétique, cab home again. Chora, Volume Three: Intervals in the Philosophy of 157-177. “Autres sites, nouveaux paysages” 30, 2001, pages It is already possible to cycle in many big cities. You can test this on your next holiday 13-26. Reeh, H.: “Four Ways of Overlooking Copenhagen in Bicycle infrastructure must be fine-tuned and either by hiring a bicycle when you get there Steen Eiler Rasmussen”, Madsen, P. & Plunz, R. (ed): inventive in order to promote all the situa- or by simply taking your own bicycle with Representation, London/New York: Routledge 2002 tions whereby a bicycle can interact in busy you. Airlines accept bicycles as baggage, and (a), pp. 252-276. everyday life. But since bicycle infrastructure airport buses in Paris, for example, have Reeh, H.: “Oversete Flader - Noter om Asfaltens benefits such a broad section of the popula- become accustomed to people bringing one om Stil. København: Foreningen til Hovedstadens tion, the investment pays dividends in the with them as baggage. Forskønnelse/Arkitektens Forlag, 2002 (b), pp. 57-62. form of fewer cars (more space, less pollu- The Urban Lifeworld: Formation, Perception, Bykultur”, Schläger, B. (ed.): Bykultur - Et Spørgsmål Reeh, H.: “Ruter, Brudlinjer - og Bevægelseskort”, tion), individual flexibility combined with This baggage provides a medium for develop- København: Foreningen til Hovedstadens improved public health (cycling, unlike ment of urban identity. The bicycle unites Forskønnelse/Arkitektens Forlag, 2002 (c), pp. 57-62. sports activities, need not be planned in bodily motion with appreciation of urban advance), and, equally important, urban resi- space. There is a need for both in big-city of Southern Denmark, 2002 (d). See “The Urban dents’ general sense of well-being by moving globalisation. Dimension: Thirteen Variations on Modern City around the world under their own steam. Schläger, B. (ed.): Bykultur - et Spørgsmål om Stil. Reeh, H.: Den Urbane Dimension - Tretten Variationer over den Moderne Bykultur. Odense: University Press Culture” (summary in English), pp. 467-481.
  • 73. PAGES 072-073 / EXAMPLES FROM THE ØRESUND REGION
  • 74. EXAMPLES FROM THE ØRESUND REGION Since its opening in 2000, the bridge between Sweden and Denmark has stood as a symbol for the new Øresund region. The 15-km-long train and road bridge forms a direct connection between Denmark’s capital and Sweden’s third largest city, Malmö. Copenhagen International Airport lies at the geographical centre - one of Europe’s busiest airports. The region has many old commercial centres, amongst others the university cities of Lund and Roskilde, as well as a number of small and medium-sized cities, and rural areas. The new region extends over 20,000 km2 on both sides of the Øresund and has a total of 3.5 million inhabitants. The articles illustrate Swedish and Danish examples where spatial planning has had an influence on urban identity and, on a larger scale, on regional development. The authors are practitioners and show firstly how Malmö has managed to redefine its identity from an old industrial city threatened by decline to a multiethnic and multifaceted knowledge centre. Identity has been a central resource in very positive developments. Secondly, there is a description of how the “Finger Plan” from 1947 has been of vital importance in the development of the Greater Copenhagen region, and how the plan’s fundamental principles still form part of regional planning.
  • 75. PAGES 074-075 / EXAMPLES FROM THE ØRESUND REGION / PLACE AND IDENTITY - MALMÖ PLACE AND IDENTITY - MALMÖ Mats Olsson A new identity is developing in Malmö. The city, with complementary qualities to those of Copenhagen, is searching for its role in the Øresund region. The city has used a range of long-term development strategies and consciously worked with identity. Following a dramatic change in its structure, the successful industrial and commercial city is on its way into the knowledge and information society. Important development factors are a new university, high-quality housing, the development of Västra Hamnen (the western harbour) and central Malmö and not least the integration of the city’s immigrants. After the expansion of the 1960s and 1970s Malmö, like many other industrial cities, was hit by structural changes. The shipbuilding industry, which had for decades been so important, died. This was followed a few years later by closures within the automobile and cement industries. The great crisis in trade and industry came at the beginning of the 1990s, when the city lost around 27,000 jobs in three years. The public sector was also hit, a knock-on effect of weakened tax revenues due to industrial decline. This, together with an extensive exodus from the city, led to a record deficit in the municipal finances. We talked then about an “economic meltdown”. Malmö went through an identity crisis. The previously proud self-image of “a successful industrial and commercial city” gradually slipped over into “Malmö, a city in crisis”.
