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  • 1. Psychological Science http://pss.sagepub.com/Bright Minds and Dark Attitudes : Lower Cognitive Ability Predicts Greater Prejudice Through Right-Wing Ideology and Low Intergroup Contact Gordon Hodson and Michael A. Busseri Psychological Science 2012 23: 187 originally published online 5 January 2012 DOI: 10.1177/0956797611421206 The online version of this article can be found at: http://pss.sagepub.com/content/23/2/187 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com On behalf of: Association for Psychological Science Additional services and information for Psychological Science can be found at: Email Alerts: http://pss.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://pss.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav >> Version of Record - Feb 2, 2012 OnlineFirst Version of Record - Jan 5, 2012 What is This? Downloaded from pss.sagepub.com by guest on February 11, 2012
  • 2. Research Article Psychological ScienceBright Minds and Dark Attitudes: Lower 23(2) 187­–195 © The Author(s) 2012 Reprints and permission:Cognitive Ability Predicts Greater Prejudice sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0956797611421206Through Right-Wing Ideology and Low http://pss.sagepub.comIntergroup ContactGordon Hodson and Michael A. BusseriBrock UniversityAbstractDespite their important implications for interpersonal behaviors and relations, cognitive abilities have been largely ignored asexplanations of prejudice. We proposed and tested mediation models in which lower cognitive ability predicts greater prejudice,an effect mediated through the endorsement of right-wing ideologies (social conservatism, right-wing authoritarianism) andlow levels of contact with out-groups. In an analysis of two large-scale, nationally representative United Kingdom data sets(N = 15,874), we found that lower general intelligence (g) in childhood predicts greater racism in adulthood, and this effectwas largely mediated via conservative ideology. A secondary analysis of a U.S. data set confirmed a predictive effect of poorabstract-reasoning skills on antihomosexual prejudice, a relation partially mediated by both authoritarianism and low levels ofintergroup contact. All analyses controlled for education and socioeconomic status. Our results suggest that cognitive abilitiesplay a critical, albeit underappreciated, role in prejudice. Consequently, we recommend a heightened focus on cognitive abilityin research on prejudice and a better integration of cognitive ability into prejudice models.Keywordscognitive ability, intelligence, right-wing ideology, contact, prejudiceReceived 3/1/11; Revision accepted 7/25/11Cognitive abilities have important implications for interper- Deary, 2010) and between abstract reasoning and prejudicesonal behaviors and relations. Studies have shown that indi- toward homosexuals (Keiller, 2010). However, rather thanviduals with lower levels of general intelligence (g) are less addressing the implications of mental ability, research on prej-trusting of other people, less sensitive to interpersonal cues, udice has focused overwhelmingly on motivational cognitiveand less accurate in deciphering other people’s behaviors and styles (e.g., Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003),intentions (Murphy & Hall, 2011; Sturgis, Read, & Allum, including intolerance of ambiguity and a preference for simple2010). Our research builds on this emerging psychological lit- answers (see Van Hiel, Onraet, & De Pauw, 2010). Althougherature and concerns the socially important but surprisingly research has revealed that the effects of cognitive style onunderexamined relation between g and intergroup prejudice prejudice are mediated by right-wing ideologies (e.g., Van(i.e., negative evaluations of out-groups). In a targeted analy- Hiel, Pandelaere, & Duriez, 2004), empirical findings andsis, we evaluated whether (a) g (as a generalized cognitive theoretical accounts of whether (or how) cognitive ability con-ability) predicts out-group prejudice and (b) right-wing con- tributes to prejudice are conspicuously absent from contempo-servative ideologies and a lack of contact with out-groups rary literature and textbooks on prejudice.mediate the link between cognitive ability and prejudice. We propose that right-wing ideologies, which are socially Since the mid-20th century, researchers have posited an conservative and authoritarian (see Jost et al., 2003; Van Hielassociation between g and prejudice (Adorno, Frenkel- et al., 2010), represent a mechanism through which cognitiveBrunswik, Levinson, & Sanford, 1950; Allport, 1954), and early ability is linked with prejudice. According to contemporaryevidence suggested a negative correlation between intelligenceand prejudice toward out-groups (Wagner & Schönbach, Corresponding Author:1984). Recent studies have similarly reported negative corre- Gordon Hodson, Department of Psychology, Brock University, 500lations between scores on intelligence subscales and racism Glenridge Ave., St. Catharines, Ontario, Canada L2S 3A1(Deary, Batty, & Gale, 2008; Schoon, Cheng, Gales, Batty, & E-mail: ghodson@brocku.ca Downloaded from pss.sagepub.com by guest on February 11, 2012