  • 76. A MULTIFACETED, COHERENT, OPEN CITY. Work on visions and long-term strategies hensive work on visions.The first step was THIS IS HOW THE CITY’S INHABITANTS CHAR- The long-term industrial recession was a to map Malmö’s strengths and weaknesses. ACTERISE THEIR CITY. difficult and destructive time for the city of At the same time, different sectors were Malmö. The turning point only came in analysed. This concluded with development 1994 when it was finally decided that the proposals for the economy, education, cul- Øresund Bridge would be built. A new ture, environment and traffic. region with new opportunities would be the result of this great investment in infra- The planning division summarised the pro- structure. gramme in a development proposal and gave it a physical form and localisation in But what role could Malmö play? Malmö the city, which visualised the vision and risked, in the worst-case scenario, becoming thus enabled its communication within pol- “a black hole” in a region that otherwise itics, in the media, through exhibitions etc. was developing well. It was clear that This activated external interests and visions Malmö had to act offensively if it was to that could gradually be converted into long- take advantage of the new opportunities. It term strategies and action plans within the was therefore decided to carry out compre- following areas: ANALYSIS OF MALMÖ 1995 Strengths Weaknesses Malmö in an new region (Øresund Bridge) Economy in imbalance Revival of cultural life Obsolete industrial and commercial structure Historical centre Low education level Recreation (parks and coast area) Lack of high-quality housing Concentrated city (the urban density)
  • 77. PAGES 076-077 / EXAMPLES FROM THE ØRESUND REGION / PLACE AND IDENTITY - MALMÖ Primarily, Malmö’s weak points are Method development involves that we apply strengthened. We saw no opportunities in a more open way of working, using scenario 1995 to change the trade and industry situ- planning and parallel architect assignments ation without acting indirectly through first for larger development areas, which gives an introducing measures within education and increased preparedness for the unexpected. housing and later within trade and industry. However, flexibility must at the same time A number of strategic projects were devel- be balanced by long-term sustainable city oped and implemented gradually. development. The new methods focus outwards to a greater extent, towards the world We considered the large proportion of around us, to engage different players and immigrants in Malmö, approximately 25%, give a “catalysing effect” that, in the best A NEW IDENTITY IS EMERGING. MALMÖ IS to be an opportunity for ethnic diversity case, can make wishes happen. LOOKING FOR A ROLE IN THE ØRESUND and internationalisation of both the busi- REGION COMPLEMENTARY TO THE QUALITIES ness world and culture, but also as a latent OF COPENHAGEN AND LUND. THE TURNING threat if integration failed. It was therefore POINT CAME IN 1994 WHEN IT WAS DECIDED important to attempt to influence the situa- Strategic project: a new university in Malmö TO BUILD THE ØRESUND BRIDGE. A NEW tion proactively, primarily through encour- There is a strategy in the planning division aging immigrants into the educational sys- that is based on a long-term change in the TURE PROJECT. BUT WHICH ROLE WILL tem and then further out into the employ- population’s education and therefore the MALMÖ PLAY IN ALL THIS? ment market. supply of knowledge to business. To achieve REGION WITH NEW POSSIBILITIES WAS TO BE THE RESULT OF THIS MAMMOTH INFRASTRUC- these desirable synergy effects between the Malmö’s role in the region, both in the university, the city and business, we pro- Øresund and Scania region, had to be clari- posed a university integrated in the city, fied and the network with the surroundings located in the city centre, as a powerful developed. driver of change and identity renewal. As Malmö City did not own the land, exten- Identity and the negative self-image had to sive acquisitions were made. be dealt with if the vision was to be implemented. Our ambitions coincide with the national incentives at several educational sites in Questions around planning and implemen- higher education. A committee was formed tation methods were also subject to discus- that reviewed the programme, the place- sion and development. We have drawn ment and the implementation of a new uni- inspiration for method development from versity in Malmö. In 1996 the government our international co-operation. Within decided to establish the University of Eurocities (EDURC), we work with devel- Malmö (the permanent university), and the opment strategies in continuous coopera- first strategic project after the vision work tion with colleagues from approximately 15 had been realised. The University has been European cities and locally with our LOTS successful and already has around 18,000 project in Västra Hamnen. Rotterdam gave students today. There is great hope today us the idea for the quality control pro- for the University of Malmö and the effect gramme “Q-books” for University Island. it can have on the revitalisation of both The comprehensive quality programme for business and culture, and we are already Bo01 was developed from international seeing positive effects. approaches. In the Union of Baltic Cities, we work with a city planning committee to development project in central Malmö is Housing exhibition Bo01 and Västra Hamnen carried out in collaboration with London One weakness that the vision work high- and Barcelona. lighted was the negative picture given in the build up a network around the Baltic. The media of housing in Malmö. This led to the strategic planning decision to implement a