  • 3. 188 Hodson, Busseritheoretical approaches, such ideologies are characterized by Right-Wingresistance to change and the promotion of intergroup inequali- Ideologyties (Jost et al., 2003).1 A recent comprehensive meta-analysis (Conservatism,confirmed a reliable negative relation between cognitive abil- Authoritarianism)ity and right-wing ideologies (Van Hiel et al., 2010). For a b − +example, research has revealed that individuals who morestrongly endorse social conservatism have greater cognitive Cognitive − Prejudicialrigidity (Rokeach, 1948), less cognitive flexibility (Sidanius, Ability c′ (c) Attitudes1985), and lower integrative complexity (Jost et al., 2003).Socially conservative individuals also perform less well than Fig. 1. Hypothesized mediation model showing the relation betweenliberals on standardized ability tests (Stankov, 2009). Right- cognitive ability and prejudicial attitudes as mediated by right-wing ideology.wing authoritarianism (Altemeyer, 1996), a strong correlate Path a represents the negative effect of general intelligence (g) on right- wing ideology, Path b represents the positive effect of right-wing ideologyof social conservatism (Jost et al., 2003; Van Hiel et al., 2010), on prejudicial attitudes, Path c represents the negative direct effect ofis also negatively associated with g (McCourt, Bouchard, general intelligence (g) on prejudice, and Path c′ represents the effect of g onLykken, Tellegen, & Keyes, 1999). prejudice after controlling for the mediator. Given that cognitive abilities are critical in forming indi-viduated impressions of other people and in being open- right-wing ideology (Path a) and greater right-wing ideologyminded (Scarr & Weinberg, 1981) and trusting of other people predicts more prejudicial attitudes (Path b). Furthermore,(Sturgis et al., 2010), individuals with lower cognitive abilities although we expected that lower g itself predicts greater preju-may gravitate toward more socially conservative right-wing dice (Path c), we hypothesized that this association is facili-ideologies that maintain the status quo and provide psycho- tated in large part by right-wing ideology (i.e., through Path alogical stability and a sense of order (Jost et al., 2003). This and Path b). Therefore, we expected that if right-wing ideol-rationale is consistent with findings that less intelligent chil- ogy (i.e., the mediator) is included in the predictive model, thedren come to endorse more socially conservative ideologies as anticipated negative direct effect between g and prejudiceadults (Deary et al., 2008; Schoon et al., 2010). (Path c′) will be substantially attenuated or statistically non- Furthermore, compared with liberals, individuals who significant; such a finding would support a significant nega-endorse right-wing ideologies are more fearful and anxious that tive indirect effect (the product of Paths a and b; Shrout &out-groups will cause the disintegration of societal moral stan- Bolger, 2002). Thus, individuals with lower cognitive abilitydards and traditions (Altemeyer, 1996; Jost et al., 2003; Sibley may be more attracted to right-wing ideologies that promote& Duckitt, 2008). Consistent with this apprehension is the well- coherence and order, and because such ideologies emphasizeestablished relation between right-wing ideologies and attitudes the maintenance of the status quo, they may foster greater out-toward out-groups, whereby both conservatism (Van Hiel et al., group prejudice.2004) and authoritarianism (Altemeyer, 1996; Hodson & Although a review of the literature reveals meta-analyticCostello, 2007; Sibley & Duckitt, 2008) are associated with evidence supporting a relation between lower g and greaterheightened prejudice. Recent meta-analyses have confirmed endorsement of right-wing ideologies (Van Hiel et al., 2010)that there are strong positive correlations between right-wing and a relation between right-wing ideology and prejudiceideologies and prejudice (see Sibley & Duckitt, 2008). How- (Sibley & Duckitt, 2008), considerably less is known about theever, the endorsement of right-wing ideologies is not synony- relation between g and prejudice. No empirical tests of themous with prejudice against out-groups (Sniderman & Tetlock, indirect effect of generalized cognitive ability on prejudice1986). According to