  • 78. A NEW HARBOUR WAS BUILT IN 1775, WHICH housing project as part of an international An example is the Malmö Incubator WAS FURTHER EXPANDED WHEN THE RAIL- exhibition Bo01, to show that Malmö can (MINC), which is a development environ- WAY ARRIVED IN THE MIDDLE OF THE 1800S. provide attractive housing in the region. ment for new companies in co-operation Bo01 was also an important first step in con- with the university, business and Malmö City. INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY EXPANDED SUBSTANTIALLY IN THIS PERIOD, WITHIN SHIPBUILDING, verting the old shipyard into an attractive TEXTILES AND FOOD PRODUCTION. AT THE centrally located development area. The END OF THE 1800S, MALMÖ WAS SWEDEN’S architecture of the housing project and not Commitment to Malmö (the EMÖ project). A comprehensive project that aims FASTEST GROWING CITY. DURING THE 1950S least durability are used to market Malmö to inform and engage Malmö City’s 19,000 AND 1960S, KOCKUM SHIPYARD WAS THE both in Sweden and internationally. This has employees in becoming good ambassadors INDUSTRIAL LOCOMOTIVE FOR THE ENTIRE resulted in Västra Hamnen being selected as for the city and to participate in its develop- MALMÖ AREA. MALMÖ MAINTAINED ITS a national pilot area for sustainable city ment. One thousand supervisors have taken development. part in workshops over a two-year period, ROLE AS A SUCCESSFUL INDUSTRIAL CITY UNTIL THE 1970S. who in turn influence their personnel. The In parallel with the housing exhibition, project has had great importance for identity Västra Hamnen has also been developed as and development work through creating a an attractive business area right beside the common platform for understanding Malmö University of Malmö. Knowledge-based in the past, present and in the future. development enterprises are increasingly locating here while, at the same time, the Integration housing development continues. Today Malmö is a cosmopolitan city, with around 25% of the population having a Malmö Incubator. With the permanent foreign background. Ethnic diversity means university in place, we have created platforms that the city today has over 160 different for new interaction between the university, nationalities. The high level of population business and the city. influx in the 1990s gave an increase in population and an increased demand for
  • 79. PAGES 078-079 / EXAMPLES FROM THE ØRESUND REGION / PLACE AND IDENTITY - MALMÖ new jobs. The increase in population is that a new development concept was to be mainly explained by the immigration of a worked out that included the integration of poorly educated labour force. The employ- multiple-dwelling housing. ment level in Malmö for those born outside Sweden is around 34%, compared City town in Bunkeflostrand. The basis with around 70% for the Swedish-born for this is both integration as well as a population. response to the shortage of rental apartments in Malmö. The idea is to build Net immigration has been positive since the material and large volume building. In gration was around 5,000 in 1994 in conIN THE MIDDLE AGES, HERRING FISHING AND durable rental apartments using recyclable start of the 1980s. At its height, net immi- total, around 1,200 rental apartments are nection with the Bosnia crisis. planned to be built over three years. Each apartment is subsidised by around SEK EXTENSIVE COOPERATION WITH THE EU OF THAT TIME, THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE, GAVE Integration of immigrants is crucial to 120,000 by the state. The state subsidy is to MALMÖ HIGH EARNINGS. THE LATE MIDDLE Malmö’s future. Work is carried out in stimulate rental apartment building, as well AGES EXTENDING INTO THE RENAISSANCE many areas to promote integration. as building using recyclable materials. Major investment in Malmö. The basis METROPOLIS OF COPENHAGEN’S AROUND The strategic direction of higher education. IMER (International Migration 6,000 CITIZENS. and Ethnic Relations) is one of the study and social problems that resulted from WAS MALMÖ’S PERIOD OF GREATNESS. IN THE 1580S, MALMÖ HAD APPROXIMATELY 5,000 CITIZENS COMPARED WITH THE for the major investment is the economic programmes at the University of Malmö. unemployment at the start of the 1990s. DURING THE 1600S, MALMÖ WAS DRAWN Establishing this programme is a good This particularly affected residential areas INTO A WAR WITH THE SWEDES, WHICH LED example of how we can influence educa- with high proportions of immigrants, giving TO THE DANES BEING FORCED IN 1658 TO tional profiles and develop an education increased social problems and segregation. that can in a natural way address questions Parliament decided to invest over SEK 2 bil- about integration and ethnic diversity. lion (ca. 220 million euros) over two years to SWEDISH BEGAN. FOR MALMÖ THIS ALSO Malmö City is funding the professorship in support vulnerable groups in these residential REPRESENTED THE START OF A LONG PERIOD this educational area. The programme has areas in seven municipalities, including OF ECONOMIC STAGNATION AND A DRASTIC many applicants, and the proportion of Malmö City. The goal was to improve living REDUCTION IN POPULATION FROM APPROXI- immigrants among students exceeds the standards in the most vulnerable areas MATELY 6,000 IN 1625 TO APPROXIMATELY average for Malmö. together with the residents. In Malmö, this CEDE SCANIA AND PARTS OF HALLAND AND BLEKINGE TO SWEDEN. AFTER CESSATION, A PERIOD OF TURNING THE AREA CULTURALLY 2,000 IN 1700. was carried out in cooperation with the city Malmö City creates business premises in residential buildings. The majority of areas Fosie, Hyllie, Rosengård and Södra residents in the Rosengård urban district are alone, over 20 projects have been started