social-dominance theory, the positive asso- through specific mediators have yet been conducted. Research-ciation between right-wing ideologies and negative evaluations ers who have examined the links among cognitive ability, ide-of out-groups reflects the fact that both constructs share the core ology, and racism (Deary et al., 2008; Schoon et al., 2010)psychological element of a desire for hierarchies among groups have treated racism and socially conservative ideology as(Sidanius, Pratto, & Bobo, 1996). Socially conservative ideolo- manifestations of a single underlying construct (“conservativegies have therefore been conceptualized as “legitimizing ideology”) and have assessed whether g predicts a latent factormyths”: Although they are often rooted in socially acceptable representing the variance shared between racism and ideology.values and traditions, such ideologies nonetheless facilitate neg- Such an approach treats conservative ideology and racism asative attitudes toward out-groups (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999; see more equivalent than they are assumed to be by contemporaryalso Jost et al., 2003; Sidanius et al., 1996; Van Hiel et al., 2010). theorizing or have been shown to be by contemporary research Together, the well-established theoretical and empirical on intergroup relations (Sidanius et al., 1996; Sniderman &links between lower g and greater right-wing ideology and Tetlock, 1986), both of which typically treat ideologies andbetween greater right-wing ideology and heightened prejudice prejudices as separate constructs (e.g., Sibley & Duckitt, 2008;suggest a mediating mechanism (Baron & Kenny, 1986) by Sidanius et al., 1996). Previous approaches have also over-which lower g may be associated with greater prejudice. We looked any potential direct relation between g (as a general-propose a model (see Fig. 1) in which lower g predicts greater ized measure of mental ability) and racism. In contrast, our Downloaded from pss.sagepub.com by guest on February 11, 2012
  • 4. Bright Minds and Dark Attitudes 189investigation concerned whether g is related to prejudice and Social conservatism. In both the NCDS and the BCS, sociallywhether g might negatively influence attitudes toward out- conservative ideology was assessed in terms of respect for andgroups through right-wing ideologies—an influence that submission to authority (7 items in the NCDS and 10 items inwould be consistent with social-dominance theory (Sidanius the BCS; e.g., “Give law breakers stiffer sentences” and& Pratto, 1999) and other contemporary theories of prejudice “Schools should teach children to obey authority”) and sup-(e.g., Sibley & Duckitt, 2008). port for conventional (i.e., unequal) sex roles (6 items in both We first evaluated the anticipated negative relation between studies; e.g., “Family life suffers if mum is working full-g and prejudice in two United Kingdom (U.K.) samples and time”); scale reliabilities ranged from .63 to .68 (Deary et al.,determined whether this association was explained by socially 2008; Schoon et al., 2010). These measures tap socially con-conservative ideology. Next, we assessed the hypothesized servative values, including desire for law and order, punitivenegative relation between g and prejudice in an American reactions toward wrongdoers, adherence to social conventionssample and tested whether authoritarianism and intergroup or traditions, and social control. Without reference to racialcontact could independently explain this relation. out-groups, these items reflect ideological orientations rooted in resistance to change and a desire to maintain existing social stratifications, making them ideal for our purposes.Longitudinal Data From Two NationallyRepresentative U.K. Samples Racism. Attitudes toward racial out-groups were assessed inWe first examined data from longitudinal studies measuring the NCDS and the BCS with the same five items (e.g., “Iintelligence in childhood and conservative ideology and gen- wouldn’t mind working with people from other races” and “Ieralized racism in adulthood. Because social-political attitudes wouldn’t mind if a family of a different race moved nexttypically emerge in late adolescence and early adulthood door”; αs = .82; Deary et al., 2008; Schoon et al., 2010). Items(Altemeyer, 1996; Sibley & Duckitt, 2008), considering child- were reverse-scored; higher scores indicate a generalizedhood intelligence as a theoretical predictor of subsequent adult antipathy toward racial out-groups, rather than antipathyracism represents an important step in evaluating whether low toward a specific racial group.g during childhood sets the stage for the development of adultprejudice. Covariates. Parental socioeconomic status for participants during childhood, as well as participants’ personal socioeco- nomic status and education level in adulthood, were obtainedParticipants and measures in both the NCDS and the BCS. Parental and personal socio-We used two large-scale U.K. data sets to test our hypothe- economic status were rated on 4-point (BCS) and 6-pointsized mediation model: the 1958 National Child Development (NCDS) scales based on social prestige of occupation. If a par-Study (NCDS) and the 1970 British Cohort Study (BCS). In ticipant’s father was unemployed, the mother’s occupationthe NCDS, all participants (4,267 men and 4,537 women) was utilized; unemployed participants reported their mostwere born in the same week in March 1958; in the BCS, all recent employment status. In both studies, participants’ levelparticipants (3,412 men and 3,658 women) were born in the of education was rated on a 6-point scale ranging from 0, nosame week in April 1970. Cognitive abilities were assessed education, to 5, postgraduate.with standardized measures when NCDS participants were 11years old and BCS participants were 10 years old, and sociallyconservative ideology and racism were assessed at ages 33 and Data analysis30, respectively. In both studies, thousands of men and women We used AMOS software (Arbuckle, 2006) to test the hypoth-completed relevant measures; both data sets are regarded as esized mediation model separately for men and women in eachexcellent sources of representative data (see Deary et al., data set, using correlation matrices reported by Deary et al.2008). (2008) and Schoon et al. (2010). (Note that the means and standard deviations for each study are provided in theseCognitive abilities. The NCDS included two measures of reports.) We modeled the measures of cognitive ability as indi-intelligence: verbal intelligence (similarities between words; cators of a latent g factor (see Deary et al., 2008; Schoon et al.,40 items) and nonverbal intelligence (similarities between 2010) and the measures of conservatism as indicators of a latentshapes or symbols; 40 items; Douglas, 1964). The BCS conservative-ideology factor. Directional paths were estimatedincluded four measures of cognitive abilities (following Elliot, between the latent g factor and the latent conservative-Murray, & Pearson, 1978): matrix abilities (drawing missing ideology factor (Path a in Fig. 1), between the latent conserva-aspects of shapes; 28 items), digit recall (recalling digits tive-ideology factor and the measure of racism (Path b), andfrom number series; 34 items), word definitions (identifying between the latent g factor and the measure of racism (Pathsthe meanings of words; 37 items), and word similarities (gen- c and c′). To statistically identify the latent factors, we fixederating words that are semantically consistent with presented the variance on the latent g factor and the residual variancewords; 42 items). on the latent conservative-ideology factor at 1; loadings on Downloaded from pss.sagepub.com by guest on February 11, 2012
  • 5. 190 Hodson, Busserieach latent factor were freely estimated. To account for the These results from large, nationally representative data setspotentially confounding effects of socioeconomic status, we provide converging evidence that lower g in childhood pre-specified all three covariates both as correlates of the latent g dicts greater prejudice in adulthood and, furthermore, thatfactor and as predictors of latent ideology and racism. Param- socially conservative ideology mediates much of this effect.eter estimates and significance tests were based on bias- Our model tests are particularly compelling because in bothcorrected estimates derived from 1,000 bootstrap samples (see the NCDS and the BCS, the measurement of childhood intel-Shrout & Bolger, 2002). ligence preceded the assessment of adulthood prejudice by at least two decades. Moreover, all predictive effects were inde-Results and discussion pendent of socioeconomic status and education.Results from both the NCDS and the BCS supported eachcomponent of the hypothesized mediation model (see Laboratory Evidence From a U.S. SampleTable 1). For both men and women, the NCDS data demon-strated significant negative paths from the latent g factor in Does the pattern observed in the two U.K. samples general-childhood to the latent conservative-ideology factor in adult- ize to other cultures with their own distinct political values?hood (Path a) and significant positive paths from the latent In a report of a recent American study, Keiller (2010) arguedconservative-ideology factor to generalized racism in adult- that the capacity for abstract (as opposed to concrete) think-hood (Path b). As predicted, without the hypothesized media- ing should facilitate comprehension of other people and thetor in the model, the direct