e.g. immigrants and are in general unemployed. language courses, contractor schools, crafts- One wish amongst immigrants is to run a manship courses etc. Innerstaden. In the work and education areas shop, equivalent to market trading, in the favourably on this proposal and adapted the Malmö City’s housing enterprise works actively for integration. MKB has 20,000 detail plans to accommodate their wishes. apartments. A large number of these origi- local environment. Malmö City looked nate from the time of the environmental Integrated housing in typical detached housing areas. Bunkeflostrand in southern programme and include areas such as Malmö is a typical detached house area Lindängen. The areas have high proportions composed exclusively of small houses. of immigrants. We have taken responsibility Planning the development of the area was for the apartment areas through establish- based on a continuation of small house ing, for example, Jobbakuten, a special building. The City Council referred the employment exchange. Experiences from plan back to the Planning Committee on this project show that the fundamental the grounds that the plan was to be adjust- problem underlying the high rate of unem- ed to include integrated housing, meaning ployment is not poor language skills or poor Rosengård, Holma, Kroksbäck and
  • 80. INCREASED URBANISATION FROM THE RURAL motivation, but the surroundings, i.e. the When you begin to ask the residents of AREAS TO THE CITIES RESULTED IN A HOUSING largest obstacles being the employment Malmö (and others) how they see Malmö SHORTAGE AND OVERCROWDING. LIVING AND market’s structure and attitudes. today, you get replies such as “dynamic”, HOUSING STANDARDS IN MALMÖ IN THIS PERIOD OF STRONG DEVELOPMENT WERE “colourful”, “green” (the parks) and “open”. Malmö’s role in the Øresund region The latter reflects Malmö’s long tradition of DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT THROUGHOUT The future for Malmö can described in a receiving impulses from outside, not least SWEDEN AND FOR THE GRADUAL DEVELOP- regional vision where integration plays a through immigration, which has a been a MENT OF THE “SWEDISH HOME”, WHICH positive role in the development of employ- mark of Malmö in all periods. The concepts GREW OUT OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF ment, housing, education and business. “dynamic” and “colourful” are linked both to MALMÖ. From a strategic point of view, Malmö’s Malmö’s multicultural position and the char- advantage lies in its geographical position, acter of the city buildings, which in certain “being right by the capital” and not develop- areas of the city give a colourful impression. ALSO THE STARTING POINT FOR THE SOCIAL ing a strategy based on competing with the capital but utilising and focusing on special From a marketing point of view, we have niches within housing, culture, recreation, tried to summarise the new identity with education and business. At the same time, concepts such as “diversity, meeting place Malmö plays the role of a central area in the and opportunities” without this having Swedish part of the region. been clearly established. Experience shows that you can not simply change a city through “city branding” and slogans. It is Towards a new identity not before a real change, which is experi- During the development period since the enced by the citizens and noticed by the work on visions in 1994, Malmö’s identity world at large, that a new identity begins to has noticeably changed. We can say that the grow. Only then can well-thought-through dynamism in the city’s change process has marketing strengthen these processes. become its identity. The original identity “a successful industrial and commercial city” It also interesting to see that the young gen- was replaced during the recession with eration acknowledges the run-down indus- “Malmö, a city in crisis”, and only when trial heritage and calls the city “cool”, which the city succeeded to turn itself around and shows that Malmö should not deny its his- look towards the future did its identity and tory, but deepen and nurture it. The process self-image change. of change in itself becomes attractive and awakens a desire, not least among the young, to participate in this development.
  • 81. PAGES 080-081 / EXAMPLES FROM THE ØRESUND REGION / GREATER COPENHAGEN REGIONAL PLANNING, IDENTITY AND URBAN STRUCTURE - GREATER COPENHAGEN Ib Ferdinandsen A vital factor which has influenced the identity of the Greater Copenhagen region is the fact that it has been subject to continuous regional spatial planning. The region’s urban structure can still be attributed to the regional “Finger Plan” from 1947, which was ground-breaking at the time. As a result, Copenhagen’s urban development has been localised in “urban fingers”, running along radial railway lines and highways towards the old historic market towns of Køge, Roskilde, Frederikssund, Hillerød, and Helsingør. These market towns are situated 30-40 km from the Copenhagen city centre. The vision from 1947 was that between these urban fingers there should be open areas, green wedges, for the many inhabitants of Copenhagen’s dense residential areas to enjoy. The Greater Copenhagen region is interesting from an international perspective because the basic elements of the plan from 1947 have been developed as a foundation for a modern city’s basic structure, and as a starting point for ideas about the future development in an expected new period of urban growth. The current basic spatial structure laid down in 1989 continues to be based around urban fingers and green wedges, but the plans have now been developed and adapted to the regional development which has followed since the original Finger Plan. Today in the Greater Copenhagen region we are working with a connected urban network forming the central part of the Øresund region. In 1947, the plan was based on a singlecentre structure, focused around central Copenhagen. The basic structure from 1989 is a multicentre structure. In addition to Copenhagen’s central urban areas, junction points were identified in the five urban