effect of the latent g factor in complex mental processing required for the interpretation ofchildhood on adult racism (Path c) was negative and signifi- relatively novel information (i.e., the type of informationcant, but this effect was attenuated in magnitude and reduced encountered during intergroup contact). For instance, adopt-to nonsignificance (Path c′) when the latent conservative- ing another person’s perspective requires advanced cognitiveideology factor was included. Of the total predictive effect of processing, abstraction, and interpretation, particularly whenchildhood cognitive ability on adult racism, between 92% and the target is an out-group member (and thus “different”).100% was indirect, mediated via conservative ideology (see Given that perspective taking reduces prejudice (Hodson,Table 2). Choma, & Costello, 2009), stronger mental capabilities may The BCS data set revealed a virtually identical pattern for facilitate smoother intergroup interactions. Consistent withmen: Conservative ideology fully mediated the negative effect this rationale is Keiller’s finding that abstract reasoning neg-of childhood cognitive ability on adult racism. Among women, atively predicted prejudice against homosexuals. Althoughconservative ideology mediated the effect of childhood cogni- his objective did not involve explaining why lower cognitivetive ability on adult racism significantly but only partially, ability predicts greater prejudice, Keiller’s report provideswith the direct effect of childhood cognitive ability on adult all the necessary data, collected in a controlled laboratoryracism remaining significant (see Table 1). For longitudinal setting from an American sample, with which to test suchpath models showing all estimated parameters, see the Supple- possibilities. The participants in this U.S. sample had equiva-mental Material available online. lent levels of education; potential differences in cognitive Table 1.  Results of the Mediation Model of the Effects of Childhood Cognitive Ability on Prejudice in Adulthood as Mediated by Right-Wing Ideology Mediation-model path Analysis Path a Path b Path c Path c′ National Child Development −0.15*** 0.69*** −0.11** −0.01 Study—men (n = 4,267) National Child Development −0.18*** 0.51*** −0.07** 0.02 Study—women (n = 4,537) 1970 British Cohort Study—men −0.40*** 0.41*** −0.17*** −0.01 (n = 3,412) 1970 British Cohort Study—women −0.33*** 0.31*** −0.25*** −0.15* (n = 3,658) Note: Standardized regression coefficients are shown. Path a represents the relation between gen- eral intelligence (g) and right-wing ideology; Path b represents the relation between right-wing ideol- ogy and prejudice; Path c represents the direct path between g and prejudice; and Path c′ represents the relation between g and prejudice as mediated by right-wing ideology. All analyses controlled for education and socioeconomic status. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001. Downloaded from pss.sagepub.com by guest on February 11, 2012
  • 6. Bright Minds and Dark Attitudes 191 Table 2.  Decomposition of the Effects in the Mediation Model in Table 1 Correlation (r) Indirect Percentage of effect Analysis and predictor with prejudice Total effect (β) Direct effect (β) effect (β) that is indirect National Child Development Study—men (n = 4,267)  Latent g −.19*** −0.11** −0.01 −0.11** 92   Latent conservatism .65*** 0.69** 0.69** — — National Child Development Study—women (n = 4,537)  Latent g −.17*** −0.07** 0.02 −0.09*** 100   Latent conservatism .51*** 0.51** 0.51** — — 1970 British Cohort Study—men (n = 3,412)  Latent g −.24*** −0.17** −0.01 −0.16** 92   Latent conservatism .43*** 0.41** 0.41** — — 1970 British Cohort Study— women (n = 3,658)  Latent g −.29*** −0.25** −0.15** −0.10** 41   Latent conservatism .39*** 0.31** 0.31** — — **p < .01. ***p < .001.ability or prejudice due to education were thus empirically Participants and measurescontrolled for. Our analysis of Keiller’s (2010) data set allowed us to Undergraduates (172 women, 82 men) from an American uni-extend our model in several important ways. Specifically, versity completed a 21-item scale assessing prejudice againstKeiller’s study tapped a different cognitive ability (abstract homosexuals (Kite & Deaux, 1986), indicated the number ofreasoning), a different but related measure of right-wing ideol- homosexuals they knew personally, and completed a 20-itemogy (right-wing authoritarianism), and attitudes toward a spe- right-wing-authoritarianism scale that tapped submission tocific out-group (homosexuals) rather than generalized racist authority, conventionality, and aggression against deviantsattitudes. Furthermore, the study measured an additional (Altemeyer, 1996). Abstract reasoning was measured with 12potential mediator