  • 82. DETAIL FROM THE FRONT OF A SKETCH PLAN FROM 1947, fingers. These are characterised by being out, but the basic structure continues to WHICH FOR OBVIOUS REASONS WAS DUBBED THE “FINGER easily accessible both by public and private guide the development, and random urban COPENHAGEN, PREPARED IN 1947 BY EGNSPLANKONTORET. transport. At the same time, a network of sprawl has largely been avoided. STEEN EILER RASMUSSEN WAS THE CHAIRMAN OF THE superior, radial and ring connections were EGNSPLANSKONTORET, AND PETER BREDSDORFF DESIGNED planned for both the public and private The composition and structure of the entire transport systems. Guidelines were also laid urban area makes it easier to gain familiarity down in the regional plan for intensive and with the individual urban districts. This traffic-generating urban facilities to be strengthens the residents’ identification with REGION OVER THE PAST 50 YEARS. IN 1947 THE FINGER located at these junction points, or at other their district - promoting local identity in a PLAN WAS SUBMITTED TO A GROUP OF EXPERTS GATH- centres which are easily accessible by trans- metropolitan community. PLAN”. THE PROPOSED REGIONAL PLAN FOR GREATER THE FINGER PLAN. THE PLAN WAS ORIGINALLY A RADICAL PROPOSAL FROM A GROUP OF INDEPENDENT IDEALISTS, AND IT HAS DETERMINED THE OVERALL STRUCTURE OF THE COPENHAGEN ERED BY THE DANISH TOWN PLANNING INSTITUTE (EGNSPLANKONTORET), AND ALREADY TWO YEARS AFTER port. This leads to greater flexibility when IT BECAME THE BASIS FOR THE FIRST OFFICIAL PLANS IN choosing type of transport. THE COPENHAGEN REGION. THE SPECIAL FACTOR ABOUT THE FINGER PLAN WAS THAT This ongoing regional planning reflects a One region - one connected urban area - 50 municipalities and 5 counties URBAN DEVELOPMENT DID NOT TAKE PLACE AT RANDOM, development which is also clear in the pop- The regional plan aims to promote the ulation statistics. In 1947, the Greater development of the Greater Copenhagen FIVE OLD MARKET TOWNS IN THE REGION AND FORM THE Copenhagen region had 1.4 million resi- region as a cohesive urban region which BASIS FOR STATION SUBURBS. BETWEEN THE FINGERS, dents, primarily concentrated in the central compares favourably with other metropoli- Copenhagen urban areas. These residents tan regions in the European and global con- NOR CONCENTRICALLY, BUT FOLLOWING FIVE RADIALS; “FINGERS” THAT LINK THE CENTRE OF COPENHAGEN WITH WITH THEIR TRANSPORT AND URBAN STRUCTURES, GREEN WEDGES WERE INSERTED. COMPARED WITH THE URBAN of available living IDEAL OF THE TIME, THE FUNCTIONALIST ZONE SEPARA- had an average of 30 TION IN THE PLAN WAS VERY FORWARD-LOOKING. IT space, and there were 42 cars per 1,000 resi- DOES NOT DIVIDE THE CITY UP INTO FUNCTION SECTORS, m2 text, commercially, socially, culturally and environmentally. BUT INTO WEDGES OF OPEN COUNTRYSIDE AND URBANITY dents. Today there are 1.8 million residents, SO THAT IT IS NEVER FAR TO A GREEN, “RURAL” AREA. who each have 50 m2 of available living The region’s identity as a city and as THIS PRINCIPLE HAS BEEN RETAINED, DESPITE THE EXTEN- space, and each 1,000 residents have 350 Denmark’s capital is no longer confined to cars at their disposal. The city has spread central Copenhagen. Although the area has SIVE URBAN DEVELOPMENT UNDERGONE BY THE REGION.
  • 83. URBAN STRUCTURE. MAP ANNEX TO THE 2001 REGIONAL Green framework. The green framework The wedges between the urban fingers PLAN FOR THE GREATER COPENHAGEN REGION. encompasses the green wedges between the function as green lungs, improving environ- city fingers and the connected green areas mental conditions for the dense urban which link the wedges across the urban fin- areas. The wedges and the parts of the open gers and with the rest of the open country- countryside in close proximity to the city POPULATION AND TRAFFIC HAVE INCREASED side. In response to the great urban pressure are used for daily recreation, close to peo- ENORMOUSLY, AND THE REGION HAS to place urban facilities within the green ple’s homes, while the more distant parts of GROWN. FROM DEALING WITH THE ORIGINAL wedges and in the open countryside, one the open countryside represent a diverse ”FINGER CITY”, WHERE CENTRAL aspect of regional planning has been to pre- range of possible excursion destinations. It COPENHAGEN FORMED THE PALM, REGIONAL vent urban sprawl and to retain a clear is a goal to make both the recreational and PLANNING MUST NOW TAKE ACCOUNT OF boundary and distinction between city and excursion areas more accessible to the pub- countryside. lic. Interests in the open countryside TODAY, MORE THAN 50 YEARS AFTER THE FINGER PLAN LEFT THE DRAWING BOARD, CONDITIONS HAVE CHANGED RADICALLY. THE THE LARGER AREA OF THE ØRESUND REGION. WHILE THE ARCHITECTS OF THE FINGER PLAN encompass agriculture, forestry, the recovery SAW COPENHAGEN AS THE ABSOLUTE CENTRAL POINT, THE REGIONAL HAS NOW TAKEN The wedges and the open countryside of raw materials, and water catchment. ON A MULTICENTRE STRUCTURE. HOWEVER, include areas used for recreational or busi- Protection targets include the most valuable THE DELIMITATION IN THE FINGER PLAN ness purposes, and areas needing protection biological, culture-historical, natural, and BETWEEN URBAN AREAS AND GREEN WEDGES due to environmental considerations. These geological areas and localities. IS STILL RELEVANT, AS IN THE CURRENT different interests can conflict with each REGIONAL PLAN. other, and regional planning must therefore Transport framework. The region’s trans- weigh up how they should be prioritised in port framework consists of a general public- the different parts of the open countryside. transport network and a general network of
  • 84. PAGES 082-083 / EXAMPLES FROM THE ØRESUND REGION / GREATER COPENHAGEN + URBAN STRUCTURE AND DELIMITATION GREEN FRAMEWORK = + + TRANSPORT FRAMEWORK LOCALISATION STRATEGY BASIC STRUCTURE, 2001 dential and labour market, today planning The structure of the Greater Copenhagen region in 1989 issues relating to Eastern Denmark and the Guidelines for the basic structure and spatial Scania Region in southern Sweden are and functional composition of the Greater being put on the agenda. Copenhagen region are based on regional been seen until now as one cohesive resi- goals and contain an internal balance The Greater Copenhagen region is an urban between the structural elements shown in community consisting of 50 municipalities the formula above. and 5 counties, variously situated in relation to the basic regional structure, and each The internal balance between the structural with its own independent administration elements in this “formula” can be attributed and finances. It is therefore important that to the underlying goals: the individual municipalities - on their own • high mobility for everyone; • good access to the city’s facilities and or in groups - divide up the task of cultivating and developing the special conditions and opportunities that are in harmony with their position in the region. This will contribute to the creation of good local commuTHE ADMINISTRATIVE MUNICIPAL AND COUNTY STRUC- nities for residents and businesses within the TURE IN THE COPENHAGEN REGION WITH THE framework of the regional plan. the open countryside for everyone; • minimisation of the environmental impact from transport; • preservation of the open countryside; and • maximum utilisation of past and planned investments. FREDERIKSSUND FINGER MARKED. TODAY, THE COPENHAGEN REGION IS AN An example of intermunicipal cooperation URBAN COMMUNITY OF 50 MUNICIPALITIES has developed between the nine municipali- AND 5 COUNTIES, EACH WITH ITS OWN INDE- ties and three counties which together com- Elements of a spatial development strategy in 2002 PENDENT ADMINISTRATION AND FINANCES. prise the so-called Frederikssund finger. This The Greater Copenhagen Authority, as part REGARDING BOTH HOUSING AND LABOUR urban regional cooperation is contributing of its ongoing planning activities, is to re- MARKETS, THE REGION IS A COHESIVE URBAN to the Frederikssund finger becoming a vital assess its regional development strategy. part of the new Øresund region. This is to take place with a 12-year perspec- AREA. THEREFORE IT IS IMPORTANT FOR MUNICIPALITIES TO WORK TOGETHER ACROSS tive. Renewal of the four structural ele- ADMINISTRATIVE BOUNDARIES AND ments is to be decided. THROUGHOUT THE ENTIRE ØRESUND REGION. Discussion about the political and economic A DIVISION OF RESPONSIBILITIES BETWEEN position of the Greater Copenhagen region MUNICIPALITIES WHERE EACH INDIVIDUAL in the national Danish context is a never- The city’s structure and delimitation. MUNICIPALITY RELIES ON ITS OWN SPECIAL ending story. This relationship was also far- Today, about 85 per cent of the region’s SKILLS AND COMPETENCIES IS IMPORTANT TO sightedly assessed in 1947 as a basis for population live in the urban fingers centred EXPLOIT THE DEVELOPMENT OPPORTUNITIES regional planning: “With regard to around the historic city centre, the older Copenhagen, the special circumstance must densely populated and fully developed be taken into account that this city, purely urban areas in the palm, and the city fingers by virtue of its size, is able to attain certain containing newer urban areas and the advantages, of benefit to the whole country.” remaining undeveloped urban areas. IN EACH AREA. IN THIS WAY THE MUNICIPALITIES CAN SECURE A PLACE IN THE REGION.
  • 85. PAGES 084-085 / EXAMPLES FROM THE ØRESUND REGION / GREATER COPENHAGEN REGIONAL PLANNING BALANCES GREEN roads and bicycle paths. The combined Localisation strategy. This strategy lays SPACES AND URBAN FACILITIES. transport service has to ensure an appropri- down principles for the localisation of ate balance between public and private urban facilities in the city. The principles in forms of transport, and the satisfactory the localisation and transport strategy aim movement of the city’s traffic. The system to improve the quality of the urban has been constructed as a system of radials districts, limit the need for transport, and and rings. The road and railway radials all promote public transport over private trans- converge in the centre of Copenhagen, port, thus reducing the total energy con- making this the most accessible part of the sumption and pollution from transport. region. One of the imminent challenges for the region will be to find solutions for this The localisation principle in the finger city area, which is burdened by the environmen- is linked to points with the greatest accessi- tal impact from transport and plagued by bility in the public transport network. traffic-flow problems. Urban facilities which draw many visitors or commuters, such as office and service enter- The region’s railway lines, the suburban and prises, shopping centres and culture, amuse- regional trains, have connections with ment and education facilities, are placed in Copenhagen’s new Metro, which opened in areas close to a railway station. Urban facili- October 2002. The Metro services the city ties which service the entire region are centre and the central urban districts. The placed at the junctions in the public trans- Metro is