of the relation between cognitive ability of the most cognitively challenging items from the Inventoryand prejudice: intergroup contact. Both experimental and lon- of Piaget’s Developmental Tasks (Furth, 1970).gitudinal studies have demonstrated that greater contact without-groups predicts lower prejudice (Pettigrew & Tropp,2006); these findings have distinguished such contact as a par- Data analysisticularly valuable prejudice-reduction tool (Hodson, 2011). We undertook a secondary analysis of Keiller’s (2010) dataHowever, because intergroup contact is cognitively demand- using his reported correlation matrix and descriptive statistics.ing (Richeson & Shelton, 2003), it may be avoided by indi- Path analysis was employed to test a mediation model in whichviduals with lower cognitive abilities and approached by greater abstract reasoning predicted antihomosexual prejudiceindividuals with stronger cognitive abilities. Furthermore, given and in which both right-wing authoritarianism and intergroupthat intergroup contact predicts favorable attitudes toward out- contact were specified as correlated mediators (see Fig. 2). Wegroups independently of personal ideology (Hodson, Harry, & hypothesized that lower cognitive ability would predict greaterMitchell, 2009), it is possible that such contact uniquely medi- antihomosexual prejudice, greater right-wing authoritarian-ates the relation between cognitive ability and prejudice and ism, and less intergroup contact, and that these latter two vari-that this relation is independent of mediation effects through ables, respectively, would be positively and negatively relatedright-wing ideology. We therefore undertook a secondary to antihomosexual prejudice. Because people who endorseanalysis of Keiller’s (2010) findings to test the generalizability right-wing authoritarianism avoid intergroup contact, andof our hypothesized mediation model with respect to different because such avoidance promotes authoritarianism (Hodson,measurements of cognitive ability, right-wing ideology, and 2011), the mediators were set to covary. Predictive effects andprejudice in the context of a different political culture, and to associated p values were bias-corrected estimates derivedexplore an additional mediating mechanism. from 1,000 bootstrap samples (see Shrout & Bolger, 2002). Downloaded from pss.sagepub.com by guest on February 11, 2012
  • 7. 192 Hodson, Busseri Right-Wing Authoritarianism β = −0.28*** β = 0.57*** β = −0.17*** Prejudice Against Abstract Reasoning (β = −0.36***) Homosexuals β = 0.15* β = −0.23*** Contact With Homosexuals Fig. 2.  Mediation model showing the relation between abstract reasoning and antihomosexual prejudice as mediated through right-wing authoritarianism and out-group contact (data from Keiller, 2010). Standardized path coefficients are shown; the parenthetical value represents the zero-order effect. Asterisks indicate significant coefficients (*p < .05; ***p < .001). The correlation between the mediators was −.28, p < .001.Results and discussion accounts of intergroup evaluations. Our synthesis demon- strates that cognitive ability plays a substantial role not only inOur results confirmed each component of the predicted model predicting prejudice, but also in predicting its potential precur-(see Fig. 2). Abstract reasoning negatively predicted preju- sors: right-wing ideologies and authoritarian value systems,dice, but this effect was significantly reduced when we which can perpetuate social inequality by emphasizing theincluded the mediators in the model. Lower levels of abstract maintenance of the status quo, and a lack of contact andreasoning also predicted greater right-wing authoritarianism, experience with out-groups. Our analysis of two large-scalewhich in turn predicted elevated prejudice against homosexu- U.K. data sets established a predictive relation between child-als. Independent of these effects, there was a simultaneous hood g (a latent factor of generalized intelligence) and adultindirect effect through increased intergroup contact: Individu- prejudice, as well as an indirect effect of g on prejudice viaals who had a greater capacity for abstract reasoning experi- conservative ideology; this indirect effect explained more thanenced more contact with out-groups, and more contact 90% of the relation between g and racism in three of the fourpredicted less prejudice. The standardized total effect of analyses (see Table 2). Thus, conservative ideology representsabstract reasoning on prejudice was −.36. The standardized a critical pathway through which childhood intelligence pre-indirect effect (−.20; not shown in the figure) through the dicts racism in adulthood. In psychological terms, the relationsimultaneously examined mediators was significant (p < .01), between g and prejudice may stem from the propensity of indi-and accounted for 55% of the relation between abstract- viduals with lower cognitive ability to endorse more right-reasoning ability and negative evaluations of homosexuals wing conservative ideologies because such ideologies offer a(44% via right-wing authoritarianism, 11% via intergroup psychological sense of stability and order. By emphasizingcontact). resistance to change and inequality among groups, these ide- Results from our analysis were consistent with results ologies legitimize and promote negative evaluations offrom our analysis of the NCDS and the BCS: The hypothesized out-groups.mediation of the effect of cognitive abilities on prejudice Our findings contribute to the literature in several ways.was supported by data from a sample in a different country, Whereas other research has emphasized how educationin a study tapping alternative indicators of cognitive ability and influences prejudice through cognitive ability (Wagner &right-wing ideology—abstract reasoning and right-wing author- Schönbach, 1984), or whether links between conservative ide-itarianism, respectively—and examining prejudice toward a ology and prejudice are stronger in samples of more educatedspecific out-group rather than prejudice against out-groups in people than they are in samples of less educated people (Sida-general. Furthermore, our analysis of this U.S. sample uncov- nius et al., 1996), our longitudinal analyses refine the under-ered an additional, previously unexamined mediator of the rela- standing of these processes by demonstrating that childhood gtion between intelligence and prejudice: intergroup contact. predicts racism in adulthood independently of education and socioeconomic status. In our study, we diverged from previous approaches by addressing the novel question of why lower gGeneral Discussion predicts more negative evaluations of out-groups and by pro-The link between intelligence and prejudice has been little viding evidence of multiple, simultaneous mediators (ideol-researched and scarcely features in theoretical or empirical ogy and intergroup contact). By controlling for participants’ Downloaded from pss.sagepub.com by guest on February 11, 2012
  • 8. Bright Minds and Dark Attitudes 193level of education, we avoided a potential confound that trou- lack of empathy (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2008), and social factors,bled researchers who initially posed this intriguing question such as resource competition and intergroup hierarchies (Sida-(Adorno et al., 1950; Allport, 1954). nius & Pratto, 1999). Yet some factors, such as the ability to The importance of our findings is best illustrated by adopt alternative perspectives, might be driven by mentalconsidering them within a broader context. Our longitudinal capacity, given that contact with out-groups is mentallyanalyses revealed a modest but reliable relation between g and demanding (Richeson & Shelton, 2003). If so, the efficacy ofprejudice, even when we controlled for covariates. The magni- innovative interventions against prejudice, such as imaginedtude of this relation is comparable to relations found between intergroup contact (Crisp & Turner, 2009), may have unreal-stereotype endorsement (e.g., characterizing groups as “lazy” ized boundary conditions imposed by cognitive ability. Thus,or “aggressive”) and prejudice (r = .25; Dovidio, Brigham, to complement the tremendous progress made by exploringJohnson, & Gaertner, 1996) and between intergroup contact motivational factors and cognitive styles (Jost et al., 2003),and prejudice (r = −.21, Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006), and the researchers studying prejudice should begin directing seriousg-prejudice relation appears to be independent of this latter attention toward cognitive abilities (Van Hiel et al., 2010).effect. When the effects are expressed as a binomial effect size Although the study of individual differences that contributedisplay, the implications are compelling: In the BCS, 62% of to prejudice is currently enjoying a renaissance, this renewedboys and 65% of girls whose level of intelligence was below the interest is unfolding at a time when cognitive factors have takenmedian at age 10 expressed above-median levels of racism dur- a backseat to emotion-based predictors of prejudice (Pettigrewing adulthood. Conversely, only 35% to 38% of the children & Tropp, 2008). However, basic categorization processes andwith above-median levels of intelligence exhibited racist atti- the subsequent mental activation and application of stereotypestudes as adults. Keiller’s (2010) cross-sectional data revealed a remain undeniably important cognitive factors in determiningsimilarly impressive binomial effect: Sixty-eight percent of outcomes in intergroup contexts. Therefore, cognitive abilities,individuals whose abstract-reasoning scores were below the particularly in relation to ideology, need to become increasinglymedian scored above the median on measures of antihomosex- focal to and integrated into existing literatures. The joint exami-ual bias. The magnitudes of these effects strongly suggest that nation of mental abilities, emotions, and motivations wouldcognitive ability plays a meaningful role in the expression of provide a rich framework for understanding how prejudiceprejudice. and social-cultural ideologies develop in individuals. Models A reliable explanation of this effect of g on prejudice con- explaining the relations among g, cognitive styles (e.g., need fortributes considerably to the understanding of prejudice.2 Our closure), ideology, and prejudicial attitudes, ideally across mul-research is the first to demonstrate that intelligence may exert tiple time points, are particularly needed to fully identify thea considerable influence on prejudice through right-wing ide- processes by which ideology and prejudice develop and theologies, which promote the maintenance of the status quo and temporal ordering of such processes.hierarchies among groups, and also through low levels of con- In conclusion, our investigation establishes that cognitivetact with out-groups. Clearly, however, all socially conserva- ability is a reliable predictor of prejudice. Understanding thetive people are not prejudiced, and all prejudiced persons are causes of intergroup bias is the first step toward ultimatelynot conservative. We therefore differentiated our approach addressing social inequalities and negativity toward out-from that of earlier researchers who treated prejudicial atti- groups. Exposing right-wing conservative ideology and inter-tudes and ideology as manifestations of conservatism (Deary group contact as mechanisms through which personalet al., 2008; Schoon et al., 2010). By contrast, in keeping with intelligence may influence prejudice represents a fundamentalcontemporary intergroup theories, such as social-dominance advance in developing such an understanding.theory, we deliberately disentangled conservative ideologyfrom prejudice. We recognize that although conservative ide- Declaration of Conflicting Interestsologies often contribute to negative attitudes or behavior The authors declared that they had no conflicts of interest withtoward out-groups (Altemeyer, 1996; Sidanius & Pratto, respect to their authorship or the publication of this article.1999), conservative ideologies or value systems are not neces-sarily characterized by prejudice, and social conservatives do Supplemental Materialnot “value” negative evaluations of out-groups. Instead, con- Additional supporting information may be found at http://pss.sagepubservative ideologies contribute to negative out-group evalua- .com/content/by/supplemental-datations. Not only do cognitive abilities predict each of theseconstructs, but our analyses reveal that right-wing ideologies Notesand contact with out-groups go a long way in explaining the 1.  We focused on social-cultural conservatism rather than economicrelation between mental ability and prejudice. conservatism, given that the former is more clearly related to preju- Of course, prejudice cannot be explained solely by intelli- dice (Jost et al., 2003; Van Hiel et al., 2010).gence, ideology, or intergroup contact. Prejudice has complex 2. Although Jackman (1973) has reasoned that mentally sophisti-origins, including personal factors, such as ignorance and a cated people might be better able to avoid appearing prejudiced, Downloaded from pss.sagepub.com by guest on February 11, 2012
  • 9. 194 Hodson, Busseriresearch does not support this position (e.g., Ostapczuk, Musch, & Jackman, M. (1973). Education and prejudice or education andMoshagen, 2009; Wagner & Zick, 1995). Moreover, this supposition response-set? American Sociological Review, 38, 327–339.hinges on the unsupported assumption that understanding and com- Jost, J. T., Glaser, J., Kruglanski, A. W., & Sulloway, F. J. (2003).plying with contemporary social norms against prejudice when Political conservatism as motivated social cognition. Psychologi-responding to straightforward questions about racial preferences cal Bulletin, 129, 339–375.requires elaborate cognitive skills of the sort that differentiate people Keiller, S. W. (2010). Abstract reasoning as a predictor of attitudeswith lower mental abilities from people with higher mental abilities. toward gay men. Journal of Homosexuality, 57, 914–927.This alternative explanation seems unlikely, particularly in samples Kite, M. E., & Deaux, K. (1986). 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