also the backbone of the new port network with the greatest regional urban district, Ørestad, which stretches accessibility. Less intensive and more space- from the city centre towards Copenhagen demanding urban facilities should be placed International Airport. in urban areas outside the immediate vicinities of the railway stations. The radial transport routes are joined transversely by superior public transport connections - either ring railways or suburban bus The Greater Copenhagen region, 2030 routes. Transport junctions have formed at It is predicted that there will be 2.1 million the points where the transverse connections residents in the region by 2030. We are cross the radial routes. These have high therefore going to face new challenges accessibility and special significance for the which will call for new strategic thinking, localisation of facilities. There are transport while at the same time respecting the terminals at these junctions, allowing peo- region’s identity and maintaining continuity ple to change direction and efficiently reach in regional planning. This is not least in all parts of the finger city. Outside the fin- light of the fact that the Øresund region ger city, local rail links and suburban bus and the Mälar region around Stockholm routes service the municipal centres and have been designated as new Nordic growth Skitseforslag for Egnsplan til Storkøbenhavn) and connect them with the radial routes in the areas in a European metropolitan network. included an English summary. finger city. For this reason, future sustainable growth THE FINGER PLAN In 1993, the Danish Town Planning Institute reprinted the original Finger Plan from 1947 (Danish name:
  • 86. REGIONAL PLANNING IN PRACTICE. AERIAL PHOTOGRAPH for the city has been put on the agenda. FROM KØGE BAY OVER STRANDPARKEN, BRØNDBY STRAND. An international competition parameter for metropolitan areas, including the Greater The vision of an identity as the Human Copenhagen region, will increasingly become THE PICTURE SHOWS HOW THE SUBURBS Capital, and the ambition for the Øresund that they can be identified with the flexibility AROUND COPENHAGEN ARE SITUATED IN region to be one of the cleanest metropoli- of high mobility, easy access to the city’s THE IMMEDIATE VICINITY OF GREEN WEDGES tan regions in Europe, as well as a function- facilities, and urban areas of high quality. BETWEEN THE FINGERS. THE URBAN AREA IN al, integrated, border region between THE PICTURE IS ON THE SOUTH-EASTERN FIN- Denmark and Sweden, provide the basis for The 1947 Finger Plan encompassed the the regional strategies of the future. central Copenhagen urban areas and their GER TOWARDS THE COAST, THE KØGE BAY FINGER, WHILE THE ROSKILDE FINGER IS VISI- immediate surroundings, while the 1989 BLE IN THE BACKGROUND OF THE PICTURE. RAILWAY LINES RUN ALONG THE MIDDLE OF The spatial elements in the formula for the regional plan encompassed the entire EACH FINGER BETWEEN THE STATION CEN- Greater Copenhagen basic structure will Greater Copenhagen region. The future TRES. PROXIMITY TO A STATION HAS BEEN have to be supplemented with new regional map for structural and strategic thinking AN IMPORTANT PRINCIPLE IN PLANNING THE strategies. These will need to reflect the will encompass the Øresund region - seen SUBURBS. THIS CAN BOTH ENHANCE PUBLIC commercial and industrial structure of the from a European and a global perspective. TRANSPORT AND FORM CENTRES IN THE future. How are we going to earn our liv- At the same time, the ambition is to create ing? Where are we going to live? And how a plan for growth which also has a vision in can the region’s natural environment be which good residential environments and protected and utilised? environmental considerations contribute to VICINITY. the local identity.
  • 87. PAGES 086-087 / ILLUSTRATIONS AND AUTHORS ILLUSTRATIONS p. 2 Greater Copenhagen Authority Photo: Metha Voss Andersen/ Ministry of the Environment p. 7 p. 8 Photo: Peter Olsen p. 10 Polfoto p. 17 Michael Dunford with permission from p. 84 Hodder Arnold p. 18 Statens Museum for Kunst p. 19 NI Syndication/Alloverpress DK p. 22 Photo: Trine Søndergaard/ BAM pp. 24-29 Photos: Henning Thomsen p. 31 Kampsax Geoplan pp. 32-34 Sven Illeris p. 37 PolFoto p. 38 Staatsarchiv Hamburg p. 39 Photo: Svava Riesto p. 40 Photo: Anna Boysen p. 42 Photo: Peter Olsen pp. 45-47 Photos: Henriette Senstius pp. 48-49 Photos: Anders Bentzon pp. 50-54 Photos: Jens Kvorning p. 54 Concello de Santiago de Compostella pp. 55-57 Photos: Jens Kvorning p. 59 PolFoto p. 60 Generacia de Urbanismo Ayuntamiento de Sevilla p. 61 Photo: Christian Norberg-Schulz p. 62 Office for Metropolitan Architecture/ Statsbygg p. 63 Photo: Luigi Ghirri/ Courtesy of Fondo Eredi Luigi Ghirri - Progetto Artifex srl - Torino p. 64 Senatsverwaltung für Stadtentwicklung Berlin p. 65 Photo: Svava Riesto p. 66 Photo (left): Gale Carroll pp. 66-71 Photos: Henrik Reeh p. 69 Map design: Bjarne Schläger p. 72 PolFoto pp. 75-76 Malmö Stadsbyggnadskontor p. 77 Stadsarkivet i Malmö p. 79 MKB Fastigheter AB p. 78 "Civitatis Orbis Terrarum" Franz Hogenberg & Gerhard Braun, 1580 p. 81 Danish Town Planning Institute pp. 82-83 Greater Copenhagen Authority p. 84 Photo (left): Anne-Marie Weber/ Photo (right): City of Copenhagen Økonomiforvaltningen 6. kontor Atta Kim p. 85 Photo: Ole Malling/ Greater Copenhagen Authority
  • 88. AUTHORS Niels Boje Groth Jens Kvorning Engineer, cultural sociologist and Senior Researcher at Architect MAA and Associate Professor at the the Danish Centre for Forest, Landscape and Planning. Department of Architecture, Town and Landscape, He has published numerous works on urban and School of Architecture, Royal Danish Academy of Fine regional planning, including the creation of networks, Arts. His research focuses on architecture and urbanity, the principles and theory of planning and currently a research project on urban restructuring. He international co-operation. is a consultant within urban planning. Henning Thomsen Karl Otto Ellefsen Architect and Project Manager in Fonden Realdania, Architect MNAL and Professor of Urbanism and Vice- a foundation. Former Director of the Danish Urban Chancellor at the Oslo School of Architecture. Since Forum. He also teaches architectural theory, including 2000, he has been the Director of the Programme on at Denmark’s International Study Program. Urban Development of the Research Council of Norway. He has been a consultant for decades on public planning and conducted research in fields Sven Illeris related to spatial planning. DSc and Professor at the Department of Geography and International Development Studies, Roskilde University. His research fields includes regional Henrik Reeh economic and demographic development, regional PhD in comparative literature and Associate Professor policy and spatial planning. of Modern Culture and Humanistic Urban Studies at the University of Copenhagen. He has prepared numerous exhibitions and publications on urban Hans Thor Andersen culture in literature, theory and practice. PhD and Associate Professor at the Institute of Geography, University of Copenhagen. His research is on urban areas in Denmark and elsewhere in northern Mats Olsson Europe with a special focus on social conditions. He is Architect SAR and City Planning Director of the City of a consultant in urban, regional and national planning. Malmö since 1994, where he has been the driving force behind several of the urban regeneration projects described in his article. Peter Madsen MA and Professor of Comparative Literature at the University of Copenhagen. Research on numerous Ib Ferdinandsen themes within literature and modern culture, Architect MAA and regional planner in the Planning including several projects on urban culture. Previous Division of the Greater Copenhagen Authority. He has member of the Board of the Centre for Urbanity and worked with regional planning in Greater Aesthetics, University of Copenhagen. Copenhagen since 1977.
  • 89. Title European Cities in a Global Era - Urban Identities and Regional Development Report for the conference European Cities in a Global Era - Urban Identities and Regional Development, Copenhagen, 14-15 November 2002 Editors Spatial Planning Department, Ministry of the Environment (responsible under press law). Editor of articles: Svava Riesto, Danish Town Planning Institute. Working group A working group was established to prepare the content of the articles in this publication and of the conference on 14-15 November 2002 in Copenhagen. The members of the working group were: Hans Thor Andersen, Associate Professor, University of Copenhagen; Jens Kvorning, Professor, Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts, School of Architecture; Gregers Algreen-Ussing, Professor, Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts, School of Architecture; Ole Damsgaard, Director General, Danish Town Planning Institute; Svava Riesto, Editor, Danish Town Planning Institute; Peder Baltzer Nielsen, Head of Division, Spatial Planning Department, Ministry of the Environment; Mette Kragh, Surveyor, Spatial Planning Department, Ministry of the Environment; Anne Skovbro, MSc engineering, Spatial Planning Department, Ministry of the Environment; Flemming Thornæs, Architect, Spatial Planning Department, Ministry of the Environment; Anne Kathrine Højlund Barfod, Stud.scient.soc, Spatial Planning Department, Ministry of the Environment. Design UNITCover photo Kampsax, Danmarks Digitale Ortofoto, 1999 Paper 130 g Cyclus, 100% recycled paper, cover 300 g Invercote Printing Schultz Grafisk Enquiries about the publication and ordering Ministry of the Environment Spatial Planning Department Højbro Plads 4 DK-1200 Copenhagen K Denmark Tel. +45 33 92 76 00 Fax +45 33 32 22 27 E-mail: mim@mim.dk www.spatialplanningdepartment.dk ISBN 87-601-9710-2 ©2002 by the Ministry of the Environment, Spatial Planning Department, Denmark. All rights reserved. Published November 2002 Printed in Denmark Quotations may be made from this publication with appropriate attribution.
  • 90. MINISTRY OF THE ENVIRONMENT SPATIAL PLANNING DEPARTMENT As follow-up to the European Spatial Development Perspective (ESDP), the Danish Presidency is focusing on the implications of globalisation and the role of cities in regional development. In three main sections, this report deals in detail with the problems relating to the role of cities in regional development. A number of Scandinavian researchers have contributed to the report. The report is a contribution by the Danish Ministry of the Environment, Spatial Planning Department to the international conference European Cities in a Global Era - Urban Identities and Regional Development. It is intended as a supplement to the conference, introducing key aspects of the issues discussed and providing background reading. URBAN IDENTITIES AND REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT The first section includes the Copenhagen Charter 2002 - the Danish Presidency’s suggested agenda for a discussion on future urban and regional development - as well as a number of operational recommendations. The second section deals in general terms with globalisation’s impact on Europe’s cities and regions. Finally, the last section deals with different aspects concerning the development of an urban identity concept. EUROPEAN CITIES IN A GLOBAL ERA EUROPEAN CITIES IN A GLOBAL ERA EUROPEAN CITIES IN A GLOBAL ERA URBAN IDENTITIES AND REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT