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Epistemology of Social Science, ISSJ Unesco Vol. XXXVI, No. 4, 1984

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International Social Science Journal, VolXXXVI, n°4, 1984 …

International Social Science Journal, VolXXXVI, n°4, 1984
EPISTEMOLOGY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE
The scientific status, values and institutionalisation

Published in: Education, Technology, Spiritual
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  • 1. Published quarterly by Unesco Vol. X X X V I , N o . 4, 1984 Editor a.i.: AM Kazancigil Design and layout: Jacques Carrasco Picture research: Florence Bonjean Correspondents Bangkok: Yogesh Atal Beijing: Li Xuekun Belgrade: Balsa Spadijer Buenos Aires: Norberto Rodríguez Bustamante Canberra: Geoffrey Caldwell Cologne: Alphons Silbermann Delhi: André Béteille Florence: Francesco Margiotta Broglio Harare: Chen Chimutengwende Hong Kong: Peter Chen London: Cyril S. Smith Mexico City: Pablo Gonzalez Casanova Moscow: Marien Gapotchka Nigeria: Akinsola A k i w o w o Ottawa: Paul L a m y Singapore: S. H . Alatas Tokyo: Hiroshi Ohta Tunis: A . Bouhdiba United States: G e n e Lyons Topics of forthcoming issues: International comparisons Food structures Education Youth Cover: Eye reflecting a theatre, drawing by the French architect Nicolas Ledoux (1736-1806). Edimcdia ' Right: The mystery of human mind, drawing from Robert Fludd, Utriusque Cosmi Historia (1619). Explorer mm '.'.Aw'««;*,'-. •$•„.--- : ^^¿iW'£j?•••-•.¿Xe-.'y^ lhr- ; m< >
  • 2. INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL EPISTEMOLOGY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE 0020 8701 102 Editorial 565 General analyses Ernest Gellner T h e scientific status of the social sciences 567 Stefan Nowak Philosophical schools and scientific working methods in social science 587 Emérita S. Quito Value as a factor in social action 603 Claude A k e Commodification of the social sciences 615 Disciplines Philippe Braillard Edmund Burke III Milton Santos The social sciences and the study of international relations 627 The institutionalization of sociology in France: its social and political significance 643 Geography in the late twentieth century: n e w roles for a threatened discipline 657 T h e social science sphere T . V . Sathyamurthy Development research and the social sciences in India 673 G . B . Benko Regional science: evolution over thirty years 699 Jacques Lombard The teaching of anthropology: a comparative study 713 Books received Recent Unesco publications ' ' - 725 727
  • 3. Editorial There are ways in which scientific activity resembles the practice of a sport. A sportsm a n must observe his movements and analyse them in detail, in order to improve his performance. Similarly, the researcher should not overlook professional self-analysis and reflection about the direction and scope of his work, finding theoretical and methodological ways to improve his results and better dominate his subject. Indeed, this type of analysis cannot be isolated from research activity itself. This is of particular importance in the case of the sciences of m a n and society, where the relations between the researcher and his field of research present certain special characteristics different from those prevailing in the sciences of life and nature. H o w e v e r , the epistemológica! foundations of social science research are not always explicitly stated; neither are they analysed as systematically as they should be. The theory of knowledge provides opportunities for a refreshing look at the social sciences, provided that the Charybdis of obsessive preoccupation with epistemology is avoided as clearly as the Scylla of a narrowminded empiricism. The articles in this issue are devoted, to such a self-examination of the social sciences, and present viewpoints o n certain of their epistomological, axiological and institutional aspects. Ernest Gellner raises the question of ascertaining whether the social sciences should be admitted into the exclusive club of the sciences. C a n the social world be studied scientifically, or should it b e left to the philosophers and poets? Gellner has no readym a d e answer to offer, but h e eloquently demonstrates the weakness of attempts to exclude the social sciences from the scientific realm. Stefan N o w a k broaches the relations between the scientific methods used in sociology and various philosophical schools and shows h o w methodological choices indicate philosophical and epistemological preferences. Emérita Quito's contribution analyses the relations between values as an object to be studied, and values as factors influencing social science research. Claude A k e offers an approach that could be called a political economy of the social sciences, showing that the latter, operating under the constraints of market laws and within an environment dominated by exchange value and not use value, are commodified. T h e last three articles of the thematic section are epistemological analyses of specific disciplines in various contexts. E d m u n d Burke III studies the social and economic forces that shaped the institutionalization of sociology in France, at the turn of the century, Philippe Braillard discusses the case of international relations, and Milton Santos, that of geography. The texts that appear in ' T h e Social Science Sphere' are not foreign to the thematic section: T . V . Sathyamurthy describes the striking growth of the social sciences in post-independence India; G . B . B e n k o writes about regional science, an interdisciplinary field that has developed over the last few
  • 4. Editorial 56 6 decades; and Jacques Lombard provides a historical account of the teaching of anthropology in Belgium, the Federal Republic of Germany, France, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. Past issues of the ISSJ devoted to topics related to the current one include: Vol. X V I , N o . 4, 1964; Vol. X X , N o . 2, 1968; Vol. XXII, N o . 1, 1970; Vol. X X I V , N o . 4, 1972; and Vol. X X I X , N o . 4, 1977. The complete list of back issues is provided at the end of this volume. W e take this opportunity to inform our readers of a recent change in the editorial team. Peter Lengyel, editor of this Journal since 1963, has left Unesco, which he joined in 1953. His career in the service of the Organization, devoted to m a n y aspects of international co-operation in the social sciences, was characterized above all by his achievements with the ISSJ. A.K. [Translated from French]
  • 5. The scientific status of the social sciences Ernest Gellner The idea of the 'scientific' could they mislead us in this case, by falsely identifying the object, or cluster of objects, with which w e are to b e concerned, namely T h e problem of whether the social sciences are the social sciences? N o . T h e central object of our inquiry is precisely the social sciences, as genuinely scientific immediately raises two actually practised and identified in contemquestions: W h a t are the social sciences? W h a t porary societies. Public opinion, however is it to be scientific? loosely defined, cannot here mislead us, T h efirstof these questions raises no deep because the object that concerns us is, preproblems and can be answered by ostensión cisely, one defined by reference to current or by enumeration. T h e social sciences simply cultural norms. W e m a y are what social scientists of course also be inprofessionally practise. Ernest Gellner, formerly at the Lonterested in s o m e transThe definition thus condon School of Economics and Polisocial, culturally neutral, tains a covert (but hardly tical Science, is n o w Professor of ideal social science, if very covert) reference Anthropology at King's College, there is such a thing; but Cambridge, United Kingdom. His to the consensual or m a - , our primary concern is main publications are Words and jority or uncontested Things (1959), Thought and Change with the concrete pracjudgements prevalent in (1965), Saints of the Atlas (1969), tices recognized currently contemporary societies Muslim Society (1981) and Nations as 'social sciences'. and Nationalism (1983). and identifying, by their But the situation is tacit or express ranking, quite different w h e n w e which universities, proc o m e to the second term, fessional associations, which needs to be deindividuals, are as it were fined—'scientific'. H e r e , norm-setting or paradigostensión or enumeration matic and, in effect, deare of n o help whatever. W e are not specially fine, by their o w n attribution of labels, the interested in the question of what society nature and range of the social sciences. happens to call 'scientific', or at any rate, the This covert reference to public opinion or actual use of this label by our contemporaries consensus does not vitiate the definition or is not conclusive. A s a matter of fact, society is m a k e it circular. Majorities, consensus, the disunited on this issue, and there is a lot of very general cultural 'sense of the meeting'—all significant pushing and pulling going o n about these are of course not infallible or stable or just h o w far the blanket of the 'scientific' is to unambiguous. There is n o contradiction in the suggestion that public opinion at a given date reach. B u t w e are not interested in holding a referendum about this, or in seeing which of is in error. If such sources can be mistaken,
  • 6. 568 the m a n y warring groups manages to impose its view at any given time. Instead, w e are deeply concerned with s o m e normative, genuinely authoritative sense of 'scientific'. W e are interested in finding out whether the social sciences are really scientific. This is in itself an interesting and significant fact. In formulating our question— A r e the social sciences scientific?—we seem to employ for our subject a term which is defined conventionally or by denotation—anything currently in fact called by that n a m e , ipso facto falls under it—while our predicate is Platonistic or normative, and intended not be be at the mercy of h u m a n w h i m or convention. T h e rules of its application are meant to be based o n s o m e higher, independent authority. O u r sentence thus seems logically a hybrid—the subject is nominalistic or conventional, the predicate is Platonistic, essentialist and prescriptive. Is such double-talk permissible? I do not think this situation is actually all that anomalous or unusual. But it is significant. If both terms were defined conventionally, by reference to the actual or majority or agreed use of the term, the question would be easy to answer and lack any profundity or importance. All w e should need to do would be to commission a survey, set up tofindout whether and to what extent people use one label ('social sciences') in a manner such that it falls within the range of use of another and broader label ('scientific'). But no such survey would in fact be felt to be relevant, or at any rate conclusive, to the question which w e are effectively asking. , This 'Platonism of the predicate', which obliges us to treat the term in question as though it referred to something constituted quite independently of our choice and custom, and endowed with authority over us, is interesting and significant. Note that it is an old and pervasive feature of discussions concerning the delimitations of 'science' or 'meaning'. Those famous demarcation disputes had all the passion and intensity of circumscribing the Ernest Gellner saved and the damned, of defining the licit and the illicit, of discovering an important and given truth, and not of just allocating labels. Conventionalism with respect to the delimitation of concepts was only invoked, with some embarrassment and visible lack of conviction, w h e n the theorist found himself cornered by, for instance, the insistent question concerning the status of the 'verification principle' itself. W a s it itself an experiential report, or a convention determining the limits of a term? The pretence was maintained that the verifiability demarcation of meaning or of science was merely a convention of ours. But the real spirit in which this delimitation was proposed was obviously quite different. It was propounded as an objective, authoritative, Platonic norm. It circumscribed cognitive salvation. There is not a shadow of doubt that discussions concerning what is and is not 'scientific' are carried on in this utterly Platonistic, normative and non-conventionalist spirit. These are debates about whether something is really, really scientific. T h e debates seem based on the assumption that what is at issue is an important conceptual boundary, in the very nature of things, and altogether beyond the reach of what w e choose to call what. Another explanation is available: w e are not conceptually rigid because w e are Platonists; w e become Platonists because w e are conceptually rigid. It is w h e n concepts constrain us, that w e turn Platonist malgré nous. W e cannot always choose our concepts, and our concepts do often have authority over us. M a n can do as he will, but he cannot will as he will; and he cannot always choose his concepts at will. Sometimes they have an authority over us w e cannot resist. A n d w h y are w e in s o m e cases so conceptually rigid, and w h y do w e allow ourselves to be bondsm e n to the values and imperatives incapsulated in s o m e ideas? Generically, one m a y say that this happens because some cluster or syndrome of
  • 7. The scientific status of the social sciences features, locked in with each other in this or that concept of a given language or style of thought, has good reasons, so to speak, for being locked in with each other in just that manner, with that particular set of ingredients, and for having some kind of compulsive hold over our thought. Moreover, the moral charge, positive or negative, with which such concepts are loaded, cannot be prised away from them. The reasons that lead to the crystallization of such concepts binding a cluster of traits m a y be general or specific; they m a y be inherent in the h u m a n condition as such, or they m a y be tied to some definite social or historic situation. But the overall formula for this occurrence must be something like this: situations arise (and sometimes persist) which impel a given speech and conceptual community to think in terms of a concept T, defined in terms of attributes, a, b, c, etc. ; moreover it is of great importance for the community as to whether a given object or practice does or does not fall under T, is part and parcel of the very life, use and hence operational definition of that concept. So is its moral charge. S o m e conceptual boundaries have an importance for given societies, which arises from the very nature of their situation, and which cannot be abrogated by fiat. 569 mere opinion, and with the even m o r e acute concern with the identification of the true faith. In the latter case, w e knew only too well w h y the notion was so important: personal salvation and damnation depended on it. But the demarcation of the scientific, though it m a y overlap, certainly is not co-extensivè (let alone co-intensive) with either true knowledge or with the true faith. If this be granted, then what is it? Sociologizing science to the second degree: Popper and Kuhn T h e 'scientific' has not been a crucial and authoritative notion in all ages and all societies. In societies in which the institution of the 'sage' was well established, it was natural that the preoccupation with the distinction between real and spurious knowledge, genuine and fraudulent access to recipes for good lifestyles and excellence, should become widespread. It was a kind of consumer protection service for those w h o entered the marketplace for wisdom and counsellor services about the 'good life'; and it seemed to provide the first powerful stimulus for the development of the theory of knowledge. In the days There is no doubt in m y mind that, in of competing putative messiahs, the criteria modern society, the concept of the 'scientific' for identifying the true one seemed to b e is precisely of this kind. W e need it, and it demonstratively spectacular rather than episcannot but be an important and authoritative temological. B y the time Revelation came to notion. A s so often, w e m a y or m a y not be be monopolized and scripturally codified, the able to specify precisely what it is that w e central preoccupation became, naturally, the m e a n by it; what m a y b e called Socrates' identification of the unique or nearly unique paradox, namely that it is possible to use a point of revelation, and of the authenticity of notion without being able to define it, does the putatively unique message, messenger, or apply here, as it does so often. But whatever of the permanent institution or series of it is that goes into the cluster of traits which personal links between the authentic point of defines the idea, the idea is indisputably communication and the present. Against the important, and is so to speak non-optional. background of these various institutional and W e do not k n o w precisely what it is, but w e doctrinal assumptions, each of these quesdo k n o w that it is important and that w e tions, and no doubt other variants of them, m a d e sense. Although they do have some can'not tinker with it at will. overlap and affinity with the question that The idea of the 'scientific' is such a concerns us here, obviously they are not notion. But it has not always been so. N o identical with it. doubt it has some mild affinity with the old desire to define true knowledge as against The main point of overlap is that in all of
  • 8. 570 these questions, m e n were concerned with the validation or legitimation of more specific claims, in terms of some more general criteria. W h e n one determines whether or not something is 'scientific', one is ipso facto deciding whether or not it has a certain legitimate claim on our attention, and perhaps even on our credence. T h e status of being 'scientific' is not necessarily the only or the dominant way of conferring such authority on specific claims; but it is most certainly at least one a m o n g such widely heeded and respected ways of validation. T i m e was when it was not even one a m o n g m a n y ; when it was, in fact, unknown. This, to m y mind, is a crucial clue. W e needfirstof all to identify those background social conditions that have engendered this particular manner of validation, which bring forth this n e w and potent notion or 'the scientific', and e n d o w it with authority. This automatically pushes our inquiry into a sociological direction—by obliging it to be sensitive to and concerned with general differences in kinds of society. A t the very least, w e shall need to be concerned with the difference between the kind of society that does and the kind that does not engender the concept in question. There are at least two ways of approaching the problem of defining 'science': the philosophical and the sociological. T h e philosophical can be characterized as follows: the practitioner of this approach works in terms of s o m e kind of model of discovery or of the acquisition of knowledge, where the elements in that model are items drawn from individual activities, such as having ideas, experiences, setting up experiments, relating the lessons of experience or the results of experiments to generalizations based on the initial ideas, and so forth. A n extreme individualistic theory of science would be one that offered a theory and a demarcation of science without ever going beyond the bounds of a model constructed in this way. Such a theory might concede or even stress that, in fact, scientists are very numerous and that they habitually co-operate and communicate with each other. Ernest Gellner But it would treat this as s o m e h o w contingent and inessential. A Robinson Crusoe could, for such a theory, practise science. Given resources, longevity, ingenuity and ability, no achievement of science as w e k n o w it would, 'in principle', be beyond his powers. Those w h o hold theories of this kind are not debarred from admitting that, in fact, criticism, testing and corroboration are, generally speaking, social activities, and that they depend for their effectiveness on a mathematical, technological and institutional infrastructure, which is far beyond the power of any individual to establish; but they are, I suppose, committed to holding that whether or not a social environment makes these preconditions available is, as it were, an external condition of science, but not in any essential way part of it.1 There are various ways and degrees of injecting a sociological element into such an individualistic vision. Minimally, one might insist that society constitutes an essential precondition—but only society as such, and not necessarily this or that kind of society. Emile Durkheim would be an example of such a position: he held that thought was impossible without conceptual compulsion, which in turn depended on the existence of society and, above all, on communal ritual. This, if true, turns society into an essential pre-condition of science and, indeed, of all thought; a genuinely pre-social individual, however able, long-lived and well-equipped, could never rise to the formulation of a general idea.2 A second degree of the sociologizing of the theory of science involves insisting not merely o n the presence of a society, but of a special kind of society. Popper's theory of science seems to be of this kind: society is not enough, the w o m b of science requires the 'critical spirit'. Closed societies cannot engender science but an 'open society' can do so. A n open society is one in which m e n subject each other's views to criticism, and which either possesses institutional underpinning for such a practice, or at least lacks the institutional means for inhibiting it. Popper's views on this matter have a number of
  • 9. The scientific status of the social sciences LE PROVOCATEUR DE PLOIE Promethean Science: the rainmaker, D . R . 571
  • 10. 572 aspects that m a y not be altogether in harmony. W h e n stressing the continuity of trial and error as the basis of all cognitive advancement throughout the history of all life, it would seem that the core secret of scientific method is something w e share with all organic life and never needed to learn. ( W e have only someh o w learnt to do it a bit faster and to show mercy to carriers of unsuccessful ideas.) N o special institutions seem to be required. In the context of turning the tables on relativists w h o invoke the h u m a n inability to overcome prejudice and interest, however, Popper seems prepared to concede that m a n y (perhaps most?) m e n are unwilling to correct their o w n views in the light of contrary considerations, and perhaps even need prejudice to m a k e discoveries at all; but he insists that science is the kind of institution that is not at the mercy of the virtues or vices of the persons w h o m a n it. Public testing by a diversified and uncontrollable community of scientists ensures the ultimate elimination of faulty ideas, however dogmatic and irrational their individual adherents m a y be. In this version, science and its advancement clearly does depend on the institutional underpinning of this public and plural testing. O n the other hand again, in the context of the discussion of the origin of the scientific spirit, Popper is inclined to invoke the figures of heroic, Promethean Ionian founder-liberators, w h o s o m e h o w overcame their o w n h u m a n proclivity to dogmatism, and encouraged their disciples to criticize, thereby inventing science. T h e Ionian proto-Popper plays a role in this system, similar to that of the philosopher in The Republic: he and he alone, by his somewhat mysterious emergence, can break through the vicious circle, to which otherwise mankind is in thrall. Popper's overall philosophy is curious in that science had to be invented in h u m a n history, when seen as the great act of liberation from the 'closed society', though it had not originally needed inventing in the general history of life, for the amoeba had it as its birthright. Within nature, organisms eliminated faulty hypotheses by eliminating each other. Savage, pre-scientific m e n also glee- Ernest Gellner fully eliminated each other, but not hypotheses; for s o m e reason they allowed ideas to survive, or rather they uncritically preserved them, instead of eliminating them. Harsh with each other, they showed tender solicitude for ideas. Modern scientific m e n eliminate hypotheses, but not each other, at any rate w h e n on their best behaviour. The curious consequence of Popper's philosophy of history is that there is a kind of Dark A g e or Fall, which took place between the, first emergence of humanity and the beginnings of science and the open society. The amoeba's birthright was lost somewhere during the early tribal, over-collectivistic period of h u m a n history, and was miraculously, heroically recovered in Ionia. It is interesting that the Dark A g e theory is shared by Christianity, Marxism and Popper, though in different forms. The second currently most influential philosopher of science, T h o m a s K u h n , would also seem to sociologize the subject to the second degree. Society appears in his view to be essential for the existence and advancement of science, and not just any society will do: it has to be one endowed with a paradigm. There appear to be societies not so endowed—for instance, the community of social scientists.3 A s far as one can m a k e out, the crucial differentia between science-capable and science-incapable societies in this view is just this—the absence or presence of a paradigm. K u h n does not seem to have any views concerning the difference between scientific and ««-scientific paradigms; a crucial weakness in his position, to m y mind. Paradigms seem to be not merely incommensurate, but also to constitute a curiously undifferentiated class. T h e prophet of their incommensurability seems to have little sense of h o w very different in kind they are—that some of them are more incommensurate than others. But in so far as the importance of paradigms, and the fact that they are socially carried, perpetuated and enforced, leads him openly and avowedly to turn to sociology, he does lay himself open to Popper's taunt: Which sociology is the
  • 11. 573 The scientific status of the social sciences philosopher of science to use? Which sociological paradigm m a y he trust, when using sociology to grapple with the general problem of the nature of science, so as to illuminate the standing of all sciences, including sociology itself? B y making all scientific activity relative to paradigms, and the philosophy of science dependent on sociology (which is presumably n o more exempt from paradigmdependence than any other science or inquiry), his position would seem to have an element of circularity in it.4 W h a t concerns us h e r e is this: both Popper and K u h n sociologize the philosophy of science to the second degree, i.e. they m a k e science dependent not merely on the sheer existence of society, but on the availability of a special kind of society. T h e manner in which they do so, h o w ever, is contrasted and indeed diametrically opposed. For Popper, the only sciencecapable society is one so loosened up in its social control as to permit criticism even of its most respected sages (or better still, perhaps, one endowed with institutional guarantees of: the possibility or even the encouragement of such criticism); for K u h n , science is m a d e possible only by the presence of socialconceptual control sufficiently tight to impose a paradigm on its m e m b e r s at most (though not quite all) times, notwithstanding the fact that paradigms are not logically, so to speak objectively, binding. They are m a d e binding by social pressure, which thus makes science possible. Unless the deep questions are arbitrarily prejudged, science cannot proceed, it appears. But just as T h o m a s Hobbes insisted that any sovereign is preferable to anarchy, so T h o m a s K u h n insists that any paradigm is preferable to the dreadful freedom of contemporary social scientists, ever questioning and 1 debating fundamentals and for that very reason, through their great 'openness', inhibiting the emergence of genuine science in their o w n midst. It is not necessary here to choose between the near-anarchism of Popper and the authoritarianism of K u h n , recommending loyalty to paradigms at most times though evidently retaining the right of occasional rebellion (during similarly ill-defined, and I think in principle indefinable, conditions of 'scientific revolution'). W h a t is relevant for our purpose is to single out an error that they both share. T o define science, one needs to sociologize the philosophy of science to the third, and not merely the second, degree. It is not sufficient to allow the relevance of society and to distinguish between science-capable and science-incapable societies; it is also necessary to m a k e this distinction in terms of features of society that do not pertain to their cognitive activities alone, and to consider those societies w h e n involved in activities other than cognition. W e shall need to look at the impact of cognition on its other activities. This, in m y terminology, is to sociologize the subject to the third degree; and it needs to be done. H o w is it to be done? Characteristics of science-capable societies If w e are to understand w h y the notion of being scientific is so potent, w h y this accolade is so very significant, w e must look at what it is that 'science' does to society, and forget for a m o m e n t the usual and fascinating question of h o w it manages to do it. Philosophical theories of science, such as those that are incorporated in various philosophical attempts to demarcate science, basically endeavour to answer the question concerning h o w it is that science works, h o w it is that the great miracle of scientific progress and consensus is achieved. But from the viewpoint of identifying what it is that confers such magic and charm onto science, w e must look not so m u c h at h o w it is done, but what it is that is done which is so enchanting. W h y is it that science makes so m u c h difference to society, that a special prestige attaches to any activity that m a y be included within its charmed circle, and can be withheld from anything that fails to qualify as 'scientific'? This contrast, as I formulate it, somewhat simplifies a m o r e complex reality: philosophers of science are of course also concerned
  • 12. 574 with the features of the output of science, with the kind of theory it produces. Nevertheless, that tends to be a datum for them: their problem is—How was it achieved? It is the sociologist w h o is concerned primarily with the effects and implications of the kinds of knowledge that science provides. In the interest of simplicity of exposition, I shall pretend that this division of labour is neater than in fact it is. This question as posed can best be answered by offering a highly schematic but nevertheless relevant sketch history of m a n kind—one that divides this history into three stages. Trinitarian philosophies of history are c o m m o n : there is for instance Auguste C o m te's theory of the religious, metaphysical and positivestages, or Sir James Frazer's doctrine of the successive dominance of magic, religion and science, or Karl Polanyi's less intellectualist account of the succession of the c o m m u n a l , redistributive and market societies. T h e n e w pattern of world history which is n o w crystallizing in our time and which constitutes, I believe, the unofficial, unformulated and sometimes unavowed, but tacitly pervasive view of history of our age, is somewhat different. It shares some of the intellectualism and the high valuation of science with the Comtist and Frazerian schemes, though it is m o r e preoccupied than Frazer at least with the impact of science on the ordering of society. T h e crucial stages of h u m a n history are the following:first,that of hunting and foodgathering; then, that of food production (agriculture and pastoralism); and, finally, that based on production, which is linked to growing scientific knowledge. Theories of historical stages in terms of social organization do not work: it is the cognitive productive ; base that seems to provide the 'big divide'; and on either side of the big divide w e find a diversity of social forms. In the present context, the world of hunters and gatherers does not greatly concern us. But the difference between the agrarian and the scientific/ industrial world does concern us a very great deal. Ernest Gellner T h e notion of a fully developed agrarian society includes not merely that of reliance on food production, but also two other important features: literacy and political centralization. Developed agrarian societies are marked by a fairly complex but relatively stable division of labour. But it is a mistake to treat the division of labour as a, so to speak, homogeneous commodity: its implications for society vary according to just what it is that is being turned into a specialism. Literacy and political centralization, the emergence of a clerisy and a polity, have quite distinctive consequences, which cannot simply be assimilated to the minor economic specializations that occur within the process of production taken on its own. Agro-literate polities are not all alike. In fact, they differ a great deal a m o n g themselves. T h e diversity of agrarian political regimes is well k n o w n . T h e clerical classes of agrarian polities also vary a great deal in their organization, recruitment and ethos. In one place, they m a y be part of a single, centralized, and jealously monopolistic organization; in another, they m a y be a loose and open guild, open to all m e n of pious learning. Elsewhere again, they m a y be a closed but uncentralized caste, or constitute a bureaucracy selected by competitive examination, with an administrative but not a religious monopoly. Notwithstanding this variety, certain important c o m m o n or generic traits can be observed. Recorded knowledge in such societies is used for administrative records, notably those connected with taxation; for communication along a political and religious hierarchy; as parts of ritual and for the codification of religious doctrine, which has a kind of shadow in the form of word magic, the compliment paid by manipulative magic to scriptural religion. Conservation of the written truth, and possibly its implementation, are central concerns, rather than its expansion in the form of acquisition of more truth. (Cognitive growth is not yet a plausible ideal.) Despite inner complexity, sometimes very considerable, both the status systems and the
  • 13. The scientific status òf the social sciences 'Cognitive despair'. Roger-Viollet. 575
  • 14. 576 cognitive systems within such a society tend to be fairly stable, and the same tends to be true of its productive system. T h e normative and conservative stress, on the written word, in the keeping of the clerisy, tends to produce a cultural dualism or pluralism in such a society, a differentiation between the great (literate) tradition and little tradition or traditions. Parts of the written great tradition m a y contain general ideas of great penetration and potential, or acute and accurate observations of reality, or deductive systems of great rigour; none the less, generically speaking, one m a y say that a corpus of this kind s o m e h o w or other had no firm grip on, and cumulative penetration of, nature. Its main significance and role, lies rather in social legitimation, edification, record-keeping and communication, and not in a genuine cognitive exploration of nature. W h e n it comes to the manipulation and understanding of things, the cognitive content of the corpus tends to be inferior to the skills, such as they are, of the craftsman or artisan or working practitioner. T h e cognitive despair expressed with such vigour in the opening speech of Goethe's Faust is clearly a commentary on this situation. With less anguish and perhaps m o r e indignation, and with a missionary zeal on behalf of a putative alternative, a similar sentiment can be found, for instance, in what might be called the pan-human or carte blanche populism of Michael Oakeshott. 5 Oakeshott's work enjoyed a considerable vogue in post-war Britain, and he probably continues to be the United Kingdom's foremost conservative political philosopher. His w o r k is highly relevant for the present purpose because, at its base, there is a premiss that is half-epistemological, half-sociological, and which runs as follows: genuine knowledge is 'practical', which means that it is maintained and transmitted by the practice of a skill, and can be perpetuated only by a living tradition; and its content can never be adequately seized in written' documents, and certainly cannot be transmitted from one m a n to another by writing alone. The illusion that Ernest Gellner this can be done, which endows abstract and written assertions with independent authority, he names 'rationalism', in a highly pejorative sense, and he clearly holds it to be the bane of modern life. Oakeshott's doctrine vacillates somewhat between, on the one hand, a global pan-populism, endorsing all traditions, and damning all their scholasticisms, which they develop w h e n they adopt writing and printing and take it too seriously, and, on the other hand, the endorsement of one specific and blessed tradition, which, thanks presumably to an unwritten constitution, c o m m o n law, and the pragmatic wisdom of W h i g politicians, has resisted 'rationalism' somewhat better than others—though about 1945, it did so less well than it should and aroused his wrath. If it is the achievement of one distinctive tradition, can it also be a valid recipe for all of them—without implicitly contradicting its o w n central principle, namely the absence of any abstract and universally valid principles? T h e reason w h y this Oakeshottian position is highly relevant for our argument is this: whether or not it provides a good diagnosis of the political predicament of modern m a n , it does unwittingly provide a very accurate schematic account of the role of abstract knowledge in the agro-literate polity. It is a rather good account of the relation between codified knowledge and practical skills in the agro-literate polity—but only in the agroliterate polity. T h e scriptures, law codes, epics, manuals and so forth, in the keeping of its scribes, jealously preserved and fairly stable over time, are not superior to the inarticulate practical wisdom of the life-long m e m b e r of the clan or guild. They echo, formalize, distort and travesty that wisdom; and though, contrary to the anti-'rationalist' diatribe, reverence for the codified version of the wisdom m a y on occasion be beneficial— because, for instance, reverence for the codified rule makes it less amenable to opportunist manipulation—nevertheless it is true that the absolute authority claimed for the writ in the scribe's keeping is not justified. The written theory is parasitical on the lived praxis. So be it; or at any rate, so it was,
  • 15. The scientific status of the social sciences 577 once, in the agro-literate polity. It is so no label. I believe this kind of 'continuity thesis' to be mistaken.) longer. This, as it were, external, sociological But it is conspicuously untrue of modern science and the society based on it. A s a social account of science, described from the viewp h e n o m e n o n , modern natural science has a point of what it does to the cognitive m a p and productive processes of society (leaving aside number of conspicuous features: 1. Though not completely consensual, it is the question of its inner mechanics, the secret of its success), m a y of course be challenged. It consensual to an astonishing degree. 2. It is intercultural. Though it flourishes m a y be denied that science constitutes the m o r e in some countries than in others, it victory of trans-social, explicit, formalized appears capable of persisting in a wide and abstract knowledge, over privately, inefvariety of cultural and political climes, and fably communicated insights or skills or sensitivities. It m a y be asserted that the goldento be largely independent of them. 3. It is cumulative. Its growth rate is astonish- egg-laying goose is not, after all, radically ing. This is also, a m o n g cognitive systems distinct from the old practical skills. The perception and understanding of a scientific in general, unique. 4. Though it can evidently be taught to m e n problem, the capacity to propound and test a originating in any cultural background, it solution, 'requires—it can be argued—some requires arduous and prolonged training, in flair or spirit or 'personal knowledge' which is thought styles and techniques that are in no beyond the reach of words or script, and w a y continuous with those of daily life, and which cannot be formalized. Fingerspitzengefuehl (adroitness) is alive and well, and, more are often highly counter-intuitive. important, remains indispensable. Michael 5. T h e continuously growing technology it Polanyi was only one adherent, though possengenders is immeasurably superior to, ibly the best k n o w n one, of such a view. 7 and qualitatively distinct from, the practical skills of the craftsmen of agrarian It is difficult to say h o w one could society. evaluate this claim. It is sometimes supported It is these features, or others closely related to by arguments such as the infinite regress of them, which have engendered the persistent formalization, which can never catch up with 8 and haunting question—what is science? T h e itself; whatever is asserted is only a case of question is no longer—what is truth, wisdom 'knowing that', and presupposes further pracor genuine knowledge? M e n possessed by the tical 'knowing h o w ' to apply it—and if that in haunting question concerning the nature of turn is articulated and m a d e explicit, the science do not necessarily deny that knowl- initial argument applies once again, and so on edge or truth also exist outside science; they for ever. O r it can be supported by the widely do not all say, as an anti-scientistic book once held and plausible view that while there can ironically put it, 'extra scientiam nulla salus'.6 be a logic of testing, there is no logic of But they are generally imbued with the sense discovery—only free-floating, uncontrollable of the distinctiveness of this kind of k n o w - inspiration, which comes or does not c o m e as ing, and wish to locate its source. They do not it wills, but appears to be m o r e willing to want to kill the goose that lays the golden descend upon well-sustained, but elusive and eggs, they only wish to identify it, so as to use indefinable, research traditions. it to the full, and perhaps to guide it to n e w But even if all this is admitted, what fields. (Some do wish to equate knowledge matters from the social viewpoint is that the with scientific knowledge, not because they ratio, the entire balance, between ineffable despise and abjure pre-scientific cognitive practical skill or flair on the one hand, and styles, but because they consider them to be explicit formal knowledge, is transformed out basically similar to science, being merely of all recognition in a science-using, industrial earlier and feebler, and to deserve the same society. E v e n if an element of flair or tra-
  • 16. 578 dition, which is beyond words, is crucial for the occasional outstanding great n e w discovery, or, in small regular doses, for the sustaining of a vigorous research tradition, yet the enormous mass of ordinary research and technological activity works quite differently: it rather resembles the old explicit scholasticisms of agro-literate society, except in one crucial way—it works. Scholasticism, for all its ineffectiveness, seems to have been a good preparation of genuinely productive vigour. Talmudic societies take to science with alacrity. . Its general implications for the society which uses science are also fairly obvious. A society endowed with a powerful and continuously growing technology lives by innovation, and its occupational role structure is perpetually in flux. This leads to a fair amount of occupational mobility and hence to a measure of equality, which, though not sufficient to satisfy out-and-out egalitarians, is nevertheless far greater than that of most agrarian societies. It is egalitarian because it is mobile, not mobile because it is egalitarian. Mobility, frequent abstract transmission of ideas, and the need for universal literacy, i.e. fairly context-free communication, also lead to a completely n e w role of culture in society: culture is linked to school rather than h o m e and needs to be fairly homogeneous over the entire catchment area of an educational system. A t long last, 'great traditions' really dominate, and to a large extent supplant, 'little traditions'. So the state, which once m a y have been the defender of the faith, n o w becomes in effect the protector of a culture. In other words, the m o d e r n national state, (based on the principle—one state, one culture) becomes the n o r m , and irredentist nationalisms emerge where this norm fails to be satisfied. T h e unprecedented.potential for growth leads to cornucopianism, the attempt to b u y off discontent and to smooth over social conflict..by incremental Danegeld all round—and this in turn, as w e n o w k n o w only too well, becomes a dreadful trap w h e n , the incremental Danegeld having become an engrained, as-of-right expectation, the cornu- Ernest Cellner copia temporarily dries up or even just slows d o w n , as from time to time in the nature of things it must. These seem to be the generic traits of science-using society. They differentiate it profoundly from most or all agrarian societies, which are Malthusian rather than growth oriented, cognitively and productively stable rather than growing (innovations when they occur involve changes of degree rather than kind, and in any case come as single spies, not in battalions). Theories of historical stages or epochs in terms of social organization (capitalism/socialism is the most popular) seem to have failed, in as far as science-using (i.e. industrial) society appears to be compatible with diverse forms of organization, within the limits of their shared generic traits; but those traits, in turn distinguish it from all its predecessors. T h e question about the nature of science is in effect the issue of the nature of this distinctive style of cognition, which in turn defines an entire stage in the history of mankind. S o m e main philosophical theories of science Philosophical theories of science, as here defined, do not define science, as was done above, in the sociological manner, in terms of what it does to society. They tend to ignore that. Instead, they try to identify the secret that enables it to do it. It is impossible to list here all the contending theories in thisfield,and even if w e listed them, w e would have no w a y of deciding between them. There is no consensus in this area. Science m a y be consensual; the theory of science is not. But it is worthwhile, for our purpose, to list some of the main contenders: 1. Ultra-empiricist: stick to observable facts. Accumulate them, and only go beyond them w h e n the accumulated data strongly point in.some one direction. A b o v e all, do not trespass into the transcendent! This cautious version of empiricism, associated
  • 17. The scientific status of the social sciences 2. 3. 4. 5. with B a c o n or H u m e , and surviving in m o d e r n behaviourism, has been m u c h decried of late. Its detractors d o not always fully appreciate the fact that the interdict o n cognitive trespass once had a great value. T h e belief systems of agrarian societies were often so constructed as to b e cunningly self-maintaining in a circular w a y , and the 'interdict o n trespass' w a s the best w a y of eliminating these. T h e Kantian diagnosis, which is a mixture of the 'interdict on trespass' with reco m m e n d e d daring within proper bounds, and within the conceptual limits allegedly imposed by the structure of the h u m a n mind. Collective self-propulsion by the resolution of internal contradictions, with deference to privileged praxis—the praxis of the privileged class is a privileged praxis—and to the direction of a prescribed social development. This is the nearest I can get to formulating o n e of the theories of knowledge c o m m o n l y associated with Marxism. M a x i m u m daring of hypothesis within the limits of testability, the Popperian theory. Obedience to a given background picture (thus eliminating the chaos characteristic of unscientific subjects, and ensuring c o m parable w o r k and thus cumulation) except at rare, 'revolutionary' occasions, which cannot b e generically characterized nor presumably predicted, and which then lead to a progressive replacement of o n e background picture b y another. Within the limits of this theory, which declares these successive background pictures to be incommensurate, there cannot however be any rational w a y of showing that the post-revolutionary picture is superior to the one it replaced. T h o u g h the idea of scientific progress is presupposed, a n d indeed sets the problem, it cannot coherently b e asserted, for it would require the comparison of successive 'paradigms', which are said to b e incommensurate, by comparing them to s o m e meta-paradigm, which ex hypothesi w e do not and 59 7 cannot possess. This is the much-discussed theory propounded b y T h o m a s Kuhn.9 6. T h e successive improvement of collectives of propositions with a view to enhancing both external predictions and manipulation and internal coherence and elegance, b y m e t h o d s asserted to b e continuous with those which governed biological evolution. This is pragmatism, ably represented in our time by W . v a n O . Q u i n e . 1 0 In his version, it asserted the 'continuity thesis' m o r e coherently than is the case in the w o r k of P o p p e r (where it clashes with the discontinuity between 'open and closed' thought). If a major break in the cognitive history of life occurred at all, in this logical-pragmatist version, it arose at the point where abstract entities c a m e to b e used and in a w a y acquired reality, thus permitting the dramatic growth of mathematics. This is not the place to debate the merits of these theories. N o doubt there are others. But w e shall need to refer to the themes that occur in them—such as accurate observation, testing, mathematicization, shared conceptual currency, and the abstention from transcendence or circularity. M y argument has been that b y 'science' is m e a n t a type of cognition which has radically, qualitatively transformed m a n ' s relation to things: nature has ceased to b e a d a t u m and b e c o m e eligible for genuine comprehension and manipulation. Science is a distinctive cognitive system with s o m e mysterious builtin m e c h a n i s m ensuring sustained a n d perpetual growth—which has been profoundly beneficial for h u m a n productive systems, and corrosive for our systems of social legitimation. W e d o not really k n o w h o w this sustained and consensual growth is achieved, but w e d o k n o w that it is achieved, and 'science', is the n a m e for the m a n n e r in which it is d o n e , whatever it m a y b e . H e n c e the question concerning whether social studies are or are not to b e properly included within the limits of science is b y n o m e a n s merely terminological: W e are asking whether the
  • 18. 580 same kind of thing is happening in our understanding and manipulation of society. But this w a y of presenting the issue contains one important simplification. It suggests that the evaluative charge contained in the appelation 'science', because of its implied promise of understanding and control, is entirely, wholly and unambiguously positive. This is by no means so. Though there exists one major academic industry of producing books telling social scientists what science really is and h o w they can turn themselves into genuine scientists, there also exists another, with at least asflourishingan output, putatively establishing that the study of m a n and society cannot be scientific, or, alternatively, if the positively loaded term 'scientific' is to be retained, that they are scientific, but in a sense radically different from that which applies in natural science. The idea that the methods of natural and social science are basically identical, is nowadays almost a definition of 'positivism', and positivism is a term which in recent years has more often than not been used pejoratively. This is significant: originally, the central theme of positivism was the interdict on transcendence. M o d e r n anti-positivism seeks to escape from the weaknesses that flesh and fact are heir to (notably contingency and corrigibility), no longer to some transcendent realm of pure and certain truths such as were fashionable in agrarian days, but to the social and h u m a n realm; and to do so, it must insist that the h u m a n or cultural is radically distinct from nature. O n e also sometimes has the impression that a 'positivist' is anyone w h o subjects a favoured theory to the indignity of testing by mere fact. T h e arguments purporting to prove that the study of m a n and society cannot be scientific (variant reading: can only be scientific in a sense radically different from that applicable to the. study of nature) can also be catalogued. Authors upholding this view of course often combine or conflate these various points. N o n e the less, it is useful to list them separately. 1. T h e argument from idiography. H u m a n , Ernest Gellner social or historical phenomena either are inherently individual; or our concern is with their individual and idiosyncratic aspects; or, of course, both. 2. T h e argument from holism. Society is a unity; the 'principle of internal relations', which insists that everything is what it is in virtue of its relationships to everything else within the same system, applies to it. If the main device of old metaphysics was the reality of abstract objects, then this idea, in various terminologies, is the central device of modern socio-metaphysics. Empirical inquiry, however, can ex hypothesi deal only with isolated facts, and it cannot seize any totality. Hence empirical inquiry essentially distorts and misrepresents social reality. This doctrine can be combined with the view that it is the actual function, conscious or latent, of empirical factual inquiry to hide social reality and distort our perception of it, in the service of the established order, which has cause to fear clear-sighted perception of social reality on the part of the less privileged members of society. This view can also naturally be fused with a special dispensation for the propounder himself and those like-minded, w h o possess some means of privileged cognitive access to the real nature of society, insights that are beyond the reach of mere atomic empirical facts, garnered by the ideological watch-dogs of the established order. 11 3. T h e argument from the complexity of social p h e n o m e n a can be used to reinforce the preceding two arguments. 4. T h e argument from meaning. H u m a n actions and institutions are identified not by some shared physical traits, but in terms of what they m e a n to the participants. This fact (if such it is) can be held, wholly or partly, to entail the exemption of h u m a n or social phenomena either from causation or from external and comparative empirical investigation, or of course from both. The argument can be put thus: the nexus that exists between natural phenomena or classes of events is independent of any one
  • 19. The scientific status of the social sciences 581 'The Pirandello effect', a w a y of breaking d o w n the neat distinction between actors and spectators of a play. A scene from Pirandello's Six Characters in Search of an Author. A 1936 performance by the Pitoeff C o m p a n y in Paris. Rogcr-vioiict. society, c o m m o n to t h e m all, and blind to the meanings prevailing in any o n e of t h e m . B u t actions are identified b y w h a t they m e a n to the participants, a n d the m e a n i n g s that identify t h e m are d r a w n from the, as it w e r e , semantic pool of a given culture, w h i c h n e e d not b e , a n d perhaps never is, identified with the reservoir of meanings used b y another culture. H e n c e there cannot b e a valid causal generalization in which o n e of the links is a class of actions, i.e. events b o u n d together only b y the so-to-speak collectively private m e a n i n g s that h a p p e n to b e in use in a given culture, for these d o not overlap with any so-to-speak natural kind or category. Nature could not recognize a n d identify t h e m a n d thus cannot apply a n y causal lever to t h e m . A s for the links obtaining b e t w e e n t w o or m o r e such socially
  • 20. 582 Ernest Gellner meaningful categories, they are themselves criticism). This movement stands to the established in virtue of the semantics of the 'social construction of reality' as Fichte did culture in question, and can only be appreto Hegel; the ego rolls its o w n world, hended by penetrating, learning that sysinstead of the world rolling itself in a kind tem, and not by external investigation. of collective effort. But the temporal order Comparative intersocial research and genseems reversed this time round, for Fichte eralizations are absurd and impossible, in preceded Hegel. This view combines idealso far as the systems of meanings of diverse ism with idiographism. cultures are not comparable or overlap- 7. The Pirandello effect. The allusion is to the ping, or only contingently and partially device most powerfully developed by Luigi so. 12 A historical c o m m e n t one m a y allow Pirandello for breaking d o w n the neat oneself on this position is that idealism is distinction between characters, actors, proalive and well, and operates under the n a m e ducers, authors and spectators of a play. of hermeneutics. T h e views that had once His plays, in which characters discuss the been articulated with the help of terms further development of the plot with each such as Geist or spirit n o w see the light of other and, seemingly, the author or m e m day in terms of 'meaning' or 'culture'. bers of the audience, are of course meant to induce bewilderment in the audience by 5. 'The social construction of reality'.13 This undermining the comfortable separation argument clearly overlaps with the precedof stage and auditorium, by compelling ing one; perhaps it is identical with it, involvement by the spectator. T h e play, differing only in the style of presentation he seems to say, is not a spectacle but and in its philosophical ancestry. T h e a predicament. So in observation of preceding formulation is rooted above all social reality—and this, it is claimed, disin the work of L . Wittgenstein, whereas tinguishes it from nature. O n e charge this one springs from the ideas of E . H u s which has been m a d e against empiricist or serl and A . Schutz. scientistic social research (though it has not 6. T h e so-called 'individual construction of as yet been m a d e in these words) is that it reality'. This slogan, though not as far as I pretends that a society can be a spectacle, k n o w actually used by the movement in and not a predicament, for the investiquestion, could be used to characterize the gator. This pretence, the critics insist, is approach of a recently fashionable school false. It constitutes deception of others k n o w n as 'Ethno-methodology' and associ14 and, if sincere, constitutes self-deception ated with the n a m e of Garfinkel. T h e into the bargain. W e m a k e a commitment central doctrine of this m o v e m e n t appears in our choice of ideas or problems or to be that of our ability to describe (make interpretations, and the choice is not or 'accountable') events is something w e indicannot be impartial or guided by logical vidually achieve, and that consequently the criteria alone, or perhaps at all. Thus, the only scientific understanding available is inescapable involvement of the investigator the description (?) or highlighting (?) or in his subject-matter makes any pretence at exemplification of the very acts of indivi'scientific objectivity' spurious. In actual predual accountability-creation. T h e m o v e sentation, this argument is generally fused ment is not marked either by lucidity of with several others in the preceding list. expression or by willingness to indulge in rational discussion (a reluctance that can in 8. Special cognitive status for the inquiry into turn be rationalized in terms of its central m a n or society can also be claimed not so insight, which would preclude the testing of m u c h in virtue of general considerations, interpersonal generalization, there not besuch as those listed so far, but in virtue of ing any such; but which also conveniently alleged special substantive characteristics places the m o v e m e n t out of reach of of the specific object or style of inquiry.
  • 21. 583 The scientific status of the social sciences For instance, in the lively debate concerning the scientific status of psycho-analysis, the claim is sometimes m a d e (in defence of the legitimacy of this technique) that the eccentric methods employed in it (by the standards prevailing in other inquiries) are justified by the very peculiar nature of the object investigated, i.e. the unconscious. Its cunning and deviousness in the face of inquiry, which it tries to evade and deceive, justify cognitive emergency measures, which would be held illicit by the rules of evidence prevailing in the normal courtrooms of science. Faced with so ruthless an e n e m y , the investigating magistrate is granted special powers and dispensed from the normal restrictions on methods of inquisition. T h e unconscious cannot be apprehended in any other way, and the difficulty and urgency of the task justifies extreme methods. (Whether these really serve to outwit the quarry, or merely protect the reputation of the hunter, by ensuring that he is never convicted of fundamental error, is another question.) There is no space here to attempt any kind of thorough evaluation of all these negative arguments. Suffice it to say that none of them seem to m e remotely cogent. Take for instance the one which m a y seem most powerful, namely the one to the effect that the categories of actions or events in a given culture are defined in terms of the meanings current within that culture, which are so to speak private to that culture, and not coextensive with 'natural kinds'. This, though true as far as it goes, in no w a y precludes even a physical determinism for the events within the culture in question. It merely precludes the identification of the determined events (if such they are) in terms of the meanings current in the culture. T h e determining forces, so to speak, will select the events they bring out in terms of s o m e characteristics that only accidentally and contingently overlap with the meanings that accompany and seem to guide the events. For instance, w h e n w e watch afilm,w e k n o w full well that what will happen is already determined; and it is deter- mined by the pattern found on the reels which is being transmitted from the projection room. T h e meaningful connections which interest us and which appear to guide and give sense to the series of events observed in the story on the screen are really quite epiphenomenal and powerless. W e do not actually k n o w that our life is like that, and most of us hope that indeed it is not; but the argument from the meaningfulness of social life, alas, in no way establishes that it cannot be so. If on the one hand the arguments purporting to establish that h u m a n and social life cannot be subject to scientific explanation are invalid, then, on the other hand, any inspection of the lively and vigorous discussions in the field of the philosophy of science indisputably reveal one thing—that the issue of the nature of science, of the identification of that secret which has m a d e possible the unprecedented, totally unique rate of cognitive growth since the seventeenth century, remains unsolved. W e have some very impressive candidates for the solution, powerfully and elegantly presented. But to have an impressive short list is one thing, and to have a firmly identified, recognized, acclaimed winner is quite another. A n d that w e do not have. T h e situation simply is that science is consensual, and the philosophy of science is not. T h e two contentions which have been affirmed—the putative demonstrations of the impossibility of science in social spheres are invalid, and the absence of an agreed account of w h y and h o w science works in thefieldsin which plainly it does work—will be crucial in answering the question to which this essay is devoted, namely whether or not the social ~ sciences are indeed scientific. Conclusion The question n o w in effect answers itself— once w e have broken it up into its constituent, normally conflated subquestions or variant interpretations. W e canfirstof all check the activités of
  • 22. 584 social sciences for the presence or absence of the various traits that figure prominently in diverse theories of science. Those traits are: T h e presence of Well-articulated hypotheses and their systematic testing. Precise quantitative measurement, and the operationalization of concepts. Careful observation b y publicly checkable methods. Sophisticated and rigorous conceptual structures, and great insights. Shared paradigms, at any rate over sizeable communitites of scholars, and persisting over prolonged periods. There can be no serious doubt that all these traits, often in combination, can be found in diverse social sciences. M a n for m a n , or community for community, it is doubtful whether social scientists are inferior, in intellectual daring and ingenuity, in formal rigour, in precision of observation, to the practitioners of disciplines whose scientific status is not normally doubted. A s a distinguished philosopher of science, Hilary Putnam, ironically and compassionately observed, 'the poor dears try so m u c h harder'. 15 A s indicated, w e do not k n o w the secret of science; w e do not k n o w just which of the m a n y blazing beacons w e are being offered really is the 'sacred fire'. W e do k n o w that m a n y beacons are ablaze, and given the short-list supplied to us by the philosophers of science, w e rather think that one of them (or perhaps a number of them jointly) is it. But which one? M o r e concretely, w e do k n o w that m a n y of the indisputable characteristics of science are often present in social research. T h e aspects of social life that are inherently quantitative or observable with precision (e.g. in fields such as demography or social geography) are indeed investigated. with precision and sophisticated techniques; w e k n o w on the other hand that sophisticated and elaborate abstract models are developed in various areas and serve as shared paradigms to extensive communities of scholars (e.g. economists); and on the other hand, in spheres where the conceptual apparatus is not so very far removed from the ideas of c o m m o n sense, Ernest Gellner w e nevertheless k n o w that a well-trained practitioner of the subject possesses understanding and information simply not available prior to the development of the subject. In all these senses, social studies are indeed scientific. Large areas of them do satisfy one or another of the m a n y available, and convincing, theories of the sacred fire. A n d our collective life would be m u c h poorer without them. So m u c h for the satisfaction of the hallmarks of science, as they are specified by the philosophy of science. But w e obtain a different picture if w e look at it from the viewpoint, not of methods employed, but of the impact o n our cognitive world: if w e ask whether there is a generally overall consensual cognitive activity, radically discontinuous from the insights and techniques of ordinary thought, and unambiguously cumulative at an astonishing and unmistakable rate. T h e answer is obvious. In this crucial sense, in terms of their impact on our social order, social studies are not scientific—much as they m a y rightly claim to be so by the previous criterion or criteria. They claim to have stolen the sacred fire. Does anyone pay them the compliment of wishing to steal it from them? W e can try to break up this failure into its constituent parts. The quantitatively accurate descriptive techniques are not accompanied by correspondingly convincing theory of similarly accurate prediction. T h e sophisticated abstract models do not firmly mesh in with empirical material. The powerful insights are not consensual. Paradigms exist and prevail, but only in subcommunities; and when they succeed each other the situation is quite different from that which prevails in natural science. In natural science, w e are generally sure that there is progress, but have great difficulty in explaining h o w it is possible that w e can k n o w that this is so, given that there is no c o m m o n measure for comparing successive visions. In the social sciences w e are spared this worry. W e need not puzzle about h o w it is that w e can k n o w that w e are progressing, because w e are not so very sure that w e have indeed progressed. T h e partisans of a n e w
  • 23. 585 The scientific status of the social sciences paradigm m a y , of course, b y sure concerning their o w n particular leap (they usually are); but they are seldom sure about the w h o l e series of leaps that constitute the history of their subject. O n the contrary, their o w n leap is very often a reverse leap, a return to an earlier m o d e l . If I a m right about the logical inadequacy of the alleged proofs of the ineligibility of the social world for science, w e need not despairingly conclude (or confidently h o p e , as the case m a y b e ) that this will always continue to be so. If indeed the sacred fire of science has not yet b e e n identified, w e d o not k n o w h o w to r e m e d y this situation. T h e question remains o p e n . B u t I suspect w e shall k n o w that the social sciences h a v e b e c o m e scientific, w h e n their practitioners n o longer claim that they have at long last stolen the fire, b u t w h e n others try to steal it from t h e m ; w h e n the philosophy of social science b e c o m e s a search for an ex-post explanation of a cognitive scientific miracle, rather than for a recipe or promise for bringing it about. Notes 1. Sir Karl Popper has propounded the much-discussed doctrine of methdological individualism, which requires all explanations in the social sciences to be, ultimately, in terms of the aims and beliefs of individuals, and which precludes the invocation of holistic social entities, other than as a kind of shorthand (see for instance, Karl Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies, Princeton N . J . , Princeton University Press, 1966). At the same time, Popper has more recently argued in favour of a 'World Three' (see Karl Popper, Objective Knowledge, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1972), a realm of objects of thought, in addition to the relatively wellestablished Cartesian worlds of external objects and internal experiences. It is interesting that some of the arguments invoked in support of this doctrine—the incorporation in a social tradition and its equipment of a wealth of ideas never accessible to any one man—are precisely those which led some others to be tempted by social holism. Is there m u c h gained by option for an essentialist rather than holist terminology for indicating the same facts? I suppose it depends on whether all such cultural worlds are simply parts of one and the same third world, or whether they are allowed, each of them, to m a k e its o w n world, which need not be commensurate or compatible with others. In the former case, a Platonic language for describing this would seem more appropriate; in the latter, a sociological-holistic one. It should be added that his individualism does not oblige him to see science as only contingently social; on the contrary, in the appropriate sense, he sees it as essentially social. This is discussed later in this essay. 2. Émile Durkheim, Elementary Forms of Religious Life, tr. Joseph W . Swain, Free Press, ' 1954. T h e main contrast between the two great sociologists, Durkheim and Weber, is precisely in their attitude to rational thought: : Durkheim sees this as a characteristic of any society and correlative with social life as such, whereas M a x W e b e r is preoccupied with it as a differential trait, present in o n e tradition far more prominently than in all others. So one sees rationality as ever-present, and its explanation is ipso facto the explanation of society: there w a s indeed a social contract, but it had the form of ritual, not of a compact. The other sees it as present in an uneven m a n n e r , and its explanation coextensive not with society as such, but of the emergence and distinctive nature of one kind of society, namely that which concerns us most, our o w n . 3. T h o m a s K u h n , The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2nd ed., Chicago, 111., University of Chicago Press, 1970. 4. Ibid., pp. vii-viii. 5. Michael Oakeshott, Rationalism in Politics and Other Essays, London, Methuen & Co., 1962. 6. Paul Feyerabend, Against Method, N . L . B . , 1975.
  • 24. Ernest Gellner 586 7. Michael Polanyi, Personal Knowledge: Toward a Post Critical Philosophy, Chicago, 111., University of Chicago Press, 1974. 8. Gilbert Ryle, 'Knowing H o w and Knowing That' Presidential Address, Aristotelian Society, Proceedings, Vol. X L V I , 1945/46, pp. 1-16; Lewis Carroll, 'Achilles and the Tortoise' in The Complete Works of Lewis Carroll, N e w York, Random House, 1939. 9. Kuhn, op. cit. 10. Willard van O r m a n Quine, From a Logical Point of View: Nine Lógico—Philosophical Essays, 2nd. rev. ed., Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1961. 11. Theodor Adorno et al., 'Sociology and Empirical Research' in Theodor Adorno et al. (eds.), The Positivist Dispute in German Sociology, pp. 68-86, London, Heinemann, 1976. 12. A n argument of this kind is found in: Peter Winch, The Idea of a Social Science and its Relation to Philosophy, Humanities Press, 1970. A n even more extreme formulation of this position, combined with an ideographiom à outrance, is found in: A . R . Louch, Explanation and Human Action, Oxford, Blackwell, 1966. This position has been frequently criticized; see, for instance, Robin Horton's 'Professor Winch on Safari' in Archives européennes de sociologie, Vol. X V I I , N o . 1, 1976; or Percy Cohen, 'The Very Idea of a Social Science', in I. Lakatos and A . Musgrave (eds.), Problems in the Philosophy of Science, North Holland Press, 1968. Or m y own 'The N e w Idealism', in I. C . Jarvie and J. Agassi (eds.), Cause and Meaning in the Social Sciences: London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973. 13. Peter L . Berger and Thomas Luckman, The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise on the Sociology of Knowledge, Irvington Press, 1980. 14. See Harold Garfinkel, Studies in Ethnomethodology, Englewood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice Hall, 1967. For critical comments, see a very witty article by A . R . Louch, 'Against Theorizing', Philosophy of the Social Sciences. Vol. V , 1975, pp. 481-7, or m y o w n , 'Ethnomethodology: the R e enchantment, Industry or the Californian W a y of Subjectivity', Spectacles and Predicaments, Cambridge, Univeristy Press, 1979. 15. Bryan Magee (ed.), Men of Ideas, p. 233, Viking Press, 1979.
  • 25. Philosophical schools and scientific working methods in social science Stefan Nowak Philosophical orientations in empirical social science B y philosophical schools, from the point of view of sociology, w e understand here different metasociological orientations. T h e editors of a volume of metasociological studies characterize this term in the following way: T h e title of this article announces an analysis of relations between the 'working methods' of the social sciences o n the one hand and 'philosophical schools' o n the other. A m o n g 'Metasociology', a term popularized by Paul the different 'philosophical schools' w e will Furley in The Scope and Method of Sociology: A discuss only those that are (or are believed to Metasociological Treatise, refers to that branch be) relevant for the of sociology concerned with investigating the social sciences, and esStefan N o w a k holds the chair of assumptions and value pecially for ways of methodology of sociological investijudgements underlying the conducting sociological gations at the Institute of Sociology, theories and methods e m studies. T h e term 'workUniversity of Warsaw. A m o n g his ployed by sociologists. ing methods'- denotes for principal publications are: Methodology of Sociological Research (1977) Such assumptions and us here: (a) the different and Sociology: The State of Art (1982, value judgements often ways (standardized patbegin with the assertion co-editor). terns) of asking questhat sociology is a science tions about social reality; and proceed to incor(b) the different stanporate the various theodardized ways of delivretical (ontological) and methodological (epistemoering answers to these logical) choices made questions, meaning both daily. Needless to say, the logical structure of such assumptive choices dipropositions which m a y rectly affect the very content of sociology, constitute such answers and the ways of thereby making metasociology an enormously substantiation of these propositions—both important and far-reaching area of inquiry. deductively and inductively; and (c) finally, In m a n y ways, metasociology represents' a the different standardized ways of organizing mechanism for mapping the discipline of socithe whole sets of these propositions into m o r e ology. . . . In doing so, discussions underlying comprehensive and (in different meanings of assumptions remain analytically distinct from the term), m o r e coherent descriptive or those of substantive sociology.1 theoretical pictures of that reality concerning which the initial questions have been adThis passage stresses that the analysis of dressed. assumptions (at least s o m e of which are
  • 26. 588 ontological) and of value judgements belong to sociology. I agree that it is correct that these assumptions are often used for mapping different 'theoretical approaches' to the study of social p h e n o m e n a . But w h e n used for mapping different approaches and theories, they are usually regarded as essential components. T o quote J. H . Turner: M u c h of what is labelled sociological theory is, in reality, only a loose clustering of implicit assumptions, inadequately defined concepts, and 1 a few vague and logically disconnected propositions. Sometimes assumptions are stated explicitly, and serve to inspire abstract theoretical statements containing well-defined concepts, but most of sociological theory constitutes a verbal 'image of society', rather than a rigorously constructed set of theoretical statements organized into logically coherent format. Thus a great deal of so-called theory is rather a general 'perspective' or 'orientation' for looking at various features of the process of institutionalization which, if all goes well, can be eventually translated into true scientific theory. T h e fact that there are m a n y such perspectives in sociology poses problems of exposition; and these problems in turn, are compounded by the fact that the perspectives blend into one another, sometimes redering it difficult to analyze them separately.2 For these reasons, it seems m o r e fruitful not to analyse here all 'theoretical-philosophical approaches' to the study of society, but rather particular assumptions that underlie, or m a y underlie, m o r e than one such school. Fortunately, these assumptions have been the subject of analysis and discussion for m a n y years, both in the philosophy of science and of social science. T h e latter have led to the crystallization of a certain n u m b e r of generally formulated questions, the answers to which m a y be regarded as equivalent to those assumptions mentioned above. A n y fairly c o m prehensive monograph in the philosophy of the social sciences3 usually presents a longer or shorter catalogue of such 'problem dimensions' and defines a certain n u m b e r of possible positions on each. Let us mention here s o m e of those most frequently discussed. Stefan Nowak 1. A t one extreme of the first problem dimension w e locate those w h o believe that m a n is a thinking and feeling being and whose patterned feelings and ways of thinking about the world, society and himself constitute such essential components of social reality that without proper 'understanding' (Verstehen) of these p h e n o m e n a in the w a y Dilthey, W e b e r or Znaniecki wanted us to understand them, any attempt to study social p h e n o m e n a is fruitless. A t the other extreme w e usually locate behaviourists with Skinner in thefirstplace and those theoreticians of early positivist sociology (like D o d d or Lundberg) w h o believed that the study of society and of nature have one most important feature in c o m m o n — b o t h should be based only upon the observation of reality and any other method, like Verstehen, is n o more than pre-scientific mysticism.4 2. T h e second frequent problem dimension deals with the question of whether groups are real, or whether the attribute of real existence should be reserved for h u m a n individuals only. Sometimes this question refers not to groups or other collectivities but to their properties. Here w e observe the clash between holists (sometimes called 'realists') and methodological individualists (or in other discussion contexts— 'nominalists').5 3. T h e third problem dimension—often discussed jointly with the second—is to what degree the different propositions, and especially various generalizations and laws about h u m a n aggregates and social systems can be explained by the propositions and laws about 'lower level units' and especially by the psychological laws of h u m a n behaviour. Here again the reductionists disagree with the emergentists, i.e. those w h o believe that, at each level of analysis, n e w regularities and properties m a y emerge, basically irreducible to the properties and mechanisms of the lower level.0 4. Then w e have the old dispute between determinists and indeterminists about the applicability of the notion of causality to
  • 27. Philosophical schools and scientific working methods in social science 589 thoroughly by M a r x , Simmel, Coser, Dahrthe world in general, and to social life in endorf and contemporary Neo-Marxists, particular. T h e applicability of causal that internal conflict and dysfunction are thinking to social life in particular. T h e the essential features of any social system, applicability of causal thinking to social at both the macro and the micro levels. phenomena can be rejected either in principle ('man has free will') or on more 7. If w e look at theories that deal with social practical grounds—by demonstrating that behaviour and man's ways of thinking and causality implies a both exceptionless (i.e. feeling about himself and the external general) and spatio-temporally unlimited social world, w e m a y also find a number of (i.e. universal) character for the discovered polarized dimensions along which apregularities, whereas in the social sciences proaches and theories can be located. For w e usually discover regularities which are example, w e m a y believe (with Skinner and both statistical and 'historical', i.e. limited some radical behaviourists) that h u m a n to some spatio-temporal area. In other nature is basically reactive, that people words, philosophers of science (and socioreact to external stimuli, and that the patlogists themselves) differ in their opinion as terns of rewards and punishments shaping to the degree to which the model of the learned patterns of behaviour in universal causal theories, so successful in society m a y be apprehended in a w a y certain natural sciences, is applicable to the similar to the study of rats in an experimenworld of h u m a n thinking and actions and to tal maze. But w e can also believe with the functioning and change of the social 'humanistic psychologists', that h u m a n systems.7 nature has a creative potential and that aiming towards self-realization is more im5. A t a slightly lower level of abstraction of portant than reaction to the m a z e of conphilosophical discourse w e find the polarity straints imposed by the social structure, of two approaches to the study of a and the need to exchange rewards and punmultiplicity of people. O n e (called 'pluralishments with others according to certain 8 istic behaviourism' by D o n Martindale ) rules of distributive justice. assumes more or less consciously that society is something of an aggregate of hu- 8. Quite another aspect of h u m a n behaviour m a n individuals, each of w h o m can be exis usually analysed along the dimension plained by their o w n 'background charac'rational-irrational'. Here w e m a y believe, teristics' taken in isolation from the following m a n y 'purposeful action theorcharacteristics and behaviour of other ists' from W e b e r to Parsons and contempeople—as w e do in analysis of survey porary proponents of the application of data. T h e other approach assumes that normative models of mathematical desociety or social groups and institutions cision-theory to the explanation of real constitute a system of interdependent elh u m a n actions, that looking into conscious ements; the nature of the elements can h u m a n motives of behaviour interpreted in properly be understood only by taking terms of rationally oriented goals—means into account their systemic contexts.9 relations m a y give us the proper insight. But w e m a y also follow the line of Freud 6. Even w h e n scientists agree that a systemic and Pareto and assume that what people perspective is essential, some of them are perceive as the motives of their actions are more inclined to believe (following Spenusually by w a y of being rationalizations cer, Durkheim, Malinowski or Parsons in (derivations) from actions not themselves this belief) that the dominant internal necessarily guided by principles of rationrelations are those that guarantee the ality. A n d even if there is agreement that system its harmonious functioning and the knowledge of conscious motives is homeostatic balance, while others have necessary for the proper explanation of more sympathy for the idea stressed so
  • 28. 590 behaviour, there m a y b e disagreement about the methodological scheme of such explanations. S o m e insist that w e must apply certain 'covering laws' in the scheme of deductive-nomological explanations, while others stress the non-nomological character of 'understanding explanations'.11 All these assumptions (and m a n y others) deal with the nature of reality as applied to social studies. But w e also find differences of approach to sociology rooted in the differences of opinion about what should be the sociologist's attitude towards his o w n studies, or opinions about h o w these studies can or should be conducted. H e r e w e c o m e across the old issue of 'objectivity' of social studies with s o m e w h o believe that studies can be value-free while others stress that it is impossible to get rid of one's values; therefore the best thing a social scientist can do is initially to declare his value preferences continuing to express them both in his problem-formulation and in the conduct and findings of his study. All those w h o recall the disputes around this problem in the late 1960s k n o w h o w m a n y different meanings were attached to each. possible attitude along this dimension. 12 This applies not only to this particular problem dimension in the philosophy of social sciences but to most of them, because not only can different attitudes be taken along each but also the dimensions themselves can be, and were understood in different ways. U n d e r such circumstances, any attempt to discuss the relevance of such assumptions to the whole process of development of research methodology would probably require at least a whole volume. H e r e , w e intend to look only into s o m e m o r e general problems of relations between the assumptions underlying sociological studies and the ways these studies are or should be conducted. The validity of philosophical arguments for research methodology in sociology W h y should these assumptions play any role Stefan Nowak at all? That most philosophers and, m o r e reflective sociologists believe in their importance does not constitute sufficient proof of relevance, especially as there are some w h o are inclined to reject the whole matter c o m pletely. T h u s , Barry Hindess says: I propose no methodology or epistemology to the positions criticized here. O n the contrary, I argue that the problems which these disciplines pose are false problems and they arise only as a function of a conception of knowledge which can be shown to be fundamentally and inescapably incoherent. Epistemology and such derivative doctrines as methodology and philosophy of science have no rational and coherent foundation. In particular there can be no rational or coherent prescriptive methodology. 13 Methodology, stresses Hindess, tries to prescribe those procedures supposed to be useful either for generating or for testing n e w propositions, and tries to validate them on the basis of philosophical argument. These procedures define what is, and what is not a science:14 Scientific knowledge is thought to be valid only if it conforms to the prescribed procedures: it follows that the prescriptions of methodology cannot be validated by scientific knowledge. . . . Methodology lays down procedural rules for scientific practice which it derives by means of a 'knowledge' provided by philosophy. Methodology is the product of philosophy and the sciences are a realization of their methodology.14 W e r e this the only possible pattern of relations between science and its methodology on the one hand and metascientific assumptions on the other, I would agree with Hindess that this would constitute either a case of nice tautological circularity or, even worse, a situation in which the whole of scientific thinking constitutes nothing more than carrying out the orders of a dogmatic dictatorship of philosophers. Fortunately, this is not the case, for several reasons.
  • 29. Philosophical schools and scientific working methods in social science A n allegory of logic, seventeenth-century etching. Explorer. 591
  • 30. 592 The empirical, normative and analytical premises of problem formulations and research methods in sciences Before w e look at these reasons, let us first remind ourselves here of the role of less questionable assumptions in the research process.15 Every empirical study begins (or at least it should begin) with a set of questions, to which it is supposed to deliver the answers. 16 A s is well k n o w n , the formulation of each question logically presupposes that certain assumptions about the studied objects or p h e n o m e n a are accepted as valid. If—as is often the case—these assumptions are not explicitly formulated, it is because they m a y seem so obvious that no one cares to recall them. They would become more obvious if one were to undertake a study of problems based on obviously false assumptions. Should one propose to study the attitudes of the representatives of the Hispanic minority in Poland towards the country's political system, one would be reminded that the question is 'wrong' because it is based upon the obviously false assumption that a Hispanic minority exists. O n the other hand, for the undertaking of a similar study in N e w York, the assumption would be taken for granted. A question is only applicable to the object or objects that satisfy its assumptions. But the assumption does not prescribe any specific answer to the question. O u r assumptions only classify reality into two subsets: one—in which it 'makes sense' to ask questions, and the other one—to which the questions do not apply. T h e same applies to theoretical questions. If one proposes to study in a n e w experimental project what kind of people are more likely to 'reduce cognitive dissonance' than others, one starts from the (explicit or implicit) assumption that 'cognitive dissonance' exists and that one wants to develop a more detailed theory describing the conditions under which this phenomenon is likely to occur. If a study starts from a set of valid assumptions, it does not matter whether they Stefan Nowak have been stated explicitly or only implicitly, but if a study is begun from a wrong set of assumptions, one discovers pretty soon that the questions do not apply to the selected objects and phenomena since one obtains answers that reject the initial assumptions. The validity of the assumptions implies only that w e m a y ask the questions with respect to a given object or class of objects. Whether w e ask or not depends additionally upon our values. Only they can provide the motivation to undertake a study seeking answers to given problem formulation. Whether w e specify our values (curiosity being definitely one of them) explicitly or take them for granted does not matter. Similarly for the assumptions underlying the use of a certain research method. T h e formulation and use of m a n y research methods is based upon certain identical or descriptive propositions necessary for their validity. W e m a y recall h o w m u c h theoretical physics and engineering science underlies the availability of such 'research tolls' as the cyclotron, electron microscope, or Wilson chamber for elementary particles. T h e situation in the social sciences is similar. Thousands of studies have proved that 'projection' as described by Freud really exists. Hence w e n o w use 'projective tests' if w e suspect that subjects m a y have difficulties in revealing their needs, motives or aspirations. Again, w e use information about the m a k e of a respondent's car, or visible level of consumption as 'indirect indicators' of income, because the correlation between income and levels of living has been well established. W h a t these propositions usually imply is that w e are free to use a given method for a given cognitive purpose. Whether w e do use any particular method often depends also upon certain normative premises (value assumptions), e.g. the degree of accuracy yielded by different methods, possible margins of error connected with their use, combined with the costs of applications of each. Sometimes methodological decisions involve strictly ethical premises like those which exclude the application of certain (otherwise
  • 31. Philosophical schools and scientific working methods in social science efficient) methods for the study of h u m a n subjects. T h efinalmethodological design of any study arises from interaction of empirical considerations relating to accuracy, with certain normative, axiological premises. Another kind of premise—the analytically valid theorems ('laws') of formal logic or mathematics—is used in the process of reasoning, in the transformation of the logical or mathematical implications of one body of information into another in deductions, in deriving fresh propositions from those that have already been tested, etc. Sometimes these laws or theorems of logical thinking are so simple (or w e are so used to applying them) that w e are unaware of using them at all. In other cases they are so complex that w e employ the most powerful computers to follow correctly (and with sufficient speed) the prescribed paths of formal reasoning which have their source in certain tautologies of logic and mathematics. 'Visions' of social reality as sources of philosophical assumptions W h a t has been said so far proves only that sciences do indeed develop in a cumulative manner, n e w research problems arising from the state of knowledge in different disciplines and n e w methodologies attempting to apply positive knowledge about reality to devise more efficient research tools. It does not prove that philosophy—ontology or epistemology—are enlisted for such purposes. But the body of existing knowledge only delivers the premises for n e w questions, if these are not dramatically n e w , or in other words, that the process of development is what K u h n calls 'normal science'. The development of 'normal science' is safe enough, because it occurs within the existing and accepted paradigms; n e w questions m a y therefore be based upon well-tested empirical assumptions. If the questions are so new that the answers- might constitute a 'scientific revolution', then the corresponding assump- 593 tions can usually not be found in the tested body of existing scientific knowledge. O n e must go beyond this knowledge and risk some bold, more or less hypothetical guesses about the nature of reality. W h e r e d o such guesses belong at the m o m e n t w h e n they are formulated, thus opening the w a y to basically n e w scientific questions? O n e might say that they are no more than bold scientific hypotheses at the highest level of generality, from which the formulation of lower-level hypotheses were stimulated. But if w e look closely at the history of science in its relation with the history of philosophy, it seems more reasonable to say that m a n y such assumptions were merely taken from philosophy or could be classified with it. 'Visions' of society as an organism go far back in our history,., but anthropology as a science had to wait for Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown to use such ideas as starting-points for explanatory principles in empirical studies. There is no doubt that the idea of Verstehen as formulated by Dilthey belonged to philosophy, but all its subsequent uses to explain concrete social phenomena and for the development of corresponding methodologies belong to social sciences. It is extremely difficult to point to the border-line between philosophy and 'positive' empirical theory in Karl Marx's thinking, but there is no doubt that Hegelian dialectics, transformed by M a r x into ' m a terialistic dialectics', played an important role in his empirical thinking about society, guiding it in the formulation of testable hypotheses about the relationships between class structure, class conflict, and other aspects of social p h e n o m e n a . W h a t happens when the theory or research generated from such philosophical assumptions actually works? It implies that assumptions can also be regarded as indirectly, and partly, i.e. only inductively, confirmed by the empirical findings, thus confirming the theory. T h e validity of initial philosophical assumptions is then proven at least for those areas of reality where a theory works. But this applies only to such philosophical prop-
  • 32. 594 ositions as are logically directly or indirectly related to the questions of the theory or the conceptual scheme of reality. In principle one could try to formulate these philosophical assumptions, hypothetical as they are, by the rule of maximal parsimony, i.e. postulating only what is absolutely necessary for the n e w questions, e.g. postulating the existence—or possibility of existence—of certain n e w entities, the possibility that they might be interrelated in a given way, that they might change or that they might be stable—and nothing m o r e . If research produces sensible answers, it would m e a n additionally that indirectly and partially it confirms (or at least does not falsify) the e m pirical validity of those assumptions on which the questions were based. But as w e k n o w , parsimony is not the most typical w a y the h u m a n mind likes to work at the pre-theoretical and equally most creative stage of scientific thinking. N o r does it like to limit itself to strictly verbal formulations of such assumptions or to strictly logical procedures in their formulation. In thinking about the possible existence of basically n e w p h e n o m e n a or relationships, w e often use imagination and our tendency to visualize things m u c h more than our logical, verbal thinking. A neuro-physiologist would say that the creative but pre-theoretical stage of a basically n e w scientific study engages m u c h m o r e of the right (imaginative and spatial) hemisphere of the brain than of the left one, believed to be responsible for logic and verbalization. That is w h y n e w theories and areas of study are so often manifested in 'images' and 'visions' and w h y so m a n y spatial metaphors occur in such visions. These metaphors usually pass into theoretical language: groups occupy 'higher' or 'lower' positions in the social structure even though it is k n o w n that they do not actually differ in spatial location; systems are visualized as structures composed of boxes with arrows between them, even w h e n their elements are abstract properties of these systems and the interrelations between them are in no way similar to wires in a television set. Siefan Nowak Even w h e n vaguely formulated, and when they are closer to pictures than to propositional hypotheses, these visions often stimulate s o m e kind of strictly scientific activity, by suggesting both the questions and hypotheses. T h e y m a y determine an approach to studied reality, understood narrowly as a set of research questions; consequently such visions or vague notions m a y eventually lead to propositional theories. Visions of this sort are usually 'structural', including certain components of the visualized wholes. These components m a y later be denoted by the concepts of the n e w approach (if they have been properly conceptualized) or at least by a certain theoretical terminology, the meaning of which is m a d e more or less clear. These concepts constitute the verbalizations of the structure of such aspects of social reality as are in the focus of interest of the approach; they constitute a classificatory pattern or frame of reference in which p h e n o m e n a are located and from which they derive their more or less theoretical meanings. Both the 'visions' and their ultimate verbalizations m a y also embrace, explicitly or implicitly, relationships between phenomena, thus transforming them into interconnected structures. These seem to be the actual proposition—like elements of the approaches, but can seldom be classified as general propositions. E v e n if they sound general it is because their generality has been overstated. In reality they usually are so-called 'elliptical propositions', which, for testability require additional qualifiers, stating to what degree, where and under what conditions they are true. Usually the appropriate formulation for these propositions—like elements—should be: 'x is sometimes related to v' or 'x m a y be related to y', etc. But these propositions assuming the existence, or even the possibility of existence of certain p h e n o m e n a and possible relations, m a y play the role of assumptions which permit us to formulate research questions, which determined the study of phenomena from that particular angle, and hypotheses
  • 33. Philosophical schools and scientific working methods in social science 595 'Ontological Models': a philosopher inscribing a m a n and a w o m a n in geometrical figures, seventeenthcentury. Snark/B.N. which are then empirically testable (to the degree that w e can test any general proposition at all). If the 'images' of the p h e n o m e n a involved in a given approach are detailed enough it m a y happen that, from a strictly logical point of view, only certain of their elements are needed as assumptions of those n e w questions leading to research on hypotheses, while others m a y not be necessary. Yet, while unnecessary for direct stimulation of science they m a y be needed for other elements which are direct assumptions of our questions or at least they m a y be psychologi- cally necessary as elements of a n e w Gestalt which allows the familiar to be viewed in a basically n e w w a y , as philosophy often does. For at least twenty-five centuries of E u ropean intellectual tradition (and probably longer in certain other areas) philosophy played a reconnaissance role, trying to say something about the nature, origin, functioning and development of the world or of such of its components as caught the philosophers' attention even w h e n science had little to say about them. T h o u g h usually rather speculative, imprecise, and sometimes almost n e b u lous, the products of philosophic thinking
  • 34. 596 nevertheless yielded a certain knowledge (true or not) thus satisfying curiosity, and also played an essential role in stimulating scientific research and theories. S o m e philosophic guesses were verified as scientific theories, but others obviously proved false on the basis of the research they stimulated. T h e history of science within the last twenty-five centuries give ample illustration of such a process; almost all scientific disciplines evolved from philosophical speculation (the rest evolved from practical skills) proving it to be at least partly right. The same also holds true for social philosophy and the social science evolving from it. T o say that the visions of social reality postulated by various approaches, or at least s o m e of their m o r e speculative elements, belong to the area of philosophy, does not say enough about them. T h e tradition of philosophical thought usually distinguished between several branches: gnoseology, ontology and axiology. T h e 'visions' under discussion include in a m o r e or less disguised form all these three branches. First they often say something about the process of cognition of the social world, hence encompassing strictly gnoseological assumptions usually matching the approach adopted with its specific methodology. Second, the images of phenomena, which include or imply as well the concepts of this approach and guide—at least conceptually—the formulation of research problems and more or less general hypotheses often belong to the ontology of the social world. Finally, these approaches either explicitly or implicitly involve certain normative, axiological assumptions which lend the various elements or aspects of the 'visions' their positive or negative values. Philosophical assumptions of scientific research methodology Empirical and ontological assumptions also have their importance for research methodology. First, w e m a y say that to the degree to which the methods of study include the Stefan Nowak formulation of the research problem, or are determined in their choice or in their character by it, the implications of these assumptions reach d o w n to the research methodology. 'Research method' is often understood to imply or involve questions of a special kind, including special concepts for the formulation of these questions. Robert Merton's analysis of 'manifest and latent functions' is, no doubt, a contribution to 'functionalist methodology'. W h a t it yields us—along with the result of certain reflections on the nature of social reality—are certain concepts, by using which special kinds of functionalist questions can be asked. These will lead to the formulation of functionalist explanations or theories regarding certain specific social phenomena. Marxist methodology consists primarily in asking M a r xist questions along with the use of special concepts, because a Marxist vision of social reality in which these questions and concepts are rooted is adopted. Neither approach tell us m u c h about h o w concepts and the corresponding questions are transformed into a concrete research design, or what data o r . research tools are used for testing hypotheses and propositions. O n the other hand the methodology of survey research, which constitutes a detailed study design involving all the techniques of data collection and analysis, seems to be based on the assumptions that what is being dealt with is a rather loose aggregate of persons whose thinking and behaviour depend primarily upon their individual characteristics. This corresponds to the philosophy of pluralistic behaviourism rather than to any coherent system in which behaviour is primarily governed by interconnection between people, both actions and reactions being shaped by the network of systemic constraints, which might, of course, m a k e quite a difference to research methodology. W h a t about the method of gathering data or of testing hypotheses themselves? Certain underlying assumptions about the nature of studied p h e n o m e n a seem to underlie most of them. B y adopting any method of indirect assessment of what is in people's minds (whether by survey questionnaire or clinical
  • 35. Philosophical schools and scientific working methods in social science interview, a projective test for assessing anxiety or an intelligence test for the assessment of verbal skills), w e are assuming (with Dilthey) that people d o think—or at least that they m a y think) and that one m a y obtain indirect but s o m e h o w valid access to the contents of their minds. Yet in order to use any of the methods mentioned above, it is not enough to assume that 'people m a y be understood'. W e must m a k e m a n y additional assumptions about the condition under which understanding takes place, the possibility of linguistic or. other kinds of communication between the researcher and his subjects in given conditions, circumstances under which people feel free to reveal what they really think, etc. Most of these assumptions are empirically verifiable, but they m a y all be m a d e only on the validity of the most general assumptions about the possibility and necessity of understanding what is going on in other people's minds. T h e same applies to m a n y other situations in which the philosophical conditions constituting the most general frame òf interpretative reference are interwomen with empirically controllable (and controlled) statements about the studied fragment of the world. In adopting any method to assess causal connections between variables, whether it be an experiment in cross-cultural comparison, 'path analysis' of biographical data or traditional multivariate analysis, w e assume (more often implicitly than explicitly) that the phenomena (or at least some of them) m a y be causally interconnected. Without such an assumption, no attempt to discover causal connections would m a k e any sense. In addition, however, a lot more is known about situations. It is known, for instance, whether the variables are quantitative or qualitative, whether one can postulate one-way causation or causal feedbacks with mutual interdependences; whether it is reasonable to believe that external, uncontrolled variables ('errors') are mutually dependent or one should rather postulate their mutual statistical dependencies; whether one is able to select experimental and 'control' 597 groups at random, or must take them in their natural clusters or series. All this (which can, of course, be empirically tested or manipulated) has essential implications both for the choice of method of causal analysis and for the conclusion concerning the causal connections between the studied phenomena. It implies the use of empirical knowledge in the context of a broader philosophical doctrine of social causality. Let us look a little more closely at the relations between the assumptions on the one hand and the research methods on the other. Assuming that w e seek results sufficiently close (=) to the characteristics or relationships in the real world, w e m a y designate the results of study by R s , the nature of things in the real world being represented by R w . What w e seek is a method which will result in Rs=* R w . The method applied is then designated by M, the assumptions on the basis of which method M is supposed to yield results sufficiently close to the characteristics of the real world being designated by A M . Schematically the relationships in this area can then be set out thus: (AM • M) - > (Rs = R w ) . M o r e simply, if the assumptions • are correct, the method will lead to correct results. In some cases w e k n o w that the assumptions of our method are correct because they have already been tested in research or belong to c o m m o n knowledge. S o m e examples of this kind were given earlier. O n the other hand, m a n y methods are not based upon assumptions that are or can be proved to be completely valid. There is no way to verify finally whether people really do think. But were w e to reject this assumption, w e would have to invent another and probably extremely complex philosophy of the social world to account for what can be explained by means of the assumption of the 'Dilthean model of minds'. Nevertheless basic re-interpretations of collected data and accepted generalizations do sometimes occur, constituting a basic change of 'paradigm' or 'scientific revolution'. Basi-
  • 36. 598 cally n e w assumptions are then m a d e , which m a y compel a change in the meaning of all previous findings and the indicative validity of m a n y research tools and techniques. Fortunately scientific revolutions d o not occur often. A s long as the old paradigm obtains the formal process, by which m a n y elements of what was originally tentative and hypothetical, more philosophical than theoretical, but is slowly transformed into positive science unfolds. This applies both to the assumptions on which the questions of the accepted paradigm are based, and to the hypothetical guesses which underlie the construction of research tools and validation of scientific methods. In this w a y s o m e elements of visions or ontological models of reality are transformed into scientifically tested propositions, others are rejected by research, while a third category remains in the realm of philosophy. W e can distinguish two kinds of 'ontological model' of aspects or components of studied reality. T h efirstconsists of reality, e.g. the postulation of existence of social classes, h u m a n minds. Most approaches to the background of m a n y theories belong in this category of substantive ontological models, their concepts denoting m o r e or less clearly defined, specific h u m a n and social p h e n o m ena, even if these are very general. Another kind of ontological model is strictly formal or content-free. T h e concepts denote no particular substantive phenomena, because they denote any phenomena in any science which satisfies their formal assumptions. They are formulated by the use of formal, logical tools alone. T h e typology of elaborations of statistical relations proposed by Lazarsfeld, for example, constitutes only a strictly formal model of a multivariate causal process that could be valid for any cluster of variables attaching to a loose collection of elements, being either cumulative or interactive, either parallel or ordered in a causal chain, etc. T h e reduction of one relationship or theory to another m a y work in any science, but before proof of its applicability to a particularfieldis established, it is but a content-free, abstract ontological model of any Stefan Nowak imaginable reality which conforms to it. Certain m o r e abstract formulations of 'functionalism' (for example, those of Ernest Nagel) are typical examples of a formal approach, as are certain analyses of the dynamics of given processes. S o m e specialized sciences construct what I call ontological models of possible phenomena, for example, by cybernetics and general systems theory to the degree that they are strictly formal, i.e. free from any reference to substantive empirical science. In other cases it m a y be suspected that content-involvement of authors of a certain type of mathematical model of social phenomena or a cybernetic system is a pretext which permits them to lay claim to empirical work w h e n , in fact, they are m u c h m o r e interested in the construction of logically or mathematically possible worlds. The distinction I have proposed above is rather analytical, because in the real approaches to social phenomena the substantive and the formal 'structural' assumptions usually occur together, being mutually interconnected. E v e n the simplest 'visions' assume that the variables postulated by a causal model constitute a loose cluster of causes or effects of the variable. The need for 'middle-range ontologies' The assumptions discussed—both the empirical and the philosophical ones—must be valid at least for the studied area of reality. Can w e say that they deserve to be called philosophical assumptions? It is usually assumed that philosophy and especially ontology deal with the most general characteristics of the world. A s Barry Hindess observes, quoting Winch: The difference between the respective aims of the scientists and philosopher might be expressed as follows: Whereas the scientist investigates the nature, causes and effects of particular real things and processes, the philosopher is concerned with the nature of reality as such in general.17
  • 37. Philosophical, schools and scientific working methods in social science This puts the philosophers' claim to universal validity of their views rather well. 'Ontology' conveys the notion of a set of concepts in a way all-inclusive, embracing the totality of social reality, and with an extremely broad area of applicability. But if w e remember that these ontological models are mere supplements to necessarily partial knowledge, that they are added by insight and imagination to what is k n o w n about various aspects or fragments of reality, or that they stimulate these fragmentary pictures of scientific knowledge, then w e understand that ontological models are not all-inclusive. They are merely a partial picture of social reality from one particular perspective. W h a t certain contemporary philosophical perspectives in sociology have in c o m m o n with traditional philosophies—or at least did have until recently—is their claim to ultimate and universal validity, and to total truth, at least as some of their proponents are inclined to believe. Thus, psychoanalysis is all of psychology for those w h o believe that Freud said everything essential about the h u m a n mind. A n y attempt even to supplement Freud therefore constitutes a danger of revisionism. For believers in ethnomethodology, the multivariate analysis of standardized questionnaire responses is a pseudo-science, and vice versa. O n the other hand, ontological models visualizing societies as torn by internal conflicts are as partial as those that focus primarily on their integrative forces. If by analogy Merton's well-known 'theories of the middle range' were to be extended, the notion of 'middle-range ontologies', i.e. partially perspective, mutually complementary philosophical models of social phenomena could be entertained. Fortunately some such 'ontological' approaches to the social world are consciously partial and consequently usually called 'models'. A n author w h o presents a 'model' as a starting-point for empirical research m a y begin with certain commonsense assumptions about the existence of objects or their characteristics or m a y include assumptions based upon earlier research. Then he usually pro- 599 ceeds to a conceptual restructurization, defining certain n e w concepts, usually enumerating apparently relevant variables and denoting them by certain 'boxes'. Finally, he draws arrows between these bases and leaves it open which values obtain for particular variables, or whether and h o w strongly they are interrelated in each particular case. Thus the approach, the 'model', defines the research strategy. A scientist would not be unhappy if research were to reveal certain generalizable constant relationships between the variables: this would imply a nice propositional theory. But, surely he would not advance the claim that his model constitutes a universal approach to explain everything, from the class struggle to the formation of unconscious defence mechanisms. T h e partial nature of every ontological model is obvious. That m u c h should be equally obvious for most other ontological assumptions about problems and research methodologies in science in general, and social sciences in particular. There are societies for which it makes more sense to assume that conflict is the basic feature of relations between various groups and others in which the idea of harmony gives a better fit and m a y lead to the formulation of more fruitful research hypotheses. There are patterns of behaviour about which it makes sense to assume that they have been conditioned by external rewards and punishments and others that have arisen as a result of intense moral or social reflection in the course of a prolonged decision-making process. There are situations in which w e work better on the assumption of dealing with an aggregate of people and others w h e n w e learn more by assuming that w e deal with a coherent social system. The same is true for most general assumptions. T h e choice between reductionism and holism m a yfinallyturn out to be a spurious one: in some areas of reality w e m a y find interconnection between laws or theories at different levels, while certain theories remain without reductive interrelation, even if this goes against the grain. Such is the situation in contemporary science, there being
  • 38. 600 both plenty of reductionist connections as well as reductionist gaps. T h e same m a y turn out to be true for the assumption of causality. O n e has been accustomed to explanations in causal terms in complex situations; but one is not able to explain everything in that manner. E v e n in physics two basic theories exist: strictly deterministic relativity geometry and basically interdeterminate quantum theory. Almost all other lower-level philosophical alternatives listed at the beginning of this article are definitely spurious as disjunctive alternatives. A s already pointed out, they are complementary in the sense that different fragments of social reality m a y satisfy the assumptions of different philosophical (ontological) schools. But their complementarity m a y go even further. If two polarities of a given problem dimension are not defined so that one of them constitutes a simple logical negation of the other (or in other words, w h e n their joint existence in one particular fragment of reality is logically impossible), cases m a y well exist for which the postulation of joint validity of assumptions believed to be mutually exclusive is justified, and theoretically fruitful. O n e m a y assume, for instance, that the h u m a n thought processes can be understood as partly rational and partly irrational—according to various meanings of these terms—thereby attempting to explain group beliefs and ideologies. O n e m a y also sometimes have to assume that in a certain society both the cohesive forces and the con- Stefan Nowak flicting ones operate strongly while in another neither conflict nor cohesion seem to be at work because the different groups and individuals m o r e closely resemble a loose aggregate than a system marked by powerful internal feedbacks both positive and negative. That, in the tradition of the philosophy of science (or in substantive, methodological or philosophical disputes in sociology), two 'opposite' assumptions are believed to be m u tually exclusive, thus requiring a 'philosophical option' in favour of one or the other, does not m e a n that they are empirically contradictory—as long as they are not logically contradictory. It is only as a result of empirical knowledge or of more or less intuitive philosophical (ontological) guesses, that one can decide whether, for each particular case regarded separately, or for a whole generally defined class of cases, both (or none) of the 'opposite' ontological positions can be the source of valid and fruitful assumptions for the formulation of more precise research problems and a m o r e complex research design. A n d it is for consecutive empirical studies, aiming towards the verification of hypotheses or towards answering of initial questions, to show to what degree one or m o r e 'ontological options' believed by some to be mutually exclusive turn out to be valid either for the actual cases studied or for the broader areas of reality around us.
  • 39. Philosophical schools and scientific working methods in social science 1. W . E . Snizek, E . R . Fuheman and M . K . Miller, Contemporary Issues in Theory and Research—A Metasociological Perspective, p. vii, Westport, C o n n . , Greenwood Press, 1979. 2. J. H . Turner, The Structure of Sociological Theory, p. 9, H o m e w o o d , 111., T h e Dorsey Press, 1979. 3. See, for example, M . B . I Brodbeck (ed.), Readings in the ' Philosophy of the Social Sciences, N e w York, 1968; S. N o w a k , Understanding and Prediction—Essays in the Methodology of Social and Beavioural Theories, Dordrecht, Netherlands, D . Reidel Publ. C o . , 1976; Snizek et al., op. cit.; P. Sztompka, Sociological Dilemmas—Toward a Dialectical Paradigm, N e w York, Academic Press, 1979; D . E m m e t and A . Maclntyre (eds), Sociological Theory and Philosophical Analysis, N e w York, Macmillan, 1970. 4. For a detailed discussion of this problem see 'Concepts ' and Indicators in Humanistic Sociology', in N o w a k , o p . cit. 5. For an excellent discussion of this problem, see M . Brodbeck, 'Methodological Individualism, Definition and Reduction', in Brodbeck, op. cit. See also J. Coleman, 'Properties of Collectivities', in J. Coleman, A . Etzioni, and J. Poster (eds.), Macrosociology, Research and Theory, Boston, Mass., 1970. See also R . C . Bealer, 'Ontology in American Sociology'. 6. See E . Nagel, 'Reduction of Theories', The Structure of Science, N e w York, 1961. See also 'The Logic of Reductive Systematizations of Social and Behavioural Theories', in N o w a k , op. cit. 7. See 'Comparative Social Research and the Methodological Problems of Sociological Induction'; and 'Causal Interpretation of Statistical Relationships in Social Research', in N o w a k , op. cit. 8. See D o n Martindale, The Nature and Types of Sociological Theory, Boston, Mass., 1960. 9. See P . Sztompka, System and Function, Toward a Theory of Society, N e w York, Academic Press, 1970; see also J. W . Sutherland, A General System Philosophy for the Social and Behavioural Sciences, N e w York, 1973. 10. See analysis of this problem . in G . C . Hempel, 'Explanation by Reasons', Aspects of Scientific Explanations, N e w York, 1965. 11. P . Sztompka discusses the following list of what he called 'methodological dilemmas' in his book: '1. Naturalism versus anti-naturalism; 601 2. Reductionism versus anti-reductionism ; 3. Cognitivism versus activism; 4. Neutralism versus axiologism; 5. Passivism versus autonomism; 6. Collectivism versus individualism.' (P. Sztompka, Methodological Dilemmas, p. 28). 12. See 'Empirical Knowledge and Social Values in the Cumulative Development of Sociology', in N o w a k , op. cit. 13. Barry Hindess, Philosophy and Methodology in the Social Sciences, p. 2, Brighton, T h e Harvester Press, 1977. 14. Ibid., p. 4. 15. See another formulation of the following views in: 5. N o w a k , 'Approaches, Theories and Sociological Subdisciplines', in: T . Bottomore, S. N o w a k and M . Sokolowska (eds.), Sociology, the State of Art, N e w York. Sage Publications, 1984. For an analysis of the nature of assumptions in induction, see 'Logical and Empirical Assumptions of Validity of Induction', in N o w a k , op. cit. 16. In social sciences, of course, the research problem is often finally formulated after the data have been collected and analysed but it should be then rather called the 'problem of the research report' and not of the study. 17. Hindess, op. cit., p. 3.
  • 40. WSã^M^MíJMW^MM i) Value as a factor in social action Emérita S. Quito The question of value is so complex and yet renders it impervious to scientific scrutiny. T h e long discussion on the question of so c o m m o n that it is discussed in almost all fields of h u m a n knowledge. T h e list of books value is not to be repeated here. O u rfieldof and articles on value never seems to end. inquiry is philosophical, and because it will Ethics no longer holds exclusiverights-over it seek to determine the origin, levels and extent for the social as well as the physical sciences of value in social action, it will also be openly discuss it: whether the social sciences sociological. can be value-free1 or whether the physical F r o m the outset, the following principles sciences are exempt from the scientists' value- are to be laid d o w n : (a) that the values of judgements in choosing their facts and data. 2 individuals are retained in the values of the Value is ever-present society to which they bein all conscious and long; (b) that secondary Emérita S. Quito is Chairman of the deliberate h u m a n acts values cannot be separDepartment of Philosophy of D e La and yet this presence is ated from h u m a n freeSalle University, Manila, and the elusive, difficult to en- holder of the Professorial Chair of d o m ; and (c) that secclose in a definition; it ondary values are conHumanities. A m o n g her principal is still m o r e difficult to publications are: A New Concept of stantly being modified, if Philosophy, (1967), Oriental Roots of not drastically changed, determine its etiology Occidental Philosophy (1975) and and development. O n e throughout h u m a n life. Homage to Jean-Paul Sartre (1981). has but to look at the T h e central question spectrum of definitions is whether value conformulated by a host of cerns the ethical or 'what philosophers and social ought to be' or whether it scientists to emphasize is simply a 'calculus of this point.3 pleasure'.4 There is n o doubt that both these Its very complexity, however, stems from the fact that, if it is ever- views are correct for both conform to our present in all conscious and deliberate h u m a n experience. W h a t has not been so widely acts, it should be taken for granted; and if the discussed is that there are two levels of h u m a n sciences are not exempt from value-judge- values. ments, then value must at least be a scientific datum, and hence accessible to scientific A theory of values analysis. It is, of course, impossible to take value for granted owing to its determining role H u m a n beings have a deep sense of values in h u m a n behaviour and its far-reaching effect about good and evil or about 'what ought to in social action; yet the indefinability of value be' which begins to be formed at the very
  • 41. 604 inception of consciousness and continues to take firmer shape during formative years. This level of values is referred to by moralists as man's second nature, a system of right and wrong deeply ingrained until the age of 12 s after which no moral agency can supplant or re-create it. This level constitutes the h u m a n ethical system of primary values, a Freudian super-ego which oversees actions. T h e individual is very rarely conscious of this deeply embedded ethical system, and even if he were, would perhaps not be able to understand h o w the system was formed in thefirstplace, considering that it took place in early childhood of which he has no m e m o r y . There is also another and more superficial level of secondary values of which people are conscious because it is of a later formation. A t this level, the choice between good and evil, right and wrong, black and white is no longer m a d e since such choices were already m a d e at the deeper level. A t this m o r e superficial level, h u m a n beings operate in a grey area, a spectrum of better or worse, of pleasure or pain, of convenient or inconvenient, of n o w or later, of here or there, in short, a scale of relative values, not of absolute ones. This secondary level of values is the immediate basis of our choices being, in turn, rooted in the primary or deeper level of which w e are no longer even conscious. The superficial level of values is not permanent; it is consciously modified throughout life as one acquires fresh knowledge or experience. N o amount of fresh knowledge or experience, however, can shake the primary- or deeper foundation of values; no modification is possible of this solid basis which firmed up in early childhood. While the deeper level is the bedrock of 'what ought to be', it is at the secondary level that deliberate choices are m a d e in later life. N o freedom in the formation of the level of primary values exists since it is received from parents, teachers or surrogate parents, and thus belongs to the past that can n o longer be recalled or recast. In a sense, this deeper sense of values belongs to the unconscious. Emérita S. Quilo Value plays an active role in purposive h u m a n behaviour. Every goal set, every motivation responded to, involves a value. For this reason, the social sciences cannot be value-free any more than physics can be energy-free, or mathematics, quantity-free. It is also w h y physical sciences cannot be exempted from value-judgements, because the scientist unwittingly bases his choice of data on a system of values which determines their degree of importance. Gunnar Myrdal maintains that the biases or inclinations of scientists are so deep-seated that they can insinuate themselves into thefieldsof research at all stages.6 Thus a system of values accompanies all deliberate h u m a n actions. H o w does an individual initially form his primary sense of values? T h e origin is to be sought in early childhood. W h e n children are rewarded or punished before the age of 12, a sense of values is unconsciously formed. Spankings and lollipops are determinants of primary values. Until the age of 12 when real freedom is not yet exercised, the child forms its primary sense of values, i.e. of right and wrong, of good and evil. This becomes a part of its second nature for the child imbibes it as naturally as mother's milk. In later life, this sense of values m a y lie buried under thick layers of experience, but exists none the less at a deeper level of consciousness. ' In succeeding years, the individual consciously or unconsciously forms a hierarchy of values but always within the framework of the primary scale, i.e. between the extremes of right and wrong. The individual erects a scale of pleasures, conveniences, of more or less, of better or worse. This secondary scale of values is modifiable throughout life, and in-, deed it is modified, and sometimes drastically changed. Only in old age does this secondary scale of values become set, when at last the primary and secondary scales coincide. W h e n the individual transfers from the family fold into a wider society, the secondary scale undergoes rigorous re-evaluation. Censure, ridicule,-praise can modify these values; education can alter them to a great extent. W h e n one acquires fresh knowledge, this
  • 42. Value as a factor in social action Relativity, etching by Escher. 65 0 Snark. acquisition impinges itself on the secondary scale of values. N e w insights, theories, perspectives, n e w or alternative forms of behaviour rectify or recast one's scale of-values. Mass media can also manipulate it. If television affords every opportunity to win an electronic gadget by simply phoning in the right answer to a simple question; if newspapers offer extravagant prizes for easy-to-fill obligations, h o w can one's scale of values remain unaffected? If the rewards of work are attainable by other means, can the work ethic continue to c o m m a n d a high priority in one's scale of values? In fact, every factor or event, be it economic, social or political, impinges upon the scale of secondary values. D o e s the individual retain his scale of values w h e n he joins the wider society or group? ' T h e institution is but the lengthened shadow of one m a n . ' 7 '. . . individual praxis is the synthetic mould from which must flow c o m m o n action'.8 Contrary to popular belief, an individual never really surrenders his values w h e n he
  • 43. 606 becomes a m e m b e r of an institution, party, social group, etc. Group or collective action is a juxtaposition of individual actions. Only in a m o b where the individual subsumes his personality to the group does he really lose his individuality and, with it, his individual values. A n individual can belong to three kinds of groups, and in each, retains his values to a varying degree. T h e cohesiveness of groups depends largely on the objectives of those w h o comprise them. 1. There are groups that c o m e together because of an identity of purpose, such as a group of people w h o wait for transportation or w h o form a queue to enter a cinema. O n c e the single purposes are achieved, the group disperses. It is evident that here the total scale of secondary values is retained. 2. There are also groups whose objective m a y be m o r e difficult to attain, as in the case of revolutionary groups which aim to topple a political regime. T h e coming together of this group is spontaneous because it e m a nates from a deep-seated purpose which has become habitual and which for the same reason is less conscious than in the first group. Those forming such a group are desirous of a single, collective aim which can be achieved only through collective action, but this collectivity does not rescind individual values. 3. There are groups that congregate for mutual benefit or concern: institutions, social clubs, political parties, unions or syndicates belong to this kind. There is no urgency in the objectives of such groups. M e m b e r s coalesce because of social concern, which at bottom is really self-interest or utility. This is the very basis of institutions, collectivities the objective of which is an abiding one. Institutions are not questioned as to their social utility because no society can really exist without the stability afforded by them. T h e state, for example, can be called an institution because citizens view membership in it as desirable for protection and benefit. T h e Emérita S. Quito individual retains his full scale of values in the institution. Are there, then, values that can m o v e society as a whole?,As a general rule, people w h o share a culture, mores or mentality share the same values. Every type of society has a c o m m o n scale of values and hence a c o m m o n code of conduct. Honour for the Japanese is a socially accepted value that can m o v e them to voluntary self-destruction. T h e defence of democracy and justice can m o v e the A m e r ican and British people into war. Trampling of Christian values can m o v e Christians into collective action. Redress of grievances, oppression, rampant injustice are some of the more urgent and dramatic motives for social action. Inequality of the sexes in terms of job opportunities and compensation inspired the W o m e n ' s Liberation M o v e m e n t to seek to correct these anomalies. A s a general rule, the people of the East (by this is meant all Asians) differ from the people of the West (i.e. Europeans, North and South Americans) because of socially accepted Eastern and Western values. The Easterner, or Oriental, is personoriented, whereas the Westerner is thingoriented and from these value-orientations flow their value-judgements and conscious actions. The thing-oriented Westerner values efficiency and productivity. For every effort expended he must accomplish m a x i m u m results. Hence, time is precious for the Westerner. Every 'unforgiving minute' must be filled with sixty seconds' worth of exertion. There is a standard of excellence that must be lived up to: failure to conform to this standard is a fault for which one can be censured. Self-reliance is another Western value. Self-help is the true ideal. Parasitism on the family is frowned upon. A s a result, young people leave the family fold as soon as they can survive on their o w n and, conversely, when parents grow old, they are sent to homes for the aged. T h e cycle is repeated when these children become parents themselves. D u e to the emphasis on efficiency and the apparent inability of certain Westerners
  • 44. Value as a factor in social action 607 The scale of faculties and their transcendance, from Robert Fludd, Utriusque Cosmi Historia (1619). Explorer. to cope with these socially accepted values, m a n y suicides are committed. T h e Oriental, o n the other h a n d , is person-oriented. His regard for h u m a n feelings is supreme. All other values are subordinate to- this supreme value. T i m e or the emphasis o n punctuality is not a rule. T h e shoe-maker or tailor m a y have promised to finish a job o n a specific day and time, but h e can easily b e g off b y saying that h e w a s slightly indisposed and therefore could not fulfil his contract. This is n o major calamity in Oriental culture: o n e does not fly off in a rage because one's shoes or shirt w e r e not finished at the appointed time. Forbearance is an Oriental trait. A n o t h e r value that flows from personal or h u m a n feelings is 'saving face'. In the East
  • 45. 608 Emérita S. Quito A n Easterner does not stand alone. H e rises or falls with his family. D o these Eastern, or Oriental, and Western, or Occidental, values belong to the primary sense of values or to the secondary scale of values? O n e sure w a y offindingout is to determine whether a person acts unconsciously (instinctively) or consciously (freely). The primary sense of values belongs to the unconscious because it was formed when the child exercised neither freedom nor epistemological awareness. W h e n a person acts almost instinctively, i.e. without ratiocination, the act emanates from the primary level of values, hence from a 'sense of values', or the lack of it. W h e n a person acts with knowledge and epistemological awareness of the consequences of his acts, then this act e m a nates from the secondary level, hence a 'scale of values'. The dispute over the question of values stems from the argument that m a n does not K ' u n g Fu-tZU (Confucius), 551-479 B.C. Edimedia. always act with full awareness of a scale of values. Indeed, because some actions e m a nate from the primary level they are totally one does not trap a person between the two devoid of a scale of values. T h e Chinese sage, horns of a dilemma. O n e always leaves an Confucius, m a d e the difference between yi opening for the other person to exit grace- andft'.9A person acts out of yi when he acts fully. Even when a person falls short of a out of a sense of Tightness or 'what ought to standard of excellence, he is handled with be done at the m o m e n t ' . Thus, when someone velvet gloves. O p e n embarrassments are is drowning or is in immediate danger, the avoided in the East. action of one w h o saves him is out of yi if no The Oriental is group- or family-oriented. conscious deliberation was previously made. Smooth personal relationships are of enor- W h e n someone saves a person only after m o u s value. Giving in to the majority's will determining w h o the drowning person is, and without question is part of the Eastern sense the extent of possible danger to his o w n of values. Wranglings or bickerings destroy safety, then he acts out of li. Acts of heroism harmonious h u m a n relationships and have which transcend concern of one's own safety therefore no place in the Eastern code of are m a d e out of yi, whereas acts for profit or conduct. In this connection, the family is gain are m a d e out of //. Yi corresponds to the supreme, and parents are honoured and primary level of values and li corresponds to venerated. A s a result of this close contact the secondary level of values. O n e and the with the family, the Oriental, as a general same act can therefore be both out of yi or out • rule, does not develop singly or in isolation of //. A conscious act without deliberation from the family and often becomes too emanates from yi or the primary level of dependent on it. Even w h e n a son or daughter values, and a conscious, deliberate act stems can afford it, they stay within the family fold from // or the secondary level of values. until and even after marriage, continuing to Oriental values have been so woven into consult their parents on important decisions. the very texture of the life that there is no
  • 46. Value as a factor in social action longer consciousness of them. A n Oriental acts out of yi when he tries to 'save face'. Western values likewise have become part of the second nature of a Westerner so that idleness and waste of time and energy are ruled out. While there are always exceptions, these oriental and Western values constitute unwritten codes of conduct. While some Westerners and Orientals do violate these codes, it is certainly out of li. A s a modification of the Confucian doctrine, it m a y be useful to qualify that an adult very rarely acts out of pure yi. In other words, a person does not act simply from the primary level of values, which would imply that one can revert to that state of innocence whereby one acts out of a sheer perception of good or evil, or from 'what ought to be done'. In adult life 'oughtness' depends largely on situations, circumstances, convenience, selfishness, altruism, nationalism, friendship and a host of other motives, in short on //. These motives are learned from the group or society one joins. Rousseau asserted that m a n is good only in the state of nature, and that once he joins a society is slowly corrupted by it, implying that without society, m a n would retain his original virtue. This theory of original virtue must, h o w ever, be refined. H u m a n beings are born neither good nor evil: they are born in a state of tabula rasa on which is slowly written a 'sense of values' through tlje rewards and punishments received. O n e w h o is never rewarded or punished will never form an ethical sense or a deeply ingrained sense of valúes. H e would be akin to an animal with no sense of right or wrong and would live according to his o w n pleasures. Rousseau was, however, right in postulating that society can corrupt an individual in the sense that he makes re-adjustments to his scale of values to conform to socially accepted behaviour. The secondary scale of values is formed within society, i.e. in the company of others. It is therefore a sheen of culture, a gloss of civilization, a mere 'patina which, when scraped off, reveals the primary values. A savage w h o grows up in a jungle and never 609 has any contact with parents or society, will have neither the primary sense of values nor the secondary scale of values;10 a person w h o was subject to another, even in isolation, can and does form a primary sense of values but hardly any secondary scale of values; while one w h o , without submission to authority at an early age, was immediately projected into a society, like an unwanted child, will only develop a secondary scale of values that will be fragile and foundationless. T h e difference between one w h o was under the tutelage of parents or surrogate parents and one w h o was projected into a society at a very early age without supervision is that the former will always have a basis, a last recourse should the secondary scale of values fail, whereas the latter will act only out of expediency because he does not k n o w any better. Very often, a person is judged by the laws of society according to prescribed standards of behaviour drawn from clearly established principles of right and wrong. These principles are rigid because they are based on primary values; but people do not act only out of primary but also out of secondary values. If h u m a n beings always acted out of a primary sense of values, they could d o no wrong. Socrates was right in saying that 'if m a n knew the law, he would not violate it'. Expressed in another way, if the primary sense of values were always the basis of deliberate actions, then h u m a n beings would do no wrong. It would be like Kant's categorical imperative, whereby a m a n must because he must. Unfortunately, people are never in a primitive state where there are n o conventions, n o social pressures, no h u m a n complications. H u m a n behaviour is always in function of a society with its o w n values to which one must conform: ' W h e n in R o m e , do as the R o m a n s do' as the saying goes. The degree of adaptation of an individual depends largely on h o w well he is able to conform to the values of society. A n Oriental m a y find great difficulty in adapting to Western values just as it is difficult for a Westerner to adapt to Oriental values. Compromises can be found only at the secondary level, never at the primary. It is
  • 47. 610 Emérita S. Quito Changing relations between religious values and science: Galileo Galilei (1564-1642) is forced by the Inquisition to forswear the theory of the rotation of the earth, D.R. therefore essential to determine a person's life-beginning, for the values inculcated at this stage can never be taken away. have n o place in science. A n d yet, values continue to bedevil the sciences, for their very choice of experimentation and ends are valueloaded. T h e list of published works on value is long because social scientists attempt to quanPhilosophy of values tify what is unquantifiable, while physical scientists attempt to analyse value with their T h e primary level, however, resists quanti- o w n tools. T h e project is d o o m e d to fail from fication and, therefore, analysis. There is no the very start. yardstick whereby the sciences can determine Axiology, or the philosophy of values, the depth and extent of primary values. T h e alone can disentangle the knotty discussion on social sciences propose to study values to values, for values are rooted in freedom. If determine h u m a n behaviour, but motivations m a n were an animal, it would be easy to plot and goals are only the consequences of values. his behaviour, for animals are structurally Before one can set a goal or be motivated by oriented towards values inherent in their it, there is an anterior scale of values or species, from which there is no deviation. H u priorities which m o v e s one. T h e physical m a n beings, on the other hand, are oriented sciences seek to eliminate value-judgements towards happiness, being free to seek this from the scientific field, believing that values end through means of their o w n choosing.
  • 48. Value as a factor in social action 611 Demonstration of the rotation of the earth by Léon Foucault's (1819-68) pendulum, in St Paul's Cathedral, London. Camera Press. A n d herein lies a g a m u t of imponderables that cannot be plotted. W h y does a person pursue an objective relentlessly? W h y not abdicate in the face of overwhelming odds? O n the other hand, w h y does a person surrender to laziness at the slightest difficulty? O r w h y does a m a n exchange his fortune a n d g o o d n a m e of a lifetime for a few m o m e n t s or m o n t h s of pleasure? In each case, w h y d o people value o n e good higher than another? A s Louis Lavelle points out, whenever or wherever there is an 'inequality a m o n g things' or whenever o n e thing is to b e placed before another, or o n e is to b e judged superior or inferior to another, a scale of value applies.11 F o r this reason, values are always philosophical in character because they involve a choice, an option, thereby evoking the entire spectrum of culture, experience, education, w h i m s , caprices, etc. T h e topic of values can never be exhausted b y social scientists because of the existence of freedom. N o h u m a n agency can predict a future, free act. All h u m a n sciences are reduced to impotence where freedom is involved, for an individual can deny his entire scale of values b y o n e supreme act of freed o m . H e can even d o violence to his sense of primary values. Values are guidelines and indices of behaviour but they are not the sole determinants of social action because of hum a n freedom. T h e w i s d o m of Bergson's doctrine thus transpires: states the essence of which is to flow like life, consciousness, freedom a n d duration, can never be understood by intellect; only by intuition.12 W h a t intellect grasps are things that can be arrested
  • 49. 612 or are already accomplished, but it can never grasp things in a state of flux. Since values cannot be divorced from freedom and consciousness which are continuously in a state of flux, it follows that values are inscrutable to the intellect. W h e n m a n joins a society, he carries with him his sense and scale of values. Social action is therefore always tinged with individual freedom. For this reason, man's behaviour in society will remain an enigma. The question of value is reduced to only one question: 'To be or not to be', and to this question only the individual, whether alone or in society, can respond. Contrary to general observation, society, as society, does not respond. Society is m a d e up of individuals enjoying free-will or a liberty of indifference. Social action is therefore individual action first. M a r x was right in saying that living h u m a n individuals are 'thefirstpremise of all h u m a n history'.13 There is of course a reciprocal interaction between the individual and society. Society can influence the individual through its accepted values just as the individual can influence society through his reactions to Emérita S. Quito these values. Socialization is a complex process. It is the transmittal of a totality of culture accumulated through m a n y generations and for which reason, the term 'inculturation' is n o w preferred.14 There is no way to measure the degree of reaction to this inculturation for the element of freedom is always involved. All the boons of modern technology, all the statistical sophistication of present-day disciplines are impotent w h e n faced with intractable freedom. It is perhaps salutary to m a n that not all of his faculties can be predicted or managed by computers. Philosophy has lost a lot of ground to the social and physical sciences in the twentieth century. In the universities, the slots for philosophy are being replaced by more quantified subjects. A n d yet, have the sciences really encompassed all h u m a n faculties? It is evident that as yet, the twin faculty of m a n , as a free-willed and evaluating being has not yet been successfully plotted. Freedom and values belong to man's deepest humanity, making him what he is. In a sense, it can well be said, 'I value, therefore, I a m . '
  • 50. Value as a factor in social action 613 Notes 1. M a x Weber, The Methodology of the Social Sciences, N e w York, T h e Free Press, 1949. 2. Ernst Nagel, The Structure of Science, N e w York, Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1961. 3. See two volumes of W . H . Werkmeister, Historical Spectrum of Value Theories, Lincoln, N e b . , Johnsen P u b . C o . , 1970. These two volumes contain only German and Anglo-American writers on values. Not even French writers are included. docile and capable of imbibing ethical or moral laws of behaviour. 6. Gunnar Myrdal, Objectivity in Social Research, p. 57, N e w York, Pantheon Books, 1969. 7. John F . Emling, Value Perspectives Today, p. 21, N e w Jersey, Associated University Presses, Inc., 1977. 8. Jean-Paul Sartre, Critique de la raison dialectique, p. 543, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1960. born and raised in a jungle, he would still know the moral law. This doctrine, however, bordered on the theological. Summa Theologiae, P.I, Q . 79, A. 12. 11. Louis Lavelle, Traité des valeurs, Vols. I and II, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1951-55; see Vol. I, p. 3. 12. Henri Bergson, Essai sur les données immédiates de la conscience, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1961. 9. Confucius, Analects, Book IV, p. 16. N e w York, Vintage Books, 1938. 13. German Ideology, Part I, on Feuerbach. 10. The Catholic philosophertheologian, T h o m a s Aquinas, teaches that m a n is born with synderesis, a quasi-angelic power to discern between good and evil so that even if m a n were 14. S. Takdir Alisjahbana, Values as Integrating Forces in Personality, Society, Culture, p. 132. Kuala L u m p u r , University of Malaya Press, 1966. A L I S J A H B A N A , S. T . Values as Integrating Forces in Personality, Society and Culture. Kuala Lumpur, University of Malaya Press, 1966. Associated University Presses, Inc., 1977. N A G E L , Ë . The Structure of Science. N e w York, Harcourt, Brace & World Inc., 1961. B A I E R , K . ; R E S C H E R , N . Values L A V E L L E , L . Traité des valeurs. Vols. I and II, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 195155. 4. Ibid., Vol I, p . 3. T h e expression belongs to Jeremy Bentham. 5. Child psychologists including Piaget consider the age of 12 as the end of the age of innocence. Until the age of 12, the child is considered impressionable, Bibliography and the Future. N e w York, T h e .Free Press, 1969. B E R G S O N , H . Essai sur les données immédiates de la conscience. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1961. F A C I O N E , P . A . , et al. Values and Society. Englewood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice-Hall, 1978. L O W E , C . M . Value Orientations in Counselling and Psychotherapy. San Francisco, Calif., Chandler Pub. C o . , 1969. C O N F U C I U S . Analects. N e w York, A Vintage Book, N e w York, Random House, 1938. M U R P H Y , G . Personality. N e w York, Harper, 1947. E M U N G , J. F. Value Perspectives Today. N e w Jersey, M Y R D A L , G . Objectivity in Social Research. N e w York, Pantheon Books, 1969. S A R T R E , J.-P. Critique de la raison dialectique. Paris, Gallimard, 1960. S I N G S O N , J. M . Philippine Ethical Values. Manila, Integrated Research Center, D e L a Salle University, 1979. W E B E R , M . The Methodology of Science. N e w York, T h e Free Press, 1949. WERKMEISTER, W . H . Historical Spectrum of Value Theories. Vols. I and II. Lincoln, Neb., Johnsen Pub. C o . , 1970.
  • 51. Commodif ¡cation of the social sciences Claude Ake T h e social sciences have been commodified of production is revolutionized by the instruand it would appear that problems associated ments of labour which are n o w machines. T h e with commodification constitute the greatest take-over of production by machines was challenge to the social sciences today. C o m - really the essence of the revolutionary characmodification limits in very fundamental ways ter of the Industrial Revolution. W h e n m a the scientific development of the social sci- chines m o v e in as the basis of production, ences and their contribution to h u m a n well- science begins to dominate production and being. M o r e specifically, it divorces the pro- opens up infinite possibilities for innovation. duction of the social sciences from social For, by its very nature, science never accepts needs, renders social science knowledge m o r e the present situation as what must be, it never prone to aid domination accepts absolute solthan enlightenment and utions or limits and is Claude A k e , a Nigerian political focuses research o n forever straining beyond scientist, is Dean of the School of problems of limited present achievements to Social Sciences, University of Portscientific value. These n e w challenges. M a r x was Harcourt, Port-Harcourt, Nigeria. problems can only b e right in saying: H e has published books and articles on political science and the political seen and grasped in the economy of Africa. context of the speciModern industry never ficities of the process of looks upon and treats the commodification. W h a t existing form of a process as final. T h e technical are these specificities? basis of that industry is therefore revolutionary, while all earlier modes of The genesis of production were essencommodification tially conservative. B y T h e principal impetus means of machinery, towards the commodification of the sciences chemical processes and other methods, it is stems from the Industrial Revolution. Indeed continually causing changes not only in the commodification of science lies in the very technical basis of production, but also in the functions of labour, and in the social combiessence of this revolution. Following M a r x nations of the labour-process. one can divide the revolution into two phases: an earlier phase of manufacture, in which the m o d e of production is revolutionized essen- This is all the m o r e so on account of the tially by labour power and the instruments of dynamism of capitalism, which emanates from production are still largely tools; a second competition. W h e n machines b e c o m e the phase, 'modern industry' in which the m o d e pivot of production, competition tends to take
  • 52. 616 the form of using science to improve the technical basis of production in a ceaseless bid to maximize efficiency and corner the market. In so far as capitalism lives up to its ideal character, that is, remains competitive, it has an insatiable appetite for science, a fact epitomized by the ever-increasing corporate investment in research and development. Not surprisingly, capital (corporate and state) has become the major consumer of science and, as such, the decisive influence on the production of science. Inevitably, the production of science responded to and became conditioned by effective demand. A s capital pressed science into its service and gave impetus to its production, science was progressively commodified, for it was increasingly produced as an intermediary product, a necessary input for production of commodities or in demand from consumers and therefore exchanged. H o w ever, there is a certain ambiguity in the commodified nature of science. A t one level there are ever larger armies of scientists toiling at research, trying to produce exchange values, just like workers in a shoe factory. F r o m this perspective the commodity character of science is unambiguous. A t another level, especially in larger corporations, there is a tendency to internalize the consumption of the scientific product, to monopolize aspects of it so that it is not available for indiscriminate use or purchase. F r o m this perspective it is seen that science is not only commodified but also 'accumulated' and hoarded. These tendencies hold both for the natural sciences and the social sciences, although in the social sciences their manifestations are m o r e subtle. T h e Industrial Revolution created an immense demand not only for natural science knowledge but also for knowledge about the social sphere. In the wake of the process of primitive accumulation which preceded the Industrial Revolution, there was a serious problem of controlling behaviour, of finding adequate ideological representations of the emerging m o d e of production. First, masses of people had to be dislodged from Claude Ake pre-capitalist production relations and expropriated, then they had to be dissuaded from occupying themselves in 'unproductive' ways such as begging and thieving, and induced to offer their labour power as a commodity. T h e foundations of contemporary social sciences were laid in the context of these problems and grew in step with the development of industrial capitalism. This can easily be seen in the case of political economy. Political economy developed as the discipline for understanding and rationalizing industrial capitalism, and its growth has followed the development of capitalism. During its earlier history it was easy for political economy to assume an appearance of objectivity and universality. But as the contradictions of capitalism grew its ideological character was more and more exposed. B y the middle of the nineteenth century, political economy had entered what Isaac Rubin called (in his A History of Economic Thought) a 'vulgar phase' in which its investigations were increasingly restricted to 'superficially studying phenomena as they might appear to the capitalist, instead of probing into the internal connection between them'. This was the period of the marginalist school when political economy became more and more engrossed in the refinement of technique while the questions it posed got narrower and more specific, and increasingly unhelpful for understanding the social system as opposed to its manipulation for desired effects. T h e process of commodification of the sciences was reinforced by the development of the modern state, itself a product of industrial capitalism. T h e state is the political correlate of capitalism. Ideally the state is the modality of class domination specific to the capitalist m o d e of production. For what is unique about this modality of domination is that it is mediated by commodity exchange. It is because of this mediation by commodity exchange that the institutional mechanisms of domination are differentiated and dissociated from the ruling class and even society and thus appear as an objective force 'standing alongside society'. Unfortunately, this must remain
  • 53. Commodification of the social sciences In Praise of Dialectics, painting by R e n é Magritte (1898-1967). Giwudon. 617
  • 54. 618 a dogmatic assertion as its elaboration will take us too far afield. Like the corporations, the state had a huge appetite for science. A s the classic institutional expression of the capital relation the state necessarily epitomized the uncompromising rationalism of capitalism. It needed science to maintain the conditions for accumulation, to resolve the contradictions between private capitals and also between social capital and private capitals. These contradictions had to be resolved for capitalism to survive but could not be done efficiently without science at a time w h e n science had m o v e d to a dominant position in material production. Also as arbiter, the state was in competition with private capitals (if it could not match their power it could not discipline them to maintain the conditions for accumulation) and had to be well equipped, in fact, better equipped than the corporations which were obliged to engage in the assiduous accumulation of science. Also, capitalism's tendency towards globalization brought the age of competing nation-states and competing imperialisms and colonial struggles, and the nation-state needed science to maintain itself as a going concern in the n e w system. These were the circumstances in which states themselves became avid consumers of science. They consumed science in a manner which gave impetus to their commodification. This w a s particularly so in the case of the social sciences. Since the social sciences deal with h u m a n beings and social relations, they are directly relevant to the maintenance of existing social orders or their subversion. Naturally, governments felt that they could not afford to encourage the production of social science knowledge in a generally uncontrolled w a y . They have been very concerned about controlling the conditions under which social science is produced. T o some extent they have tried to exercise this control b y establishing units within their structure for the production of such social science as they need. But this manner of dealing with matters raises other serious problems which need not detain us here. It has been m o r e convenient to farm Claude Ake out the production of social science knowledge to client institutions which are formally outside governments but largely dependent or controlled by them. Notable among these client institutions are University Social Science Faculties and quasi-independent academic establishments. T h e process of commodification is inherent in these conditions for the production of the social sciences, for production is carried out by specialized institutions not for their o w n consumption but for that of the state and the hegemonic classes. It is well to note that this is a rather unique form of commodity production; in some ways it is rather like the putting-out system of guild production. For here, the commodity producer and the consumer of the commodity are not really independent. It is not difficult to imagine h o w this form of commodification impairs the scientific development of the social sciences. T h e commodification of the social sciences has received impetus from contemporary functional specialization and the peculiar circumstances in which science has been organized as a vocation. T h e production of scientific knowledge demands lenghty, tedious and very expensive training which has to be constantly updated. It is an entirely absorbing commitment. For those w h o produce it, science is a vocation. O n e notable feature of science as a vocation is that it invariably takes the form of commodity production. Only in very exceptional circumstances is anyone likely to enjoy the luxury of independence with personal facilities and freedom to pursue any line of scientific inquiry that captures his fancy. M o r e often than not the scientist seeks work in an institution which pays him a salary and in addition offers access to facilities such as libraries, laboratories and research funds necessary for the application of scientific talent. In short, scientific talent is divorced from the objective conditions for its unfolding, the scientist obtains access to such objective conditions only as a commodity producer. T h e scientific product is thus a means of exchange and scientific activity less a free expression of creativity or a disinterested
  • 55. Commodification of the social sciences 619 survival w h o are not in a position to exercise domination over others. Even if the need for such knowledge came to.popular attention, there would b e little means of satisfying it. In the circumstances, effective demand is exercised by those narrow but powerful interests which control the state and the corporations. This is unfortunately reinforced by what happens on the supply side. O n e can normally expect some dissociation of supply from dem a n d in the sense that effective demand decides what is supplied only to. a limited extent. Actual products depend to some extent on what suppliers or-commodity producers can offer while producers can often create a certain demand for their products H o w e v e r , in our case, producers do not have m u c h autonomy from those w h o wield effective d e m a n d for the social sciences. The state Problems of commodification and the corporations provide the material ' conditions for the creation of social science Problems associated with commodification are perhaps the greatest obstacle to the develop- knowledge, it is they w h o supply the instiment of the social sciences and their contri- tutional context, the libraries and laborabution to h u m a n welfare. A comprehensive tories, the grants and research tools which treatment of these problems will not be enable the social scientist to produce. This attempted here. Only a few of the most lack of autonomy is reinforced by the sociosalient features can be indicated and those economic specificity of social scientists. Those w h o are in a position to produce significant only impressionistically. social science knowledge are themselves highly Whenever production is commodified it privileged with essentially identical class tends to be dissociated from social need. This positions as those of the powerful interests is especially so in the case of the social that control the state and the corporations: sciences. W h e n a good becomes commodified indeed, the social science establishment is the conditions of its production and the nature a mechanism of such control. of the product become defined especially within the range of interaction between deT h e import of all this is that social science m a n d and supply. O n the one hand, the type knowledge is largely produced in response to of social science produced is dictated by the very narrow interests. It is dissociated from nature of the effective d e m a n d for it. In this social need, if not actually antagonistic to it. case the effective d e m a n d comes from a For by virtue of their objective interests the limited source, namely, the corporations, the controlling groups in the corporations and the state and its apparatuses. There is very little state d e m a n d a very specific kind of social effective popular d e m a n d for social science knowledf °-, namely, one that reproduces their - and that which exists is not sufficiently fo- exploitative domination of the rest of society. cused to compel changes in the types actually N o w h e r e is the dissociation of the proproduced. T h e need for social science knowl- duction of social science knowledge from edge on, for example n o w to maintain order, needs more apparent than in post-colonial does not immediately compel the attention of Africa. Outsiders tried • to influence the people engrossed in the urgencies of daily characters and teaching of the social sciences quest for truth than routine application to tasks in which the individual is not necessarily interested. Because of the value generally placed o n material well-being and status, scientists are often keen to exchange their scientific skills in a manner that will maximize these 'utilities' rather than knowledge or h u m a n well-being. Scientists are understandably anxious to avoid devaluing their skills and reducing their exchange value. This sometimes makes them into obstacles to scientific progress and the spread of enlightenment; for instance, they m a y denigrate n e w and better scientific thrusts and mask the irrelevance and deficiencies of certain skills, procedures and theories in order to ensure continued d e m a n d for their o w n services.
  • 56. 620 in Africa in order to further their imperial purposes. This was done largely through the big foundations, the provision of university teachers to Africa, the award of scholarships to promising African students as part of university staff-development programmes, and the sponsorship of textbooks. Such an effort, combined with the legacy of Western education surviving from the colonial experience firmly established Western mainstream social science in most of Africa. H o w e v e r these social sciences with their foundations in the well-known classics, were oriented towards defending the values of order and capitalism. A n d that m a d e them exactly what African countries did not need. T o illustrate briefly with the value of order: those w h o were producing and propagating order-oriented social sciences were the ones w h o labelled the newly independent countries underdeveloped and submitted that they must, as a matter of the highest priority, break out of their condition because underdevelopment means; a m o n g other things, crushing poverty, debilitating dependence, ignorance and disease, technological backwardness, limited freedom and political instability. In other words, underdeveloped society is thoroughly undesirable and needs to be changed drastically, quickly. If that is granted, then it is a blatant contradiction to study such societies in the context of social sciences the value assumptions and conceptual apparatuses of which are primarily concerned with h o w to maintain order. It would appear that the type of social sciences required would b e that with an affinity for revolution. T h e received social sciences in Africa broke d o w n in contradiction even in relation to their o w n purpose. In an attempt to seduce by an appearance of relevance, they adopted a developmental thrust; societies were seen as existing along a continuum, the underdeveloped ones being assessed in terms of the possibility of m o v e m e n t towards development. Unfortunately, while the conceptual and theoretical apparatus of Western mainstream social sciences was perfectly capable of elaborating on the problem of order, it Claude Ake was quite unsuitable and indeed inimical to the elaboration of change, especially the wholesale change that the underdeveloped countries need. Hence the contradiction; the tools of social science were dissociated from the goal which it set itself. The dissociation of the production of knowledge from social need is related to the fact that those interests promoting the production of social science knowledge are excessively class-bound. This class bias is not just contingent, it is objectively necessary. It is inherent in the nature and origin of the social sciences. A s sciences of h u m a n relations, the social sciences actually arose from class differentiation and the need for exploitative control of h u m a n behaviour and relations. U n fortunately space does not permit a detailed argument of this thesis but a skeletal argument can be presented. In simple pre-capitalist societies such as those that Durkheim characterized as having 'mechanical solidarity', the need for social sciences does not really arise. While contradictions and conflict do exist knowledge of social relations is unproblematic, everyone knows their station and duties, there is no need for specialist interpretation of role expectations, laws and punishment, or even of culture. Knowledge of social relations is so widely shared, so well inculcated as part of the socialization process that a specialized study of social relations would be largely redundant. For the same reason m a n y forms of functional and structural specialization are absent (for instance, the presence of a specialized administrative apparatus) and roles can be functionally diffuse without any risk of orientational confusion. But w h e n mechanical solidarity gives way to individualism and the differentiation of interests, w h e n society splits into conflictual social groups struggling for hegemony, the situation changes fundamentally. Social relations become problematic and so does knowledge of social relations. T h e established and widely shared knowledge of social relations becomes m o r e and m o r e irrelevant as the centrifugal pulls of the n e w social forces
  • 57. 621 Commodification of the social sciences c o m e to the fore. T h e salient problems of social relations n o w are those of co-ordination for goal attainment, integration, system maintenance and the maintenance of order. It is precisely these problems that the social sciences deal with. Interest in them is essentially class-specific; they arise primarily w h e n antagonistic contradictions have developed, w h e n the maintenance of hegemony has bec o m e problematic and w h e n some people must control and administer others. T h e class biases of the social sciences are not a historical accident. They are not contingent on the fact that a certain class at a certain point in time captured control of a system of objective sciences and pressed them into the service of its narrow interests. They are inherent in the nature and genesis of the social sciences. B y the same token, they are not a product of the particular manner in which conditions for the production of social science are constituted. But, of course, these conditions reinforce the class character of the social sciences not least by ensuring their commodification. For, as w e have seen, the peculiar character of the conditions of production of this commodity is that its producers are not autonomous of its primary consumers w h o constitute a highly monopolistic group. Implications for the scientific development of the social sciences I n o w turn to consider the implications of the nature of social sciences and the conditions of their production for their scientific development. Since the social sciences are largely the product of very narrow interests tendentially in fundamental conflict with the rest of society, they tend to be ideological representations rather than tools of scientific understanding. T o illustrate with political economy: cause is deliberately confused with effect by representing as h u m a n nature m o d e s of being (e.g. acquisitive individualism), which are the historical product of the capitalist m o d e of production; the unequal exchange of the market-place is misrepresented as the exchange of equivalents, the contribution of labour-power to value is minimized or glossed over while self-seeking is represented as the vehicle for the optimization of the public interest. W e can illustrate the ideological character of social sciences more concretely by reference to s o m e of the mainstream scholarship on the developing countries. Because of the interests of those w h o sponsored this A t this point w e are in a better position effort, the central problem of development to clarify the dissociation of the production of was essentially reduced to the question of h o w social science knowledge from social needs. the developing countries could be m o r e like This should not be construed in an absolute the West, and the practical concern became sense. The social sciences serve some social that of fashioning these countries after the needs. But they are primarily those of the image of the West. Not surprisingly this did small hegemonic social group, which, by not conduce to m u c h scientific evolution as virtue of its hegemony, controls the pro- development was trivialized and confused duction of social science knowledge in ac- with a particular type of change; the desiracordance with its objective interests. T h e bility, feasibility or even the necessity of problem, of course, is that these needs are effecting this particular change w a s not left dissociated from and tendentially antagonistic an open question, but rather taken for to those of the vast majority of people in granted. There was limited interest in underthe social formation. It is in this sense, standing the uniqueness of these countries that is, taking the social formation as a and their o w n laws of development. whole, that one can refer to the dissociation In these circumstances, the work proof the production of social science knowledge duced very limited scientific understanding of from social need. development and of the countries in question. Yet in the developed countries the social
  • 58. 622 Claude Ake m "Contemporary social sciences grew in step with the development of industrial capitalism.' Above: Pre-capitalist industry: carpet-maker in El-Minya, Egypt. H . Cartier-BressonyMagnum. Opposite: Powell's steam engine, which won a gold medal at the 1867 Paris Universal Exhibition. Explorer. sciences have not fared m u c h better. Their scientific unfolding has been hampered by their preoccupation with the preservation and rationalization of the existing social order. T h e assumption that the existing social order is as it ought to be forecloses interesting scientific questions, depriving the social sciences of essential stimulus and confining them to relatively trivial problems and the refinement of technique. W e can see these tendencies in the famous 'end of ideology' -stance associated with authors like Daniel Bell, the confusion of empiricism with science and incremental mathematicization of minor problems with scientific progress. T h e groups that control the production of the social sciences, especially government and the corporations, do encourage research. But the research they encourage does not contribute m u c h to progress in the social sciences. W e have already touched on one reason for this state of affairs, namely, the tendency to avoid certain kinds of problems. In addition, there is the bias caused by their preference for research supportive of their o w n policies. They tend to lean heavily towards research that will solve largely short-run policy problems. There is very little basic research of an open-ended nature that questions fundamental assumptions of existing social science practice. Research problems are often defined by official functionaries and entrepreneurs w h o want unambiguous answers to rather narrow questions. A n d research is more often than not evaluated and the possibilities or further work determined not by those
  • 59. 623 Commodification of the social sciences i ' i ï-.., ii É IIi 1 1 # interested in scientific progress but by those with practical concerns for w h o m the advancement of science is a peripheral issue. T h e situation is not helped by the transformation of social scientists into commodity producers. A s is to be expected, they gear their productive effort to the locus of effective demand and highest returns on their input. This has encouraged some social scientists to go along with the utilitarian concerns of governments and corporations, to collaborate in the use of science to rationalize instead of promoting understanding. Since the marketability of their skills depends so m u c h on social recognition which is largely controlled by the hegemonic social groups, social scientists are under pressure to remain in the 'mainstream' where practice is dominated by the values of those same hegemonic groups. Worse, some enter into active opposition to novel and m o r e scientifically promising developments which threaten to devalue their o w n skills. Taking account of all these factors, it m a y well be that the limited scientific development of the social sciences is due less to the complexity of their subject-matter than to the circumstances in which they are produced and consumed. Conclusion Problems associated with the commodification of the social sciences limit in very fundamental ways their scientific development and contribution to h u m a n well-being. These prob-
  • 60. 624 lems are perhaps the greatest challenge to the social sciences today. H o w is this challenge to be met? T o begin with, it is necessary to intensify criticism of current social science practice. A considerable amount of critical work is being done but there is need for an increase in scope, depth and concreteness. In the-past insufficient attention has been paid to the conditions under which social science is produced or to the phenomenon of cornmodification and its effects. Also, certain questions about the objective character of the social sciences have not been examined closely enough, in particular, whether the problems under review here are due to the historical specificities of particular producers or consumers of the social sciences, or the condition of production, or whether the social sciences c o m e into being essentially as sciences of exploitative domination. Here it is pertinent to point out that even the existence of radically critical social science, such as Marxism, does not even settle such questions conclusively. Marxism arose from the contradictions of what w e have called mainstream social sciences and is ultimately their negation. But as the product and antithesis of the older social sciences it is paradoxically in dialectical unity with them and it is not at all clear h o w Marxism can be constructed as a social science beyond this negation. N o r does the experience of contemporary socialist formations mitigate such uncertainty. T h e differences between them and the capitalist formations are fundamental enough; none the less the problems of the social sciences reviewed here largely apply to them also because these problems are inherent in the nature of the state and the phenomenon of commodification. Commodification is clearly a feature c o m m o n to both socialist and capitalist formations. In contemporary socialist formations, labour power is also divorced from its means of realization and alienated as a condition for gaining access to the means of its realization. T o be sure, in this case, its alienation m a y not be exploitative, that is, it m a y not entail the expropriation of surplus value. However, the adverse effects of corn- ClaudeAke modification of the social sciences which have been discussed here have little to do with the expropriation of surplus value. A s to the state, it represents a modality of domination and presupposes antagonistic contradictions and class struggle. T h e state is never really the state of all, but rather expresses the hegemony of some. A s a relation of domination characterized by intense hegemonic struggles the state can never be democratic in the concrete sense. This is all too clear in the case of capitalist formations. However, it is also true, though to a lesser extent, even for social formations in which the popular class has become hegemonic.. For one thing the necessities of domination and class struggle impose hierarchic structures that tendentially alienate those w h o directly control state power from those they are supposed to be representing. Thus Marxism in power invariably falls into serious contradiction with Marxism in opposition and is unable to provide a reliable image of what a social science rooted in popular interests would look like. The problem is not solved by invoking the authenticity of Marxism in opposition and extrapolating from it. For Marxism is so completely in dialectical unity with the system it seeks to negate that such an exercise will be futile, and it is so geared to the limited purpose of negation that it does not formulate what happens afterwards. Indeed, the doctrine would have contradicted its very essence if it did not leave the determination of the future to the dialectics of history. T h e conditions under which social science knowledge is produced and consumed render the task of broadening and deepening critical work along the lines suggested very difficult. However, there is some leverage in the contradictions of prevailing social science practice: the contradiction between its latent functions as ideology and its manifest functions as science, the contradiction between its practical utility for the manipulative purposes of hegemonic groups and its uselessness far making sense of social life. These contradictions provide an objective basis for the promotion of the kinds of heightened critical
  • 61. Cotnmodification of the social sciences consciousness which has been suggested here. T h e n e w critical consciousness will not just materialize from anywhere but must be based on objective conditions, especially contradictions in material life. T h e implication is that the task of dealing with the problems of commodification in the social sciences is first and foremost a 'political' task and only incidentally a scientific task. For thefirstorder of business must be to decide what and whose problems are to be solved by the social sciences, what interests are to be served, what values maximized. A n d these are clearly political decisions. T h e social sciences will 625 serve the well-being of humanity to the extent that social scientists decide to commit themselves firmly and concretely to popular interests in their practice. This commitment will provide the greatest stimulus to the development of the social sciences. For with this commitment the social sciences enter into the mainstream of history, confront and concern themselves with the problems that are critical for mankind and develop from the impetus of their challenge. Whether the social sciences can m o v e decisively in this direction must remain an open question. But if they do, they will be radically different from what they are today.
  • 62. wmmMmmÊSimËMMgssËsaÊSgmm The social sciences and the study of international relations Philippe Braillard T h e rapid development of the social sciences as to call fundamentally in question the idea is no doubt one of the m o r e striking p h e n o m - of the social sciences as a rigorous scientific discipline, on the grounds that the inevitable ena of our century. T h e diversification of approaches, adoption of n e w research tools ethnocentrism ideological commitment of any and methods, broadening of analytical scope researcher impose radical limitations on her and penetration into n e w areas have caused a or him. profound upheaval in the social science landSince the impression given by the social scape, especially in the last few decades. T h e sciences today is of a complex field in a state n u m b e r and pace of these developments have of flux, it is legitimate and indeed necessary to led the social sciences to lay a claim to proper ask what functions m a y be assigned to them scientific status, and to and what challenges and recognition and a role of difficulties, and even Philippe Braillard teaches the theory their o w n in academic limitations, they encounand sociology of international reinstitutions and in the ter in their development. lations at the Graduate School of world of research in Rather than indulge in International Studies, Geneva. H e general. W h a t is m o r e , general, abstract specuhas published several books, including a large n u m b e r of n e w Théorie des systèmes et relations interlation, however, w e felt nationales (1977), L'imposture du fields have emerged as a that it would be useful to Club de Rome (1982) and Tiers result of the desire to focus our attention on one Monde et relations internationales give the social sciences a particular aspect of social (1984). direct active role to play. reality. This will enable us However, these to adopt a m o r e precise changes have not ocand m o r e concrete apcurred entirely smoothly proach to s o m e of the and without clashes beproblems faced today by tween different concepthe social sciences. tions of the actual nature of social relations O f the various aspects of social reality and between different approaches and analyti- that m a y be investigated, there is one that cal methods. They have also had the effect of seems to lend itself particularly well to this bringing about increasingly marked specializ- kind of inquiry, namely international reation in the various disciplines, and this has lations, for here w e have a subject of research led to increasing criticism and expressions of that, m o r e than any other, is n o w c o m m o n concern over the tendency in the social ground for the various social sciences. sciences to reflect in a piecemeal and often Whereas, traditionally, political philosophy, reductionistic manner the richness and c o m - diplomatic history, international law and polplexity of real life. S o m e even go so far today itical e c o n o m y all used to contribute to the
  • 63. Philippe Braillard 628 study of international relations, in the course of this century m a n y of the social sciences—sociology, political science, ethnology, psychology, anthropology, demography, etc. —have progressively laid claim to the subject. This is w h y it can be said that ever since the period between the two wars not only have international relations earned themselves the position of an independent field of study but there has also been a degree of decentralization in research o n the subject, which has been increasingly extended to include m a n y of the rapidly developing social sciences in addition to traditional disciplines. Furthermore, the growing importance of international relations today in the life of societies cannot leave social scientists indifferent, as attested to by the swift expansion of research on the subject. W e live in an era deeply marked by conflict and one in which the potential for destruction available to us renders the consequences of a major conflagration quite incalculable. After the Second World W a r , the cold w a r , reflecting the strategic and ideological antagonism of the two superpowers, deeply affected the structure, development and lives of m a n y societies, particularly as a result of the building of systems of alliance dominated respectively by the United States of America and the U n i o n of Soviet Socialist Republics. Again, the emergence of the Third World on the international scene hs opened u p a n e w dimension in international relations and has led to confrontation between the developing countries and the industrialized countries. Within the Third World itself, there are evergrowing conflicts whose consequences often reach far beyond the borders of the regions directly concerned. In the course of this century the international system has thus b e c o m e truly worldwide in scale; international relations have acquired a global dimension, it being no longer possible for any single country to stand outside the international strategic context. These changes and the importance of international relations today do not, however, stem solely from technological developments in weaponry and the—at least potential—globalization of conflicts: they are also the result of the growth of economic, technological and cultural exchanges between the various societies. This growth, which is one of the end results of the modernization process set in train by the Industrial Revolution, has unquestionably provided the framework for a complex network of interdependent relations between the various societies. While this p h e n o m e n o n is no doubt characterized by the existence of serious inequalities or imbalances within that interdependence, to the point where it has often become a means for penetration and domination, the fact remains that on a global scale there is n o w more interpénétration between societies, it is m u c h m o r e difficult to distinguish foreign policy from domestic policy and there are m a n y transnational forces and non-state actors that tend to restrict governments' scope for manoeuvre. International relations, therefore, are tending to play an ever more decisive role in the functioning and development of our societies. The need for interdisciplinarity It is not unusual to hear researchers—particularly political scientists—assert that the study of international relations has, in the course of its development, given birth to a separate, self-contained discipline.1 A s sertions of this kind are usually based on the belief that it is essential to take account of the specific nature of international relations as an object of study. Particular emphasis is placed on the difference between the structures and political processes specific to integrated societies and the international system, the latter being characterized by a low degree of intergration and by the absence of political structures binding its m e m b e r s . In other words, the conceptual and methodological tools developed in the study of integrated societies are considered to be inoperative and even dangerous as a means of studying a social system in its natural state.
  • 64. The social sciences and the study of international relations It seems difficult to dispute the specific nature of international relations. T h e existence of an international sphere m a d e up of sovereign state entities able, within certain limits, legitimately to resort to armed force to defend their interests2 characterizes a specific field of social relations. Admittedly, it is increasingly difficult today to draw the line between domestic and foreign policy, and there is clearly an increasing part played in international relations by non-state entities such as multinational corporations and transnational forces, which tend to restrict the power of states. T h e swift development of bonds of economic, technological, cultural and strategic interdependence and the emergence of countless co-operation structures, whether governmental or non-governmental, are also signs that international relations are becoming increasingly highly organized, reducing the gap between the international system and the various integrated political systems of nation-states. Despite this growth in international relations, however, there is no denying the existence of states and of frontiers between the various societies forming states. T h e specific characteristic of international relations is the fact that they constitute flows that cross frontiers. International relations are therefore determined primarily not by the nature of the actors involved—states or other social entities—but by the structure of the system in which they develop—the existence of frontiers crossed by communication flows. The specific nature of international relations can thus be brought out by defining them as social relations that cross frontiers and link the various societies forming nation-states. Describing them as relations established between various societies covers not only intergovernmental relations, in which the actors are states but also infra-governmental relations, in which the actors are such diverse social groups as enterprises, scientific societies, sporting and religious associations, etc. There is no doubt that this definition of international relations is conditioned by his- 629 tory, for it applies strictly to something whose existence m a y be limited in time. It is conceivable, for instance, that state structures will disappear one day. Such a change would not only m a k e this definition obsolete but would even render the very notion of international relations meaningless. 3 T h e fact that international relations are recognized as possessing a specific nature—if only relative and partial—is a legitimate reason for making them a clearly defined object of study or field of analysis but does not, in m y view, justify the claim for a n e w discipline within the social sciences under the n a m e of 'international relations'. T h e fact is that what is properly characteristic of any discipline is not just its object but the approach adopted in the study of that object and therefore the w a y of delimiting the field of analysis. W h e n w e look at the study of international relations today w e are bound to recognize that, far from being conducted by a single discipline, it involves a great m a n y of the social sciences, such as political science, sociology, economics, law, history, anthropology, social psychology, etc., with each of these disciplines approaching the subject from a particular standpoint. There are in fact m a n y aspects to inernational relations—economic, political, social and cultural—and, unless international relations are reduced to just one aspect considered to be of paramount importance, it is not possible to explain the eminently complex subject of international p h e n o m e n a through just one discipline, n e w though it m a y be. A n d yet, as has already been suggested above, is it not likely that the social sciences m a y be unable to study international relations to any good effect by using concepts and models developed in the analysis of integrated societies? T h e specific nature of international relations—social relations across frontiers—does not preclude the existence of s o m e degree of organization and co-operation in those relations. Moreover, there is a widespread tendency in the study of what are k n o w n as integrated societies to reject—and in this they are following the path opened up
  • 65. 630 by Marxist sociology—the model of a society exempt from conflict and proof against anarchy. A s a result, the social sciences have to a great extent included in their approaches the conflictual dimension characteristic of any social relationship, and this enables them to develop models that m a y shed light on international relations. Because there are several disciplines involved and hence a number of different approaches, the study of international relations today gives the impression of being piecemeal or even completely disjointed. T h e wealth of knowledge gained from a multiplicity of approaches tends to be achieved at the expense of coherent analysis. W h a t at the outset was meant simply to be a guarantee of comprehensiveness has tended tö become actually a source of incoherence. W e have c o m e to the point today where the study of international relations is broken up into a host of different approaches and disciplines with all too often little or n o connection between them and too little concern to relate their different approaches to an overall view of the object studied. W e have here a phenomenon that is typical of all the social sciences today and one scientists have become increasingly aware of, prompting m a n y of them to advocate an interdisciplinary attitude and approach. Interdisciplinarity has thus become a fashionable cry, and the study of international relations has not remained outside its range. It must be admitted, however, that there has not been m u c h progress beyond solemn pronouncements about the virtues of integrating the various disciplines, which has prompted m a n y people to accuse interdisciplinarity of being a failure or in any event an illusion. In m y view it cannot in fact be otherwise as long as interdisciplinarity continues to be seen as a global, undifferentiated exercise that has the effect of merely juxtaposing different viewpoints in a haphazard fashion. T h e interdisciplinary enrichment based on integration of the various dimensions of social reality cannot be brought about either on a global scale or by decree. W h a t must be done, as Philippe Braillard increasing numbers of scientists are doing, is to start out more modestly from the precise needs that emerge from the study of a phenomenon or a structure and to seek to achieve cross-fertilization between different standpoints w h e n analysing the object in question. Thus, to take but a few examples in the field of international relations, subjects like the study of development, that of transnational corporations or international organizations and that of international conflicts might lend themselves to interdisciplinary working methods. A n initial approach to such working methods might be to incorporate into a discipline dimensions, variables and hypotheses taken into account and brought to light by other disciplines. Thus, for example, the political scientist wanting to study the stratification of the international system and particularly the ascendancy of the industrialized countries over the developing countries must consider in his analysis the norms of international public law as an element of that stratification and as an instrument of domination.4 Conversely, a jurist looking at the progressive emergence of development law cannot afford to overlook the power structure characterizing the contemporary international system, for it is against that structure that the Third World countries seeking to establish the broad principles of a n e w international economic order are fighting. H o w e v e r , this initial form of interdisciplinary enrichment cannot alone meet all the requirements that arise in the study of certain phenomena. It1 is not enough merely to incorporate into one particular discipline viewpoints stemming from other disciplines, because certain phenomena must be considered globally from the outset. Only a transdisciplinary approach going beyond traditional disciplinary frameworks and opening the way to a paradigm of complexity5 can do justice to the multidimensional and complex nature of certain objects. The study of development is highly revealing in this respect. It is n o w realized that the phenomenon of development, which plays a very important role in
  • 66. The social sciences and the study of international relations '631 'An increasing part is played by multinational corporations and transnational forces'. Rapho. the study of international relations, cannot be apprehended satisfactorily from models developed within the frame of a specific discipline, even if such models take into account the contributions of other disciplines.6 There is n o such thing as economic development, social development or political development taken separately. Development is a global p h e n o m e n o n that must be seen as such from the start in all its m a n y dimensions—economic, political, social, cultural, etc. This requirement can be satisfied only by a transdisciplinary approach in which an attempt is m a d e to cut across the boundaries of traditional disciplines, developing n e w conceptual frameworks and models. It is by seeking to respond to this need for transdisciplinarity that the study of international relations will n o doubt m a k e s o m e progress in the future beyond its present fragmented state. Looking for a paradigm T h e study of international relations is fragmented or piecemeal not only because of the diversity of disciplines or viewpoints upon which it is based but also—and to a far greater extent—because of lack of agreement a m o n g scientists about what it is that constitutes the specific nature, the essence, of its object and about the general explanatory framework to be built for organizing the research. In other words, the study of international relations is characterized by the absence of a paradigm 7 and by the fact that there are several general explanatory models pitted against one another, several conceptions of its object. This situation is not in fact peculiar to the study of international relations: it is characteristic of the whole field of investigation covered by the social sciences. An initial conception of international
  • 67. 632 relations, which stems from T h o m a s Hobbes' theory of the natural state, puts emphasis on the non-integrated anarchical and therefore conflictual nature of the international system. It sees the specific characteristic of international relations in the recourse to conflict, or m o r e precisely in what R a y m o n d Aron calls 'the legitimacy of recourse to armed force on the part of states'. F r o m this standpoint, the state is seen as the central actor in international relations, whose dynamic is the evolving pattern of the balance of power a m o n g states. T h e sphere of foreign policy is quite distinct from that of domestic policy, and its central concern in the security of the state. Foreign policy options are rational choices m a d e in the national interest. T h e foreign policy of states, while it does not succeed in obliterating the profoundly anarchical nature of the international system, can nevertheless ensure a m i n i m u m degree of order and s o m e balance of power, notably through diplomacy and the development of international law and international organizations.8 F r o m the end of the Second World W a r onwards, this conception of international relations was widely disseminated by the American realistic school of thought which set itself up in opposition to the Wilsonian idealistic and legalistic view of an international society progressing towards pacification and integration as a result of a process of d e m o cratization. T h e failure of the League of Nations, the Second World W a r and then the development of the cold war unquestionably lent weight to this 'conflictual' conception of international relations, which prevailed until the 1960s and still has a considerable following. A second conception of international relations places emphasis on interdependence and co-operatjon and subscribes to the view that contemporary international relations do not correspond to the conflictual and interstate model of the realistic paradigm. T h e dynamic of modernization set off by the Industrial Revolution and given an unprecedented impetus after the Second World Philippe Braillard W a r as a result of the development of technology and growth of international exchanges has helped to construct a complex pattern of interdependence between the various societies and has led to the emergence of new types of actors in international relations. This modernization process has for instance given rise to n e w needs and demands in our societies and to value systems based on economic and social welfare. T h e development model progressively adopted by the various societies, whether in the Third World or in the industrialized countries, has placed n e w social and economic responsibilities on the state, which has proved less and less1, capable of meeting these n e w demands on its o w n . Other forces—supranational, transnational and subnational—have thus emerged on the international scene and in m a n y cases have tended to restrict states' room to manoeuvre, as testified to, for example, by the development of transnational corporations. In order to meet the demands for economic and social development, states have as a rule had to open themselves up increasingly to exchanges with the outside world, thereby heading towards growing interdependence and as a direct consequence, a restriction of their o w n autonomy. This is w h y it is becoming increasingly difficult to distinguish foreign policy from domestic policy and to account for the international behaviour of a state in purely strategic and military terms. In this context the development of international co-operation with, in particular, a growing number of co-operation mechanisms in the form of international organizations, reflects a far-reaching change in international relations, whose conflictual nature is coming to be of secondary importance, and a tendency towards the organization of an international system characterized ever more deeply by interdependence and community of interest. This view of international relations was already to be found in the functionalistic ideas of such theorists as David Mitrany, w h o saw the foundations of a n e w , more integrated international system in the demand for func-
  • 68. The social sciences and the study of international relations tional, technical and economic co-operation,9 and it served as an ideological framework for the development and functioning of m a n y international organizations after the Second World W a r . It has also taken on increasing importance since the beginning of the 1960s in political-science studies on international relations, particularly those on international organizations,10 the settlement of conflicts,11 the formulation of foreign policy12 and certain other themes. In addition, it is central to m a n y analyses of North-South relations.13 A third conception of international relations, stemming more or less directly from a Marxist view of social relations, considers that the international system today is the direct expression of the functioning, development and contradictions of capitalism. In other words, the international system is held to be marked by the dynamic of capitalism, which, because of its contradictions, is a vehicle for imperialistic policy. This conception of international relations was formulated in the works of Rudolf Hilferding, Nicholas Bukharin, Rosa Luxemburg and Lenin in an attempt to account for colonial expansion at the end of the nineteenth century and the conflicts that arose a m o n g the imperialist powers. After decolonization, a great m a n y neo-Marxist I schools of thought or those drawing on certain Marxist-Leninist theories m a d e attempts to demonstrate that imperialism was still the dominant factor in international relations and the reason for the underdevelopment of the Third World. 633 international relations is today central to the demands for a n e w international economic order and to a significant school of thought on development problems that rejects an analysis of underdevelopment in terms of endogenous factors alone (cultural, political, social, etc.) and attempts to explain the p h e n o m e n o n by the dependence of Third World societies and m o r e specifically by the incorporation of these societies into the world capitalist economy. T h e development of international relations, with, in particular, the division of the world into rich and poor countries, is thus alleged to be a logical corollary of the word capitalist system. 15 T h e compartmentalization of the object of research that emerges from these three paradigms of international relations is, no doubt, not entirely insurmountable. It is clear that each of these conceptions of international relations is based on an important dimension of the p h e n o m e n a studied and that by attempting to highlight that dimension it tends to overlook other no less important aspects. It can also be seen that the development of each paradigm is connected with the way in which international relations have themselves developed and that each conception of international relations tends to reflect certain trends and concerns of a particular period, neglecting quite naturally other factors that m a y have been brought to the fore previously. Thus for instance the second paradigm, by according somewhat less attention to conflict, gives precedence to the growth of interdepenThey suggested that capitalism, in order dence and the development of non-state to survive, has to rely on the exploitation of a actors—significant phenomena of the 1960s 'periphery' to which it can export its capital at that, in the prevailing climate of détente, higher profit rates and where it can find an seemed to be conducive to an abatement of outlet for part of its production and secure East-West conflict. Hence, as is beginning to raw-material supply sources. This state of de- be realized today, the various paradigms m a y pendence of the 'periphery', maintained and well be complementary rather than irrevoreinforced by various means—transnational cably antagonistic in that they show up the corporations, international organizations, aid, various facets of a single reality m a d e up, like export of capital, self-colonization, the part any social reality, of both harmony and played by Third World élites as relays of conflict, interdependence and dependence, 16 imperialism, etc.—is thus held to lead to a balance and change. plundering of the Third World by the industThere is, however, a fundamental limitarialized capitalist countries.14 This view of tion to this complementarity of paradigms as
  • 69. 634 they can be seen today in that their taking into account this or that aspect of international relations is based o n philosophies of history, on views of social relations and on ideological options that are difficult to reconcile. In other words, although one can hope to integrate within a c o m m o n model the various aspects of international relations channelled by the paradigms, that integration can be effected only by dissociating those aspects from the philosophical and ideological frameworks within which they appear. It stills remains to be seen h o w they can be integrated within a coherent structure that might one day b e c o m e the paradigm around which the research could develop. This is n o easy matter, however, for it is not a technical problem but one that involves the philosophical and ideological choices o n which such a paradigmatic structure would be based. Philippe Braillard tion of the field of study, a departure to s o m e extent from notions of c o m m o n sense and the possibility of intersubjective control, rather than indiscriminate adherence to rigid procedures. 18 T h e question remains whether there is not an essential difference in kind between the social sciences—whether nomothetic or idiographic—and what are k n o w n as the exact sciences. A s Jean Piaget clearly d e m o n strated: having h u m a n beings in their countless activities as their object and being developed by human beings in their cognitive activities, the human sciences find themselves in the distinctive position of depending on h u m a n beings both as subject and as object.19 This epistomological situation means that it is m u c h m o r e difficult to separate the epistemic subject from the egocentric subject. Towards a scientific approach It is even doubtful—if one agrees with Jürgen H a b e r m a s that the social sciences derive from gnoseological interests (Erkenntnisinteresse) In the last three decades a marked feature of the study of international relations, as of fields that are different from those upon which the of social reality, has been the trend towards natural sciences are based 20 —whether such a acquiring scientific status. Increasing numbers separation is really possible in the social of scientists have been striving to adopt a sciences. This is w h y the scientist studying scientific approach to the study of inter- social reality must constantly be ideologically national p h e n o m e n a , and several debates critical of his o w n approach and of his o w n have grown u p over the criteria for such an situation in relation to its object, while recognizing the relative and partial nature of such approach. an approach. Only then can the social sciences T h e fallacious argument consisting in contrasting the so-called classic approaches acquire a genuinely critical dimension, adopt relying to a great extent on intuition and a critical outlook on society and avoid being 21 qualitative analysis with the so-called scientific merely techniques for solving problems and approaches based o n the quantification of instruments that, under cover of a value-free social p h e n o m e n a and recourse to formal- approach, tend to justify an established social 22 ization is fortunately n o w a thing of the order. 17 past. It has n o w been realized that neither This, however, has all too often been the quantification nor formalization can m a k e case until n o w in the study of international an approach scientific, for these are merely relations. W h o l e areas of research have been instruments that c o m e into play only once determined largely by ideological options—of an object of study has been delimited, the which the scientists themselves have been problem areas identified and a conceptual unaware—channelled by the choice of analytiframework and certain initial assumptions cal tools or conceptual frameworks. A n adopted. It is coming to be accepted that a example of this is systems analysis. For one scientific approach involves precise defini- thing it is all too often reduced to a mere
  • 70. The social sciences and the study of international relations 635 ... í * 'The positivist illusion is firmly rooted in the collective mentality', Temple of Humanity, the Positivist Church of Brazil. Edimedia. pseudo-scientific language that b y a confused use of terms and concepts employed by the various exact sciences—system, structure, function, balance, homoeostasis, morphostasis, morphogenisis, feedback, etc.—is designed to confer scientific status and social recognition on the social scientists. M o r e seriously, systems analysis as it has usually been employed in the study of international relations tends to have a highly normative effect by placing a high value o n the status q u o , treating as normal anything that contributes to the internal h a r m o n y of the system by maintaining existing structures a n d as deviant a n d dysfunctional anything that upsets the balance of the system. 23 T h u s , for example, John B u r ton considers that in studying international systems, systemic patterns of behaviour must be distinguished from non-systemic patterns, the former implying integrative processes and
  • 71. 636 the latter disintegrative processes based on a differentiation of power. 2 4 T o take another example, the fact of bringing into play—as is increasingly done today —the concept of interdependence, which is indeed the basis of one of the paradigms of contemporary research on international relations, also tends to introduce implicit ideological choices into the analysis. Emphasis on the growth of interdependence and its depiction as a symmetrical situation (the mutual dependence of social actors) to obscure the conflictual aspect of international relations and the stratification of the international system. This type of attitude is very clearly to be seen in m a n y analyses of North-South relations that underscore the bonds of interdependence between industrialized and Third World countries, ignoring the asymmetrical nature of that interdependence and the farreaching clashes of interest between the two groups of countries, as are attested to by the breakdown of the negotiations to define in concrete terms the structure of a new international economic order. T h e report of the independent commission chaired by Willy Brandt provides a good illustration of this. T h e report endeavours to show that the conflict between the North and the South can be resolved only if there is a recognition, both in the North and in the South, of interdependence reflecting a profound community of interests. B y proclaiming that the development of the North necessarily involves the development of the South, and vice versa, and that that interdependence should be the basis for a new international economic order founded on a community of interests, the Brandt report obscures the fact that such interdependence is asymmetrical and supports a plan for restructuring the world economy designed merely to reinforce the Third World countries' incorporation into a world economic system in which their situation is one of dependence. A s can be seen, ideological criticism is essential, both in the study of international relations and in that of other sectors of social reality. It does, however, if it is considered Philippe Braillard merely a technique, entail the danger of a return to the positivism its function is to combat, by giving the illusion of an approach that has been thoroughly purged of all ideological contamination. This danger is all the greater in that the positivist illusion is firmly rooted in the collective mentality, a fact that moreover enables some scientists to speak of scientific and ideology-free analysis for the purpose of deliberately concealing their ideological commitment and political options. A good example of this attitude is to be found in the approach adopted by the Club of R o m e , which is a grouping of about a hundred leading figures—company directors, academics, etc.—and has set itself the aim of shedding light on the complex problems of the world today and proposing new courses for action so that the world m a y be saved from the dangers threatening it.25 T h e Club of R o m e maintains that it has 'no ideological or political prejudice'.26 It has moreover attempted to authenticate its analysis of the contemporary world by several reports drawn up by research-teams, sometimes using mathematical analysis and computers. 27 The stated aim is thus to replace the myth of growth, which lies at the heart of the model for the development of our societies and threatens to lead them to their downfall, by a scientific, clear-sighted view of the world today and its problems.'However, as w e have shown elsewhere, 2 8 the picture that emerges from all the reports presented at the Club of R o m e and sanctioned by it and from the publications and declarations m a d e by the Chairman of the group, the Italian Aurelio Peccei, remains a fanciful hypothesis and surreptitiously introduces a whole set of political options which it tries to pass off simply as self-evident conclusions drawn from lucid, scientific analysis. While proclaiming that it speaks on behalf of mankind, and more specifically as the defender of the survival of the human race, the Club of R o m e is trying, by means of a technocratic ideology, to impose on us a planned world society whose leadership takes as its model the transnational corporation.
  • 72. The social sciences and the study of international relations *"** "^.»i/ " • < • . . ' • * > i a r - i ^ « - ' ; 637 W Le Père Ubu, the central character of the satirical plays of Alfred Jarry (1873-1907), exploring modern absurdity. Lithography by the author. Snark.
  • 73. 638 Philippe Braillard international relations very little satisfactory progress has been m a d e towards any such process of selection and ordering. Most of In their bid for scientific status and social the 'explanatory models' that have been derecognition, the various nomothetic social' veloped are in fact merely taxonomies or sciences—sociology, political science, econ- conceptual frameworks pointing up a set of omics, etc.—set themselves in their study of variables that m a y have a bearing o n the international relations the goal of developing p h e n o m e n a and processes studied, without an explanatory theory of an abstract, general there being really any selection and arrangeand timeless nature. Their approach w a s ment of the kind needed in developing an based on a positivistic epistemology modelling explanatory model. the social sciences on the natural sciences. T o take just one example, w h e n G r a h a m T h e aim was to single out a number of Allison attempts to shed light on the processes recurrent themes from all the various events of foreign-policy decision-making, he places coming within the scope of international emphasis, in each of the three paradigms he relations and to formulate the explanatory proposes (rational, organizational, bureaumodels or laws governing the behaviour of cratic), on a number of variables that m a y those involved in international relations. In have a determining role in decision-making other words it meant developing explanatory but does not establish any precise relationmodels composed of a n u m b e r of variables ships between these variables and confines and putting these models to the test by using himself m o r e to a description of the process history as a laboratory, either by comparing governing the formulation of a particular the models to the past record of international foreign policy (that which w a s behind the relations or by endeavouring to apply them C u b a n missile crisis in 1962).31 W h a t is m o r e , to the present time, or again by making he does not really tell us h o w to integrate forecasts—which would in due course b e the three different interpretations he makes tested—of the future pattern of international of the decision-making process in terms of relations. T h e collection of statistics in an the three paradigms h e presents. Allison's attempt to find correlations in the study of contribution is therefore descriptive and international conflicts29 and the construction taxonomic. of models in sectors like foreign policy O n e might of course be tempted to decision-making30 are altogether representa- bypass this difficulty in incorporating the tive of approaches directed at this type of various potential explanatory variables into a objective. model by resorting to a reductionistic apT h e fact must be faced today that this proach basing the explanation o n a single goal is far from being attained and that the factor.32 But it has been amply d e m o n quest for a general, timeless explanatory strated that such an approach is unable to theory applicable regardless of w h o is apply- explain the multidimensional character of ing it or where and w h e n it is applied has social p h e n o m e n a and their m a n y and varied brought research to a dead end. causes. A n y explanatory model involves a T h e current block to finding an explanachoice, a selection from a m o n g the huge tory theory of international relations, without range of variables relating to a set of p h e n o m - any progress in fact having been m a d e beyond ena. It means singling out from the c o m - the taxonomic stage, can but lead scientists to plexities of real situations those factors that become m o r e fully aware of the possibilities are significant and leaving aside those that and limitations to which the formulation of a are not. In addition, precise relations must be theory is subject. In opting for a general established between the variables selected. approach, the representatives of the n o m o T h e fact is that in the contemporary study of thetic social sciences strove to devise too The nature and limitations of theory
  • 74. The social sciences and the study of international relations timeless a theory, w h o s e only link with history would c o m e from the scientist's neutral action in a particular experimental field. T h e y did not realize however that it is not possible to understand international relations without incorporating the dynamic of history into the explanatory models themselves. E v e n if the establishing of a set of potential explanatory variables m a y b e valid in general terms and is hence not linked to a specific situation, it is only b y interpreting a given set of historical circumstances that the scientist can and must select and arrange those variables. In other w o r d s , progress beyond the taxon o m i c stage can be m a d e only by taking into consideration a specific historical dynamic, by analysing a given set of historical circumstances. N o doubt there are explanatory factors c o m m o n to latter-day conflicts like the cold w a r or the Viet N a m W a r and to the major conflicts of European history in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Explanatory models of these various conflicts cannot be constructed, however, without taking into account the dynamic and the forces at w o r k in the international system during the period in question. Furthermore, o n e cannot set out to infer laws governing the functioning and balance of international systems merely from a comparison of the polarity of the contemporary system with that of the E u r o p e a n system in the nineteenth century and without 639 taking into consideration the other basic structural characteristics of each of these two systems (in particular stratification a n d the degree of ideological and cultural h o m o g e n eity) and the dynamic of their development. 3 3 It is n o doubt possible to conceive of spheres of generalization other than that of highlighting potential explanatory variables. B y elaborating various explanatory models concerning specific historical situations, scientists m a y reasonably expect to discern certain trends evolving as laws 3 4 and certain explanatory structures c o m m o n to different phenomena.35 Trying to find a general theory in the study of international relations should not, however, m e a n negating the cultural dimension of international relations, as has unfortunately too often the case in the past. 36 It is not by generalizing from the study of a particular society—particularly the United States of A m e r i c a in the case under discussion—in other words by refusing to consider cultural diversity, that the theory of international relations can acquire a genuinely transcultural, transsocietal and transnational dimension consistent with the requirements of anomothetic approach. Cultural diversity, as indeed the dynamic of history, m u s t b e central to the social sciences' proposed theory for the study of international relations. [Translated from French] Notes 1. See for example Hoffman (ed.), I960, pp. 2-3. See also Taylor (ed.), 1978, p. 1. 2. This is the characteristic emphasized by Raymond Aron (1962) to identify the specific nature of international relations. 3. O n e might in that case speculate whether it would not be preferable to see international relations as the expression—at a given m o m e n t in history—of the development of a world system—which would thus become the object of study. See, for example, Immanuel Wallerstein's works in which he sets out to develop a theory of world systems, in particular The Capitalist World Economy, 1979. Thus the possible disappearance of state entities would not m a k e the object
  • 75. 640 studied a dead letter, being just one stage in the evolution of a social system. While not denying the danger of a reductionistic approach seeing all international relations merely in terms of state entities, and therefore while acknowledging the merits of a systems approach of this kind (see m y work Théorie des systèmes et relations internationales, 1977), I do not think it possible—without resorting to another form of reductionism—to overlook the fact that the state is a structuring element in international affairs. 4. See Bedjaoui, 1979, on the subject. 5. See Morin's comments in Science avec conscience (1982, p. 273). 6. See in this connection the comments by McGranahan (1974). 7. O n the paradigm concept, see K u h n , 1972. 8. See, for example, Morgenthau, 1955. 9. See Mitrany, 1946. Philippe Braillard Ralph Dahrendorf (1967, p. 486), w h o stresses the necessary complementarity of the co-operative and conflictual models in the study of society. 17. O n this fallacious argument, Knorr and Rosenau, 1969, m a y be consulted. 18. See on this point m y Théorie des relations internationales, 1977, pp. 21-2. 19. cf. Piaget, 1970, p. 45. 20. See Habermas, 1976. 21. Cox speaks of 'problemsolving theories'. See his study 'Social Forces, States and World . Orders . . .', 1981, p. 129. 22. See Himmelstrand's comments (1982, p. 542). It m a y also be noted that in the development of peace research in Europe over the past twenty years there has been, at the instigation of Johan Galtung in particular, an attempt to adopt a genuine critical attitude, which has strongly influenced the study of international conflicts. 12. See Morse, 1969. 23. See m y work Théorie des systèmes . . ., op. cit., pp. 99-101. This conservative trend is not, however, in m y view inherent in the system concept itself. 13. See, for example, the Brandt Commission report, 1980. 24. See Burton, 1968, Chapters VI and VII. 14. See the work by Jalée, 1973. O n the various theories of imperialism, see Braillard and de Sénarclens, 1981. 25. See Peccei, 1976, pp. 128-9. 10. See Haas, 1964. 11. See Burton, 1969. 26. See Peccei, 1975, p. 75. 15. See, for example, Wallerstein, 1974. 27. See, in particular, M e a d o w s et al., 1972; Mesarovic and Pestel, 1974. 16. See in this connection the highly pertinent comments by 28. See m y work, L'imposture du Club de Rome, 1982. 29. See, for example, Singer and Small, 1962. 30. See Snyder, Brück and Sapin (eds.), 1962; Rosenau, 1971. 31. See Allison, 1971. 32. For example, the sociology of conflicts as seen by Gaston Bouthoul, w h o , in the final analysis, reduces conflictual interaction to population dynamics (1970). 33. This is w h y the various analyses made until n o w of the stability of international systems seen from the standpoint of their polarity are so unconvincing. See for example: Deutsch and Singer, 1964; Waltz, 1964; Haas, 1970. 34. O n e of the attendant dangers in trying to ascertain such laws lies in adopting a teleological approach whereby, it is thought, an evolving process can be explained and justified by its outcome, as has often been done by the advocates of functionalistic analysis. 35. See on this subject the highly pertinent comments by Boudon and Bourricaud in their Dictionnaire critique de la sociologie, 1982, pp. 261-7. 36. See Preiswerk's comments in 'La place des relations interculturelles . . .', 1975. The study of foreign policy is a field that illustrates particularly well this negation of the cultural specificity of the societies constituting the international system. See on this subject Korany's comments (1974).
  • 76. The social sciences and the study of international relations 641 References A L L I S O N , G . 1971. The Essence of Decision. Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis. Boston, Mass., Little B r o w n . A R O N , R . 1962. Paix et guerre entre les nations. Paris, Calmann-Lévy. B E D J A O U I , M . 1979. Pour un nouvel ordre économique international. Paris, Unesco. B O U D O N , R . ; B O U R R I C A U D , F. Dictionnaire critique de la sociologie. 1982. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France. B O U T H O U L , G . 1970. L'infanticide différé. Paris, Hachette. C o x , R . 1981. Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory. Millennium, Vol. 10. D A H R E N D O R F , R . 1967. Out of Utopia. Toward a Reorientation of Sociological Analysis. In: N . J. Demerath III and R . A . Peterson (eds.) Systems, Change and Conflict. A Reader on Contemporary Sociological Theory and the Debate over Functionalism. N e w York, Free Press. D E U T S C H , K . ; SINGER, J. D . 1964. Multipolar Power Systems and International Stability. World Politics, Vol. 16, pp. 390-406. B R A I L L A R D , P . 1977. Théorie H A A S , E . B . 1964. Beyond the des systèmes et relations internationales. Brussels, Bruylant. Nation-State. Functionalism and International Organization. Stanford, Calif., Stanford University Press. . 1977. Théorie des relations internationales. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France. (Thémis series.) . 1982. L'imposture du Club de Rome. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France. (Politique d'aujourd'hui series.) H A B E R M A S , J. 1976. Connaissance et intérêt. Paris, Gallimard. H I M M E L S T R A N D , U . 1982. P. D E . 1981. L'impérialisme. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France. (Que sais-je? N o . 1816.) Ideology, Science and Policy Impact: Thought on the Task and Challenges of the Social Sciences. International Social Science Journal, Vol. X X X I V , N o . 3. 1982. B R A N D T COMMISSION. 1980. B U R T O N , J. 1968. Systems, States, Diplomacy and Rules. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. . 1969. Conflict and Communication. The Use of Controlled Communication in International Relations. L o n d o n , Macmillan. K O R A N Y , B . 1974. Foreign Policy Models and Their Empirical Relevance to ThirdWorld Actors: A Critique and an Alternative. International Social Science Journal, Vol. X X V I , N o . 1, pp. 70-94. K U H N , T . 1972; La structure des révolutions scientifiques. Paris, Flammarion. M C G R A N A H A N , D . V . 1974. Notes on Development Research by International Organizations. International Social Science Journal, Vol. X X V I , N o . 3, p p . 519-20. M E A D O W S , D . et al. 1972. Halte à la croissance? Paris, Fayard. M E S A R O V I C , M . ; PESTEL, E . 1974. Stratégie pour demain. Paris, Seuil. H A A S , M . 1970. International Subsystem: Stability and Polarity. American Political Science Review, Vol. 64, pp. 98-123. BRAILLARD, P.; SÉNARCLENS, Nord-Sud? Un programme de survie. Paris, Gallimard. N . J . , Princeton University Press. H O F F M A N N , S. (ed.) 1960. Contemporary Theory in International Relations. Englewood Cliffs, N . J . , Prentice-Hall. J A L E E , P . 1973. Le pillage du Tiers Monde. Paris, Maspéro. K N O R R , K ; R O S E N A U , J. (eds). M I T R A N Y , D . 1946. A Working Peace System, An Argument for the Functional Development of International Organization. 4th ed. London, National Peace Council. MORGENTHAU, H . 1955. Politics Among Nations. The Struggle for Power and Peace. 2nd ed. N e w York, Alfred A . Knopf. M O R I N , E . 1982. Science avec conscience. Paris, Fayard. M O R S E , D . 1969. T h e Politics of Interdependence. International Organization, Vol. 2 3 , pp. 311-26. P E C C E I , A . 1975. L'heure de la vérité. Paris, Fayard. . 1976. La qualité humaine. Paris, Stock. P I A G E T , J. 1970. Épistémologie 1969. Contending Approaches to des sciences de l'homme. International Politics, Princeton, Gallimard. Paris,
  • 77. Philippe Braillard 642 P R E I S W E R K , R . 1975. ' L a place des relations interculturelles dans l'étude des relations internationales', Cahiers de l'Institut d'Études du Développement, 2, pp. 15-36. Handbook. N e w York, Wiley. SNYDER, R. C ; BRÜCK, H . W . ; R O S E N A U , J. N . 1971. The S A P I N , B . (eds.) 1962. Foreign Policy Decision-making. An Approach to the Study of International Politics. N e w York, Free Press of Glencoe. Scientific Study of Foreign Policy. N e w York, Free Press. W A L L E R S T E I N , I. 1974. The Modern World System. N e w York, Academic Press. T A Y L O R , T . (ed.) 1978. . 1979. The Capitalist World Economy. N e w York, Cambridge University Press. W A L T Z , K . 1964. 'The Stability Approaches and Theory in SINGER, D . ; SMALL, M . 1962. International Relations. London, of a Bi-polar World', Daedalus, pp. 881-909. The Wages of War. A Statistical Longman.
  • 78. T h e institutionalization of sociology in France: its social and political significance Edmund Burke III consequences. M y argument is that the institutionalization of a n e w discipline is not structures, discourses, crises simply the result of strong ideas, strong personalities and money—to take a prevailing H o w d o disciplines b e c o m e established, im- notion—but that it must be situated in its pose their authority and decline? These particular political and intellectual context. questions are central to the sociology of T h e results of reconstructing the origins of knowledge, and have renewed relevance disciplines and schools of thought can often be today. Perhaps because our o w n time is a surprising, as a consideration of the case of m o m e n t of' intellectual openness and epis- the Durkheim school in France in the period 1880-1914 m a k e s clear. temological self-conT h e autonomous desciousness, in which Edmund Burke III is professor of velopment of colonial the boundaries between history and director of the Comparasociology in France in disciplines are blurred tive and International Studies rethe same period points to and the governing parasearch activity at the University of a de facto division of digms are being called California, Santa Cruz. H e is the into question, concerns author of Prelude to Protectorate in labour within the field, Morocco: Patterns of Protest and and constitutes our secabout the origins of the Resistance (1977) and (co-editor with ond topic of discussion. m o d e r n social sciences Ira Lapidus) Islam and Social MoveHere I shall be particuand their impact upon ments (in press). larly concerned with society are at the centre tracing the emergence of intellectual discussion. of the field of the sociIn this m o m e n t of openology of Islam. A n insigness, the basic presupponificant back eddy in the sitions of social thought onrushing stream of Paristand revealed with special clarity, and it is possible to trace the sian science, the sociology of Islam was none formation and crystallization of disciplines, the less tied into metropolitan politics in ways and the discourses to which they have given that had a direct bearing upon the nature of its production. Ideologically saturated but rise.1 intellectually flabby, the discourse of the Through an examination of the developsociology of Islam was none the less politically ment of the discipline of sociology in France powerful. H o w authoritative discourses are in the period 1880-1925 this article seeks to generated, h o w they impose themselves, and shed light o n s o m e of the more general with what effect are all subjects that can be processes at work in the institutionalization of examined through the study of this case. the social sciences, and its social and political Introduction:
  • 79. 644 Edmund Burke III dissatisfied with the explanatory value of this approach, at the same time as they have become suspicious of the assertion of authority it necessarily involves. T h e emergence of the disciplines has been seen not as the inevitable triumph of stronger ideas over weaker ones (as was implied by the history of ideas approach), but as a multi-faceted struggle for intellectual and political advantage between different groups and factions. The sociology of knowledge has thus m o v e d towards a m o r e sociological understanding of the question. The establishment of the Durkhèim school in France (1880-1914) is one of the best studied cases of institutionalization in the literature on the sociology of knowledge. A s a result, w e k n o w more about the exact circumstances in which Durkheim and his followers were able successfully to establish the discipline of sociology in France than w e do about any other case in the history of the social sciences.4 Precisely because it has been studied in such detail, the establishment of the Durkheim school is an especially useful one to consider in coming to some understanding of h o w disciplines are formed. T h e central discipline in the French university system in the nineteenth century Institutionalization: was philosophy. It attracted the best and the case of sociology in France most ambitious students, awarded the most degrees, and by virtue of its control of Recent studies of the origins of the modern the baccalauréat and agrégation examinations, social science disciplines have considerably exercised its dominance over the educational altered our sense of the ways in which they system. Towards the end of the century it became institutionalized. Previously the study entered a period of prolonged intellectual of the history of ideas had focused upon the crisis as a consequence of a fatal attraction of intellectual origins of contemporary social spiritualism. This m o m e n t of crisis provided science thought, stressing the influences of the opportunity for the emergence of n e w successive generations of thinkers upon one disciplines. U n d e r the influence of positivism, another, and the importance of intellectual Kantianism and rationalism (distinct minority innovation.3 T h e implicit or openly avowed tendencies at the time), the intellectual con-^ aim of this approach was to valorize one's o w n ditions were created for the launching of intellectual genealogy by connecting it to a proposals for the reorganization of the prestigious chain of authorities, while simul- teaching of philosophy in the university which taneously delegitimizing that of one's adver- stood s o m e chance of success. T h e D u r k saries by demonstrating the relative weakness heimian enterprise, it has been suggested, can best be seen as one of the major efforts to of their intellectual tradition. M o r e recently, scholars have b e c o m e resolve the crisis of philosophy in the univerFinally, through the exploration of the role of controversies in the life of disciplines, I shall examine the crisis of authority to which all disciplines are subject, arguing that such crises are integral to the development of disciplines, and are the vehicle by which n e w views are imposed or resisted by establishments. T h e struggle for a scientific paradigm is integral to this operation—competition forepistemological domains and objects of study are inseparable from the advance of science. At the core of the institutionalization of the social sciences, as w e shall see, is the interrelation of ideological, scientific, political and rational processes. T h e problem of the authority of scientific pronouncements is thereby posed: h o w is this authority created, imposed and institutionalized? F r o m the work of Michel Foucault and Pierre Bourdieu w e k n o w that science arises not from the naivety of the m o m e n t of critical insight, but in a given social and intellectual conjuncture.2 All knowledge is therefore contingent. This raises s o m e important questions about the sociology of knowledge and the institutionalization of the social sciences which will be dealt with in a brief conclusion.
  • 80. The institutionalization of sociology in France 65 4 the French A c a d e m y . H o w can the institutionalization of sociology in the French university system b e explained? Clark asks. W h y only in its Durkheimian version? Clark notes that at the end of the nineteenth century four schools of sociology existed in France, yet only one of them, the D u r k heimians, were able to establish themselves successfully in the university. T h e four schools were: (a) the several groups of followers of L e Play, (b) the social statisticians Bertillon and Levasseur and their associates, most of w h o m were employed in the government; (c) the somewhat anomalous group gathered around R e n é W o r m s , and his journal, Revue internationale de sociologie and Gabriel Tarde; and (d) the followers of Durkheim. Clark's approach focuses u p o n the institutional structures and emphasizes an interactive perspective. 'For most n e w fields to develop,' h e argues, 'three fundamental elements are essential: good ideas to build on, talented individuals, and adequate institutional support.' 6 Clark notes that the Durkheimians were able to succeed because they were recruited from the most prestigous Émile Durkheim (1858-1917), played a leading role academic backgrounds, were-more coherently in the institutionalization of sociology in France; organized than their rivals, were able to portrait from Leçons de sociologie (reproduced impose their definition of the field within the with permission from Presses Universitaires de university (via Durkheim's The Rules of France). Sociological Method,1 and his definition of a 'social fact'), and because they enjoyed the patronage of the president of the Sorbonne, sity b y changing the intellectual content of the p r o g r a m m e of study, as well as replacing Louis Liard. Rival groups, h e notes, were' the spiritualists in the teaching corps with less favourably placed and less adroit in asn e w professors having a scientific and posi- serting their o w n claims to predominance. tivist approach. 5 T h e importance of crises Through their writings, and still m o r e in the authority of intellectual fields in the through the review, Année sociologique, the emergence of n e w disciplines is a subject w e Durkheimians h a d the m e a n s to impose will return to at the end of this essay. For their authority and definitions of the field. the m o m e n t it is sufficient to note the intel- Clark argues that Durkheim's highly publilectual context of the development of socio- cized debates with rivals, notably Gabriel Tarde and Georges Sorel enabled him to logy in France. clarify the boundaries of the field, and to O n e of the first to study the emergence of draw the attention of the public to his school. the social sciences in m o d e r n France was Terry N . Clark, whose b o o k and articles B y de-emphasizing Durkheim's ideas and focused upon the context and strategies e m - focusing u p o n the strategies he employed to ployed by the different contending groups in establish the n e w discipline, Clark provided a
  • 81. 646 n e w perspective o n the subject. Informative as it is, however, Clark's approach has its limits. Thus, for example, it cannot explain the reception of Durkheim's ideas in France, nor the sociological conditions that governed their institutionalization. Indeed, upon reflection, Clark's schema stops asking questions just at the point it should begin to do so. His lack of close attention to the intellectual and political context in which thefieldof sociology developed makes his conclusions unsatisfactorily vague, if not wrong. H o w e v e r , thanks to the work of the G r o u p e d'Études D u r k heimiennes, it is possible to c o m e a lot closer to understanding precisely this aspect of the question.8 A s a result, w e can attain a m o r e satisfactory and complete understanding of the general process by which the social sciences have been institutionalized. In order fully to understand the D u r k heim strategy, it is necessary to situate sociology in the intellectualfieldof its day, as well as to the institutional setting in which it developed. According to Victor Karady, a leading specialist, despite the unquestioned prestige and charisma of Durkheim and the Durkheimian quasi-monopoly of sociology positions in the French university system, their institutional weakness is clear. Karady m a k e s a useful distinction between intellectual and institutional prestige. H e argues that despite the unquestioned intellectual authority of Durkheim and the recognized social utility of the field, major institutional w e a k nesses seriously impeded the development of the Durkheim school within the university. Durkheimian sociology w a s never able to establish its institutional autonomy from philosophy, could not find a job market for its graduates, and had degree programmes that led nowhere. Also, the fact that sociology developed in the Faculty of Letters, rather than in the Faculty of L a w , meant that it had greater difficulty in establishing itself, since the social science fields that developed in the law faculty were better able to assure their autonomy and prestige. But it also benefited from the higher intellectual standing of the classic disciplines in letters, particularly phil- Edmund Burke III osophy. In s u m m a r y , from the perspective of the dominant system of values of the university, the requirements for advancing in a career, and the hierarchy of the disciplines in the French academic world, the Durkheim school achieved at best only a partial success. Finally, to round out the discussion, it is important to consider the political and social significance of sociology within the political field of fin de siècle French society. T h e central role of the social sciences in the period was to aid in the elaboration of the republican ideology of the embattled Third Republic. T h e contribution of the Durkheimians was to inculcate correct ideas facilitating the life in c o m m o n of individuals and classes. Thus at the close of his first year at Bordeaux, Durkheim concluded his class o n the social sciences with a definition of the social role of sociology. According to him, since the social problem resulted from the weakening of the spirit of the collectivity, it w a s necessary to reinstil a consciousness of the organic unity of society: Well, gentlemen, I believe that sociology is more capable than any other science of restoring these ideas. It is sociology which will m a k e the individual understand what society is, as it will complete him, and [show him] h o w small he is [when] reduced to his o w n power. Sociology will teach him that he is not an empire in the midst of another empire, but the organ of an organism. It will show him h o w good it is to carry out conscientiously his role as organ.9 B y virtue of its republicanism, anti-clericalism, Dreyfusard convictions, and non-Marxist concern with the social question, Durkheimian sociology was politically near the centre of the politicalfieldof pre-war French society. The Catholicism and internationalism of its chief rivals—the L e Playists and the followers of R e n é Worms—placed them in a lessfavourable position, and helped seal their fate. T h e political centrality of sociology in the liberal effort to reform society was not limited to France. Neither was the ambiguous relationship to the intellectual and political legacy of Karl M a r x . T h e formation of the
  • 82. The institutionalization of sociology in France modern social science disciplines resulted in the emergence of separate specialized studies of different aspects of h u m a n existence. T h efieldof sociology split off from political economy in the English-speaking world, or from philosophy in France, and elected as its domain the study of social relations. Its formation, w e can n o w see, was directly connected to the ripening of the 'social question' in nineteenth-century Europe—the emergence of an increasingly militant working class, and the challenge to bourgeois order produced by the breakdown of social structures. T h e work of Ferdinand Tönnies, M a x W e b e r , Henry Maine, Auguste C o m t e , Emile Durkheim, Robert Redfield and Talcott Parsons all in various ways can be perceived as responses to the dangers posed by social anomie arising from the Industrial Revolution, and as so m a n y dialogues with the ghost of Marx. Thus, in some ways, the development of Western sociology can be seen as an attempt to deal with the social disorder arising from the collapse of community by offering a theory of social order. The basic postulates of the emerging discipline of sociology considered social relations as causal in their o w n right, apart from the political or economic context.10 The sociology of Islam: a discourse of domination The definition of the field of sociology in France excluded for all practical purposes the study of colonial societies. This was left to the odd amalgam of gifted amateurs, enlightened colonial officials and (somewhat later) professional ethnologists whose writings taken together comprise the corpus of what was then called colonial sociology. Despite the extremely broad coverage of subjects in Année sociologique, Durkheim showed little interest in colonial societies, while Marcel Mauss and his other principal collaborators were only slightly m o r e attracted by colonial subject-matter. There seems little doubt that 647 the lack of prestige of the study of colonial subjects in France played an important part in the establishment of this de facto division of labour. But the resolutely metropolitan intellectual orientation of the Durkheim group had perhaps even more to do with it: in contrast to the- emerging anthropological profession in the English-speaking world, with its celebration of field-work, the Durkheimians were against such participant observation and in favour of utilizing printed sources.11 T h u s it was that sociology as an academic discipline in France emerged bifurcated, with the highprestige Durkheimians focusing o n the dilemmas of modern society, while the sociology of the colonies was left to ethnologists. O n e of the most important branches of French colonial sociology was the sociology of Islam. A n exploration of its several dimensions can help us to understand not only the process of institutionalization, but also the political and social context of ideas, and their consequences in policy. T h e most important aspect of the sociology of Islam, as w e shall see, was less its intellectual importance or its institutional significance in France, than the political potency of its discourse. The French tradition of the empirical study of Muslim societies began in 1798 with the Napoleonic expedition to Egypt. T h e central paradigms of the tradition were laid d o w n in the volumes of the Description de l'Egypte (23 vols., Paris, 1809-23), and developed subsequently in Algeria (1830-70) and Morocco (1900-30). T h e major phases of its development correspond to the shifting patterns of French colonialism. B y the outbreak of the Algerian war in 1954, it had become a mummified version of its former self, and in its evident inability to explain the outbreak of the war, or its raison d'être, collapsed under its o w n weight. S o m e h o w a tradition that had begun with aspirations of bringing the fruits of the French Revolution to the lands of Islam had become an apologist for empire, a disseminator of racist stereotypes, and a producer of irrelevant folklore. It is n o accident that the life-span of this intellectual tradition m a y be demarcated by the beginnings of
  • 83. 648 French imperialism in the Middle East, and its bloody and convulsive end. If w e examine the French tradition of the sociology of Islam in historical perspective, it can be seen to consist of three broad strands, the complex patterning of whose interactions over a century and a half constituted the field.12 T h e Algerian experience is in m a n y ways paradigmatic for what was to come later. These were the traditions of the Arab B u reaux, the civilian amateurs, and the academics. Attached to real social forces with real interests and perceptions of the society, these three groups are of primary importance in understanding not only the unfolding of the intellectual field, but also m u c h of the dynamics of French colonial politics. T h e most important of the three as they developed in colonial Algeria was the military tradition of native-affairs officers embodied in the Arab Bureaux. F r o m these 'Robinsons galonnés', as Jacques Berque has called them, came a major share of the most important works on Algerian society, customs and religion.13 T h e officers were especially concerned with uncovering the structures of tribal society, no less than its 'moral topography' and material culture. T h e second major strand of French sociology of Islam was the work of civilian amateurs and explorers, whose writings were coloured by their direct interest in the acquisition of land, and the well-being of settler society. Their intellectual contribution to the field was the weakest of the three. If that contribution is assessed in political terms, however, it emerges as fundamental. The intensification after 1871 of the debate in colonial Algeria between settler , interests and the chief protectors of the Muslim populations, the Arab Bureaux, led to the growing politicization of French ethnography. F r o m a quasi-autonomous intellectual by-product of the Arab Bureaux, the ethnography of Algeria became increasingly dominated by the discourse of French colonial politics. N o longer a serious threat, Muslims did not have to be taken seriously. Edmund Burke III There was thus little incentive to study them. Between 1871 and 1919 the stereotypes of the colonial vulgate crystallized into a racialist image of Algerian society.14 Though elements of this view can be found in earlier writings, what is n e w about the post-1871 version is its comprehensive character, and the effort to forge a systematic policy based upon them. I shall have more to say about the development of the discourse of the sociology of Islam further on in this essay. French academics, the third strand of the sociology of Islam, emerged as a distinct group only after 1871, in response to the expansion of French education and the development of the social sciences in their modern forms. T h e individual w h o more than any other endowed the academic study of Algerian society with prestige and legitimacy was Emile Masqueray. His Formation des cités chez les populations sédentaires de l'Algérie appeared in 1886. 15 A graduate of the prestigious École Normale Supérieure, Masqueray was at the centre of the intellectual currents of his time, rather than on the fringes as were the other French Algerian academics. Although he did m u c h to establish the École d'Alger as a respectable provincial institution, and might have been the Durkheim of the sociology of Islam (he was not lacking in ambition: his thesis was a frontal attack on the work of Fustel de Coulanges, the leading historian of his time), he wasfinallyunable to transcend the crippling effects of the politicization of colonial sociology, and had no disciples. The emergence of a group of French academics interested in the study of Algerian society comes into sharp focus with the establishment of the École d'Alger, in particular with the group that gathered around René Basset at the end of the century. A manifestation of m a n y of the same forces that had led to the transformation of French higher education at the end of the nineteenth century (including the crystallization . of the Année sociologique group which gathered around Durkheim), the École d'Alger group possessed considerable ambitions. In E d m o n d
  • 84. 649 The'institutionalization of sociology in France Doutée, they had an important intellectual leader, whose sociology was largely selftaught, but w h o w a s able to attach himself through s o m e artful manoeuvring to the D u r kheimians. 16 T h e intellectual production of the École d'Alger group focused upon the study of folklore, popular religion, and dialectology—that is to say, subjects of lesser interest and intellectual ambition. It was also highly politicized, exacerbated especially by the atmosphere of chauvinism which dominated the period that led to the Morocco Crisis of 1905. O n the eve of its professionalization, then, the sociology of Islam (and of Algerian society) had generated a discourse that was profoundly imbued with and shaped by the fact of the French colonial presence. H o w and w h y did this c o m e to be the case, and with what effect? H e r e a brief detour seems in order. T h e study of Islamic subjects in France was dominated by the discipline of orientalism, an intellectual tradition grounded in the discipline of philology and concerned with the study of classical texts produced by Asian peoples as exemplary models of the different aspects of their civilizations. In its Islamic studies variant (which here includes what I a m calling the sociology of Islam), Orientalism claimed to speak in an authoritative voice about Islamic civilization based on a knowledge of the relevant languages. Like other Asian civilizations, Islamic civilization was said to be defined by s o m e essential traits, which the orientalist, by virtue of his training was best placed to discern. T h e highly interested (not to say racialist) character of m u c h of orientalist production has been pointed out by numerous authors, myself included.17 T h e critics of orientalism have d e m o n strated the numerous ways in which it w a s characterized by distortions, misrepresentations, and errors in the portrait it painted of Islamic societies. But it has taken the publication of Edward Said's remarkable Orientalism18 to demonstrate the ways in which orientalism constitutes a discourse in the Foucaultian sense of the term. 19 Said's contri- bution is to show h o w the development of the discourse of orientalism was shaped by the particular context and auspices under which thefielddeveloped. Orientalism is thus a timely effort at the deconstruction of an entire intellectual tradition, and its political and cultural correlates: imperialist domination and the literary and artistic image of the exotic East. Through a detailed study of the work of some of the major orientalists of the period (chiefly French and British)—Silvestre de Sacy, Ernest R e n a n , E d w a r d Lane, Louis Massignon, and1 H . A . R . Gibb—Said explores the c o m m o n assumptions and attributes of the practice of orientalism. His chief concern is with orientalism as a discourse of power, which by a series of calculated intellectual moves was able to assert the dominance of the West over Eastern peoples. B y drawing attention to the ways in which orientalism represents its subjects, through figures of speech, rhetorical flourishes, and narrative devices, as well as to the audiences for w h o m orientalist production was intended. Said shows the pervasiveness of the orientalist version of the history of Asians. Said argues that orientalism creates not only knowledge, but in a sense the very reality it claims to describe. B y reducing Islamic civilization to a few key texts that purport to explain everything that needs to be k n o w n about it, rather than confronting the universe of alternative texts not selected, or the manifold complexities of actual existing Muslim societies, the orientalist asserts his authority over them: that which can be k n o w n , can be controlled. T h e connections that bound orientalism to imperialism were never very far from sight. Crises in authority All disciplines in some sense generate a dominant discourse, and are outgrowths of particular intellectual contexts. All as well are located within the politicalfieldof their time. W h a t the example of the sociology of Islam makes clear in a particularly dramatic way is
  • 85. 650 Edmund Burke III 'Orientalism creates not only knowledge, but in a sense the very reality it claims to decry.' A n Orientalist painter at work in El-Kantara, Aurès region, Algeria, at the turn of the century. Roger vioiiet. that discourses are powerfully moulded by these contextual factors, often in ways quite unforeseen. Both the authority of dominant schools (like the D u r k h e i m school, or the École d'Alger), and their political potency in the societies in which they existed derive from these considerations. W h a t w e c o m e to understand as a result of these examples is the degree to which and the manner in which all knowledge is knowledge for, that is connected to, power and its exercise. But, w e m a y ask, are social science discourses (as Said uses the term) iron cages that irrevocably trap the minds of their practitioners, orienting thoughts and feelings without alternative, even as they generate authoritative versions of their object.of study? H o w can w e under- stand the relationship between the institutionalization of the social science disciplines, the consequences (both political and intellectual) of the discourses they generate, and the fact of change? A consideration of the role of crises in the authority of disciplines in their fates and that of the discourses. to which they have given rise can illuminate this question. A curiosity of the word 'discourse' not remarked by either Foucault or Said, is that in its root meaning, it implies a shuttling back and forth between subject and object, interrogator and interrogated. A discourse, then, refers less to an assertion of power and authority, than to a m o r e complex and dialectical relationship. Such an observation
  • 86. The institutionalization of sociology in France 61 5 Algerian Women in Their Quarters, oil painting by Eugène Delacroix (1798-1863), Louvre M u s e u m . Buiioz. prompts a reassessment of h o w the discourse of orientalism w a s constructed, but also of the ways in which discourses and disciplines c o m e into existence. Finally, it suggests a reconsideration of the role of crises of authority in the production and reproduction of knowledge. Is orientalism the authoritative representation of Asian realities as part of a discourse of power and domination? Such a view, while coveying a certain truth, places the emphasis upon what orientalism as a discourse does, rather than o n the process by which it has emerged, and reifies rather than explains. B . S . C o h e n , in a forthcoming work, studies the emergence of the tradition of British orientalism in India.20 A crucial example from this unpublished study brings the question of the nature of the discipline into high relief: it is the compilation of thefirstSanskrit-English dictionary. W h a t C o h e n has discovered is the extent to which the dictionary was not just a manifestation of British power to n a m e and control the very language of India, but a m u c h m o r e complex and mediated joint product in which both British orientalists and Indian pundits were active. T h e words included in the dictionary, n o less than those discarded, and the meanings attached to them were the result of discussion and debate. M u c h the s a m e w a s the case of the mapping of the boundaries of the Indian languages—again the result is far from a straightforward application of power. T h e
  • 87. 652 discourse thus generated was reflective of the interests of the informants no less than of the imperial designs of the colonial overlord. If there is a textualism of the orientalist, w e are reminded, there is also the textualism of the guardians of the sacred scriptures. Each makes use of the other; each serves and is served in the elaboration of the resultant product. T h e image of a discourse as a mere expression of authority and power is false in a second respect which a brief consideration of the so-called crisis of orientalism makes clear. T h e intellectual origins of nationalism in m a n y Asian and Islamic countries have been carefully studied. O n e finding, not generally m a d e in this context, is the w a y in which the writings of orientalists could and did serve as authorizing and legitimizing sources of the emerging nationalist counter-discourse. These philo-orientals, as they m a y be called, played a crucial role, for example, in the intellectual roots of Indian nationalism. David K o p f (among others) has shown h o w the work of E . L . Jones and his collaborators were seized upon by some of the earliest nationalists ( R a m m o h u n R o y a m o n g others) to validate the greatness of the past of Indian civilization, and the hope of its resurrection in the present.21 Similar observations have been m a d e for nationalism in Turkey, Egypt and Iran, where once again the writings of the philo-orientals (men like Leon Cahun, W . S. Blunt, and Arthur de Gobineau) played an important role in providing inspiration and legitimation for thefirstgeneration of cultural nationalists.22 M u c h the same uneasy relationship between nationalists and revisionist Western historians can be observed in the development of the Algerian nationalist counter-version of the colonial period of Algerian history.23 If w e study the elaboration of a nationalist counter-discourse, then, once again w e remark the complex relationship between the orientalist and oriental. In s u m , orientalism was a negotiated product deriving from the reciprocal relationship between the studiers and the studied, the seeds of its destruction as a discourse already planted at the m o m e n t of itsfirstsprouting. This relation- Edmund Burke III ship was necessarily both an intellectual and a political one. Both the origins and significance of the crisis of orientalism of the present era take on a rather different coloration when seen from this angle, and the limitations of the study of discourse appear more clearly. W h a t is the role of crisis in the transformation of disciplines? W h a t sorts of crises result in enduring transformations in disciplines, and which ones do not? It is in the nature of things that disciplines are always undergoing challenge. It is also clear that disciplinary paradigms can be consolidated only by excluding those elements of. the discipline that call the credentials of the discipline into question. H o w can w e distinguish a serious crisis likely to result in a n e w breakthrough from the quotidian trumpeting and clash of academic elephants? For example, just n o w in the United States m u c h has been m a d e of the attack Derek Freeman has launched on the work and reputation of the late Margaret M e a d . 2 4 The challenge is directed at fundamental issues: the validity of field-work (the hallmark of the discipline) and beyond it some of its basic assumptions. W h a t has m a d e Freeman's attack significant is that he explicitly connected it to a generalized assault on what he calls 'cultural determinism', and with it the school of Franz Boas, A . L . Kroeber, and Robert Lowie. In its place he argues for the primacy of biological determinism, and the sociobiology of Edward Wilson and his school. In fact, in the guise of an attack on M e a d , Freeman seeks to discredit the governing paradigm in American anthropology since the 1920s—the notion that h u m a n beings are the products not only of nature (as propounded at the time by the pseudo-science of racist eugenics), but also of 'nurture', that is of culture. Franz Boas and his disciples (among them Margaret M e a d ) werefightingto establish the legitimacy of their position in the 1920s. T h e stakes in the Freeman/Mead debate are therefore extremely high. But it is unlikely to result in any significant transformation of the discipline. A complete explanation cannot be given
  • 88. The institutionalization of sociology in France here. It is perhaps sufficient to note the marginal position of both M e a d and Freeman in the discipline, the lack of any rival institutional network (Freeman's attack, despite its claims to wider relevance, is largely ad feminam—he himself has no school, and is not a m e m b e r of one). Finally, the challenge of psycho-biology to the discipline of anthropology (and indeed the whole nature/nurture debate) has long been settled as far as American anthropologists are concerned: indeed it was precisely this debate which helped launch the profession in its modern form. A s a result, the positions taken by each side are k n o w n , and established defences exist against them. It is not in this way that the discipline of anthropology will be overthrown. A second negative example will permit us to grasp the point more completely. In m y o w n research on the French sociology of Islam I have argued that the field underwent a period of profound crisis in the period 18901914. T h efirstcrisis of French orientalism, as I have called it, was an expression of the more general crisis of French higher education out of which the modern disciplines (notably the Durkheim school) emerged. 2 5 That is, it was a crisis in the conception of the field, its internal organization, and its relationship to the larger intellectualfieldof French science. In this period something called the sociology of Islam in a modern sense first emerged. N e w institutions were created, n e w journals launched, claims were m a d e to the scientific status of the n e wfield,and n e w conceptions of the work process were developed: just the sort of thing that characterized the Durkheimians. 653 founder, Alfred LeChatelier, w h o held the chair of Muslim Sociology and Sociography at the Collège de France. I have elsewhere reviewed the remarkable openness of the Revue to the currents of the age, its refusal to hypostasize Islam and Muslims, its love of dialogue. All of these traits were distinctively new, and posed a sharp challenge to the older orientalist view, which concentrated upon texts, spoke of Islam as a timeless essence, and resolutely refrained from recognizing the dynamism of Muslim societies in the period. W h y then did thefirstcrisis of orientalism, though it possessed m a n y of the features of the crisis that gave birth to sociology in France, not giveriseto a modern discipline of the sociology of Islam? It is not possible to give a fully adequate answer here, because of constraints of space. Those interested are referred to m y above-mentioned essay. But the answer has several parts. O n e has to do with the particular historical context for relations between France and Islamic societies early in the twentieth century. T h e uncertainties of the French colonial offensive in M o rocco in the period 1890-1904 created an opening for views that did not agree with the stereotypes of the colonial vulgate view of Muslim society. Secondly, and more generally, the period is one of unusual openness in the relations between European and Muslim liberals. In their c o m m o n hope for the establishment of constitutional regimes, representative governments and the principle of the rule of law, and their c o m m o n awareness of the forces in their o w n societies which threatened these positions, European and Muslim liberals had T h e crisis was simultaneously a crisis m u c h upon which they could agree. T h e within the orientalist paradigm itself, a break Revue du monde musulman is the fruit of this with its stereotypes and essentialism, a m o - joint political expectation. T h e shifting of mentary openness to the historicity and var- political winds with the First World W a r iety of the Muslim peoples, a time when M u s - undermined the basis on which this m o m e n lims themselves where permitted to appear as tary openness could exist, and the old orienboth the subjects and objects of study. T h e talist paradigm reasserted itself. prime expression of this aspect of the crisis The primary reason w h y the so-called was the journal, Revue du monde musulman, first crisis, of orientalism did not yield a new which appeared from 1906 to 1926. It was school or a modern discipline of the sociology 'ni orientaliste, ni colonialiste', according to its Islam, then, is because the field itself was of
  • 89. Edmund Burke III 654 so politically saturated that any h o p e of a fundamental transformation was crucially dependent u p o n particular political conjunctures. A slight shift in political currents, and the opening w a s closed. Finally, the relatively marginal intellectual position of both the École d'Alger and of Alfred LeChatelier to the emerging French mainstream social science disciplines further w e a k e n e d any possibility of a m o r e fruitful outcome of this fortuitous m o m e n t . T h e study of a crisis which in fundamental w a y s might very well have been expected 1. See, for example, Clifford Geertz, 'Blurred Genres', American Scholar, 1980, pp. 165-79. 2. Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archeology of the Human Sciences, Paris, Gallimard, 1966, Vintage Books edition, 1973; Pierre Bourdieu, Esquisse d'une théorie de la pratique, Geneva/Paris, Droz, 1972. 3. For two of the most influential examples of this approach, see Raymond Aron, Main Currents in Sociological Thought, 2 vols., N e w York, Basic Books, 1965; French edition: Gallimard, 1967; Talcott Parsons, The Structure of Social Action, 2 vols., N e w York, McGraw-Hill, 1937; reprint: Free Press, 1968. 4. O n Durkheim, see among other works Terry N . Clark, I Prophets and Patrons: The French University and the Emergence of the Social Sciences, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University. Press, 1973; Steven Lukes, Emile Durkheim: His Life and Work, London, to lead to a transformation of thefieldand lead to the forging of a n e w paradigm and the crystallization of a n e w discipline, but which did not, is therefore particularly interesting. It permits us to see h o w the ways in which the authority of discourses is created, imposed and institutionalized depends u p o n a complex interrelationship of intellectual and political forces, as well as u p o n the place of the intellectual challenger within them. T o study the institutionalization of the social sciences and their impacts must necessarily involve an uncovering of these relationships.26 Allen Lane, 1973; and the several special issues of the Revue française de sociologie on Durkheim ' À propos de Durkheim' Vol. XVII, N o . 2, 1976, and 'Les Durkheimians' Vol. X , N o . 1, 1979, especially the articles by Philippe Besnard . and Victor Karady. •5. Victor Karady, 'Stratégies de réussite et modes de faire valoir de la sociologie chez les durkheimiens', Revue française de sociologie, Vol. X X , N o . 1, 1979, pp. 54-6. 6. Clark, op. cit., p. 242. See also his 'Emile Durkheim and the Institutionalization of Sociology in the French University System', Archives européennes de sociologie, Vol. IX, 1968, pp. 37-71. 7. First published in 1895, and now a classic in the history of the social sciences, this volume is important for its authoritative definition of the scope of the field. It played an important role in shaping the parameters within which sociology developed in France until the Second World War. 8. The following is based upon two articles of Victor Karady, 'Durkheim, les sciences sociales et l'Université: bilan d'un semiéchec', Revue française de sociologie, Vol. XVII, N o . 2, 1976, pp. 267-311, and 'Stratégies de réussite et modes de faire valoir de la sociologie chez les durkheimiens', ibid., Vol. X X , N o . 1, 1979, pp. 49-82, as well as Philippe Besnard, 'La formation de l'équipe de l'Année sociologique', ibid., Vol. X X , N o . 1, 1979, pp. 7-31. See also Lukes, op. cit. 9. Durkheim, quoted in Georges Weisz, 'L'idéologie républicaine et les sciences sociales: Les durkheimiennes et la chaire d'économie sociale à la Sorbonne', Revue française de sociologie, Vol. X X , N o . 1, 1979, p. 84. 10. Leon Bramson, The Political Context of Sociology, Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1961; also Alvin W . Gouldner¡ The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology, N e w York, Basic Books, 1970.
  • 90. The institutionalization of sociology in France 11. O n the relationship of French ethnography and the Durkheimians, see Donald R a y Bender, Early French Ethnography in Africa and the Development of Ethnology in France, Northwestern University: Anthropology, 1964 (Ph.D. dissertation). literature, see among others, Anouar Abdel-Malek, 'The E n d of Orientalism', Diogenes, Vol. 44, 1963, pp. 103-40, and Abdallah Laroui, La crise des intellectuels arabes, Paris, Maspero, 1974. English translation: The Crisis of the Arab Intellectual, Berkeley/Los Angeles, University of 12. The following account is California Press, 1976. See also drawn from m y 'The Sociology m y essays 'The Image of the of Islam: The French Tradition', Moroccan State in French in Malcolm H . Kerr (ed.) Ethnological Literature: A Islamic Studies: A Tradition and N e w Look at the Origin of its Problems, pp. 73-88. Malibu, Lyautey's Berber Policy,' in Calif., Undena Publications, Ernest Gellner and Charles 1980. Micaud (eds.), Arabs and Berbers From Tribe to Nation in 13. Jacques Berque, Le North Africa, pp. 175-99, Maghreb entre deux guerres, London, Duckworth, 1973, and p. 124, Paris, Éditions Seuil, 'Fez, the Setting Sun of Islam: A 1962. Study of the Politics of Colonial Ethnography', The Maghreb 14. O n the French colonial Review, Vol. II, N o . 4, 1977, vulgate and the Kabyle myth, see Charles-Robert Ageron, 'La pp. 1-7. France a-t-elle eu une politique 18. Edward Said, Orientalism, kabyle ?' Revue historique, N e w York, R a n d o m House, Vol. 223, 1960, pp. 311-52. 1978. 15. Recently reissued, with an 19. For an important critical important introduction by Fanny examination of Foucault's and Colonna, Aix-en-Provence, Said's use of the term Edisud, 1983. See also her essay 'discourse', see the review (with Claude Brahimi) ' D u bon article by James Clifford in usage de la science coloniale', History and Theory, Vol. 19, Le Mal de voir. Ethnologie et N o . 2, 1980, pp. 204-23. orientalisme: politique et épistemologie, critique et 20. B . S. Cohen, 'The autocritique, Cahiers Jussieu, C o m m a n d of Language and the N o . 2, Paris, Collection 10/18, Language of C o m m a n d ' , 1976, pp. 221-41. unpublished manuscript, 1983. Also his lecture, 'The Colonial 16. Lucette Valensi, 'Le Sociology of Knowledge', Santa Maghreb vu du centre: sa place Cruz, University of California, dans l'école sociologique February 1979. française,' in Jean-Claude Vatin (ed.), Connaissances du 21. David Kopf, British Maghreb : Étude comparée des Orientalism and the Bengal perceptions françaises et Renaissance, Berkeley/Los américaines, Aix-en-Provence, Angeles, University of Éditions du C N R S (in press). California Press, 1969. 17. For an introduction to what has become an extensive 22. See, for example: Niyazi Berkes, The Rise of Secularism 655 in Turkey, Montreal, McGill University Press, 1964; Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, London, Oxford, 1962; and Nikki R . Keddie, Roots of Revolution An Interpretative History of Modern Iran, N e w Haven, C o n n . , Yale University Press, 1982. 23. Here the locus classicus is Yves Lacoste, André Nouschi, and André Prenant, Algérie passé et présent, Paris, Éditions Sociales, 1960. 24. Derek Freeman, Margaret Mead and Samoa: The Making and Unmaking of an Anthropological Myth, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1983. Freeman attacks Mead's early work on Samoa, especially her Coming of Age in Samoa (New York, William Morrow, 1928). A debate of major proportions had been going on for the past six months. A m o n g the more important contributions, see George E . Marcus, New York Times Book Review, 27 March 1983, and James Clifford, Times Literary Supplement, April 1983. For a Samoan view, see Robert Trumbull, 'Samoan Leader Declares: 'Both Anthropologists are Wrong'. New York Times, 24 M a y 1983, p. 18. 25. For a more complete discussion, see m y article, 'The First Crisis of French Orientalism', in Vatin, op. cit. 26. Pierre Bourdieu, 'Les conditions sociales de la production sociologique: sociologie coloniale et décolonisation de la sociologie', in Henri Moniot (ed.) Le mal de voir, Paris, Collection 10/18, 1976.
  • 91. Geography in the late twentieth century: n e w roles for a threatened discipline Milton Santos W h e n w e consider the multi-faced reality of of the Second World W a r , w h e n , through the the world today, it is essential to recognize the shiftjo ajlobal outlook, an entirely n e w page revolution in both history and science which in the history "of mankind was turned? O r course, today's world has been long in gives the sciences of m a n and society a the making, and the internationalization proprominent position a m o n g all fields of knowledge. In a world thus restructured, a cess is no recent phenomenon. T h e trend special role should be allocated to the science towards worldwide economic, social and poliof geography—the science of h u m a n space— tical relations began with the pushing back of and w e must ponder the problems of ensuring trade frontiers in the early sixteenth century, that this special science realizes its full poten- m a d e a rapid headway during the centuries of capitalist expansion, and tial and keeps pace with hasfinallybecome an esmodern progress. Will Milton Santos is professor of geogtablished fact at a time inertia prevent geograraphy at the University of São Paulo, w h e n a n e w scientific and phy from developing, or Brazil. H e has published several will a n e w , re-invigorated books, including Les villes des pays technical revolution is soiis-développés (1971), The Shared occurring and patterns of discipline begin to assert Space (1979) and Por uma geografia life on earth are suddenly itself? nova (1978). His address: rua Nazaré changing: relations bePaulista 163, apt. 64, 0548 São Paulo, tween M a n and Nature Brazil. The rediscovery have reached a turningand remaking of point as a result of the tremendous power the world in the n o w at man's disposal. age of science Startling qualitative and technology changes are occurring: in and the n e w role particular, the possibility of the sciences of knowing everything and using everything on jt_yorld._ scale, which from n o w on will form the background to social relations. It From international to global makes sense to speak of a world-system, K . Polanyi (1957) rightly spoke of The Great whereas in the past there w a s simply "a Transformation when hailing the far-reaching tendency towards an international system changes that have affected our civilization (Amin, 1980, p. 188). since the beginning of the century. W h a t , Given the n e w scope of history, 'the enthen, can be said of the.profound upheaval tire structure of the postulates and prejudices that the world has experienced since the end on which our world-view was based' must be
  • 92. 658 revised, according to G . Barraclough (1965, p. 10). M o r e recently, Katona and Strumpel (1978, pp. 2-3) have critized our conception of economics, in which n e w phenomena play too small a part, and have deplored a state of affairs in which factors such as finance are still being studied in a purely national setting and not in their world context. Sociology as developed in the second half of the nineteenth century, according to A . Bergesen (1980, p. 1), should be replaced by_a_wprldrsystem approach, better adapted to the n e w Milton Santos through dominant forms and techniques of production which use the universal scientific labour envisaged by Marx (Mandel, 1980, p. 132). All these forms of production also have a universal basis, and n o w depend on the existence of a world market. Is the globalization process n o w complete? For m a n y , there can be no question of establishing universal social classes (Navarro, 1982; Bergesen, 1980, p. 10) or a universal moral code, even if this were to be the moral code of states. Although multinational correality. porations are everywhere producing a transC a n w e conclude that this world-system national middle class (Sklar, 1977), and (Bergesen-and Schoenberg, 1980), regardless although institutions of a similar nature exist of whether it is called world society (Pettman, in all countries, social classes are still defined 1979), or global system (Modelski, 1972) on a territorial basis, just as the aspirations actually exists? It is alleged to be the corollary and characteristics of a people are still deterof linkages connecting the most distant and, in mined by their historical inheritance. States, every respect, the most disparate of national which have increased in number with n e w societies, as a result of the n e w conditions historical circumstances, m a k e up a world governing life in society, namely, a capitalist system, but, taken individually, they offer division of labour on a world scale, based on both an invitation and a barrier to outside the development of the forces of production influence. Their action, even when authorithroughout the world and operated by states tarian, is rooted in the past, and therefore the and giant corporations or transnational underlying structures of the nation never companies (Mazazavala, 1976, p. 43.) become fully universal. Nevertheless, globalUniversalization is n o w a fact: universal- ization is a phenomenon to be reckoned with. ization of production, including agricultural Today, anything which is not globalized must production, production processes and market- be defined in terms of globalization. ing, trade, capital and the capital market, goods, prices and m o n e y as a standard c o m modity, finance and debts, the model for An age of science and technology? utilizing resources through universally interrelated techniques (Breton, 1968, p . 112), O n e m a y disagree about the features of the labour (i.e. the labour market and non- present age and about what it should be productive work), the working environment called. W e are living through it, and nothing is of firms and households; and universalization, more difficult than defining the present. too, of tastes, consumption, food, culture and However, w e k n o w already that our age has models of social life, universality of rationality encompassed a worldwide revolution which is ' in the service of capital, which have c o m e to not yet quite complete, but'whose effects are enshrine an equally universal standard of apparent in every area of life. A s Lucien morality, universality of a trade ideology Goldmann (1978, pp. 185-6) has said: imported from abroad, universalization of space, of society which has become a world Since the Second World W a r , it has become society, and of m a n , threatened with total more and more obvious to serious-minded realienation. searchers that w e are faced with a third type of W e live in a world in which all production capitalism, which goes by a whole series of is governed by a worldwide standard of value, names: organizational capitalism, mass society,
  • 93. Geography in the late twentieth century Global economic relations: a Panamanian vessel at Kawasaki shipyard, K o b e , Japan. Pierre Biouzard. 659
  • 94. 660 etc. It is still capitalism, without a doubt, but fundamental changes have occurred. The w a y w e live today should prompt us to remember Marx's warning that n e w historial departures are doomed to be regarded as mere counterparts of earlier, even defunct, forms of social life, which they resemble (Marx, 1970, p. 58). W e believe, like m a n y others, that the upheavals characteristic of this phase of hum a n history are largely the consequence of the unprecedented progress achieved in science and technology. This is the age of technological capitalism, according to L . Karpik (1972), or of the technological society, in the words of H . Lefèbvre (1971). W e m a y , of course, object that economic development has always depended on scientific progress (Tsuru, 1961; Jalee, 1969; Bettelheim, 1967; A r o n , 1961; Ellul, 1954), or recall, like Mandel (1980), that this is only the third scientific revolution; on the other hand, Heilbroner's question (1967), ' D o machines m a k e history?' must be . raised again and again. S o m e thinkers believe in a kind of technological determinism (Ferkiss, 1969, p . 30), while others warn against the dangers of believing in a 'technological illusion'. W e prefer to side with the latter without, however, underrating the fundamental role played by scientific and technological progress in recent changes that have occurred on this planet. Such a 'total transformation of the foundations of h u m a n life' mentioned by Bernai would have otherwise been impossible (Richta, 1970, p . 43.) There is n o w a true interdependence between science and technology that did not exist before. A s R . Richta (1970, p. 37) has stated, nowadays 'science precedes technical knowledge', although scientific achievement is increasingly dependent on it. T h e resultant technology is used worldwide and, where circumstances are favourable, nothing matters apart from a frantic .quest for profit. This is a salient feature"of the present situation. T h e fact that technology has become a foreign element for m u c h of mankind, as pointed out Milton Santos by Herrera (1977, p. 159), has far-reaching consequences; for its use throughout the world, most frequently without regard for local natural resources or manpower, causes seriously false situations. This has come about only because scientific work has always been, directly or indirectly, harra&ed to production. Science n o w has a directly productive role to play (Thibault, 1967). ^ ^ ^ . Misguided globalization and misuse of science ! I T h e present-day shift „to a world scale is misguided (Santos, 1978). T h e concentration and centralization of the economy and of political power, mass culture, the scientific invasion of bureaucracy, and over-centralization of decision-making and information, are the root causes of worsening inequalities between countries and between social classes, as well as causing oppression and alienation of individuals. It is thus not surprising that there is a connection between world society and world crisis. N o r is it surprising, though regrettable, that this general trend has affected scientific activity itself. The rediscovery of the planet Earth and of m a n , in other words, the growth of knowledge about them, yields only the two terms of a single equation. That equation in conditioned by production, in both material and immaterial forms. T h e state of our knowledge affects the tools that w e use, while at the same time it often changes them abruptly, and introduces constraints or benefits, according to the conditions under which they are used. ! W h e n science is co-opted by a technology / whose objectives are economic rather than social, it becomes subservient to the interests of production and of producers w h o reign supreme, and it abandons any vocation to serve society. It becomes a body of knowledge confined to its practical uses, in which methodology replaces method. Knowledge that is corrupted by vested
  • 95. Geography in the late twentieth century A fifteenth-century m a p of the world. 661 Arts Décoratifs. interests and institutionalized on rigidly restrictive lines eventually splits apart: the result is not the desirable autonomy of scientific disciplines, but their separation.- Economic developments widen these gaps and in- i creasingly obscure the global perspective.], and its corollary, a critical awareness of the world as a whole. T h e work of the scientist is thus deprived of a sense of purpose, and must be carried out from purely pragmatic motives to meet the requirements of those w h o commission research work or control educational institutions. W h e n scientific work is chained to utilitarian goals, theory is divorced frompraxis (Gouldner, 1976). Hence the likelihood-of" false theories achieving practical success (Bunge, 1968). It is appropriate, then, to talk of the corruption of science (Ravetz, 1977, p . 79). T h e social sciences are no exceptions to this rule. They have also been distorted by this tendency. N o t enough emphasis has been
  • 96. 662 laid on the dangers of a monodisciplinary social science that is unconcerned by the relations—albeit universal—linking the multifarious components of society as a whole. O n e of the most potent causes of the current crisis in the social sciences m a y well prove to be their insularity. M u c h of the intellectual output in this field neglects comprehensive, worldwide studies. This short-sightedness in planetary terms is one of the signs that the h u m a n sciences have gone astray. Since they have become incapable of distinguishing between principles and standards (Catemario, 1968, p. 74), and have thus become degenerate, it is not surprising that they n o w serve,theJnterests, often somewhat inglorious, of the world of production in m a n y and various ways. Sometimes, they commit themselves, without demur, to the marketing of what is called h u m a n relations, to all kinds of 'social engineering' and to the production of ideologies to order (Useem, 1976), thereby gradually reducing their scope. T h e social sciences, then, support a tendentious selection of major contradictions: the state and transnational corporations, the state and the nation, growth and impoverishment, East and West, development and underdevelopment, etc., while obscuring the real causes and predictable results of interlinked phenomena. B y narrowing their scope in this manner and curtailing their field of action, they b e c o m e internationalized while at the same time they are incapable of taking a comprehensive and critical view of the world. Overspecialization and loss of ambition to attain any degree of universality are two aspects of one phenomenon which leads to misuse of the social sciences. Geography does not escape this trend. Developed partly for utilitarian ends, and based on neo-classical and therefore aspatial ^economics, it was bound to contradict its o w n nature. Its weaknesses therefore include a lack of a clearly defined purpose and the shaky theoretical and epistemológica! foundations on which its practice rests. Moreover, the absence of a more reliable system of Milton Santos reference accounts for the key role played by this discipline in the inegalitarian reorganization of space and of society, both locally and internationally. Fresh possibilities for the h u m a n sciences Although the present historical period is typified by scientific activities that are very often channelled into short-term, utilitarian concerns, it is also showing signs of a different trend. W h e n science becomes a direct force of production, there is a corresponding increase in the importance of man—that is, of h u m a n knowledge—in the production process. Knowledge permits broader and deeper familiarity with the planet, a true rediscovery of the world and its vast possibilities, since new value is attached to h u m a n activity itself. O n e need only harness these tremendous resources to m a k e them serve mankind. This a long-term, though not impossible, task, and it calls for the autonomy of science as defined by W u t h r o w (1980, p. 30). For the time being, local conditions under the international economy tend to give priority to technological requirements and technical units, which are regarded as fixtures, since the postulates of economics itself seem to be organized around rigid technical equations. W e must n o w find a w a y of escaping from the dictates of technology and subordinating technological choices to goals that are m u c h wider even than the economy. Clearly, then, this is by no means a technical issue, nor does it concern the natural sciences; on the contrary, it concerns the social sciences, and gives them added responsibility. Although historical needs inevitably produced it, the recent rediscovery of nature and m a n should be attributed more particularly to the biological and physical disciplines known as 'the sciences'. It has also infused n e w value, as yet inadequately measured, into the 'non-sciences', the disciplines concerned with society and m a n , in the reasoned construction of history.
  • 97. Geography in the late twentieth century N e w 'scientific' knowledge points to the realm of the possible, whereas its concrete embodiment depends m o r e on economic, cultural and political circumstances. A s the future is not unique but has to be chosen, the social sciences should take the lead in the voluntary construction of history, by expanding their philosophical frame of reference to include the postulate that the teleological concerns are not an obstacle to the faithful transcription of p h e n o m e n a . N e w circumstances are both cause and effect of a host of latent or actual possibilities whose multiple patterns are a ^factor j)î growing complèloty^r^differentiation. T h e present Tieed is not to adapt tHé^ past, but to overturn fundamental concepts, methods of approach and paradigms of analysis. Consequently, content, methods, categories of study and keywords must all change at once. A s a promise for the future, the growth of possibilities concerns the entire world and all mankind, but the historical and geographical implications of the possibilities are subject to the laws of necessity. Divisions are seldom clear-cut between the variousfields,but there is reason to believe that, in tomorrow's world, it is the h u m a n sciences that will broaden this scope. Moreover, m a n y of the combinations n o w possible are not desirable; others, equally numerous, cannot be applied indiscriminately to any country or region. Regeneration of a threatened discipline A threatened discipline 663 (1982, p . 1) noted that the so-called traditional subject-matter of geography w a s being increasingly taken over b y various specialists. ' O u r subject' is apparently better studied by others, complains V . D . Dennison (1981, pp. 271-2). Moreover, geography, which has succ u m b e d to the blandishments of the world of production, m a y well be a victim of overspecialization. A s early as 1957, M . Sorre (p. 10; p p . 35-6), wrote of a threat of 'dism e m b e r m e n t ' . J. Allan Patmore (1980) drew attention to these dangers, and, despite his scepticism, R . J. Johnson (1980) nevertheless suggested that if it continued along the s a m e route, the discipline w a s heading for anarchy. T h e same concern prompted Brian Berry (1980, p . 449) to say in his presidential address to the Association of American Geographers that the trend was from pluralism to a free-for-all. Must w e therefore agree with M . E . Eliot Hurst (1980, p. 3 ) , w h o claims that it is a dying discipline? It is, without a doubt, a threatened discipline; but as things stand at present it is threatened m o r e from within than menaced by related disciplines. T h e issue becomes m o r e complicated if one adopts the view of R . J. Johnson (1980) that there are as m a n y geographies as geographers, or if one agrees with H . Lefèbvre (1974, p. 15) that specialized texts inform readers about all kinds of fields that are themselves specialized . . . there is probably an infinite number of fields: geographical, economic, demographic, sociological, ecological, commercial, national, continental, global, etc. T h e current importance of territory (to avoid the term 'space') in the making of history is Y . Lacoste (1981, p . 152) summarized these probably indicated by the growing interest two points of view to s o m e extent w h e n he that it attracts, not only a m o n g geographers wrote: but also, and increasingly, on the part of town planners, planners in otherfields,scientists in In fact there are as many concepts of 'the fields as diverse as economics, sociology, geographicalfield'or of 'the social field' as there ethnology, political science, history, popuare 'schools of thought' in geography, sociology lation studies, etc. Both Neis Anderson (1964, or ethnology; in the extreme case, there are as p. 5) and, m o r e recently, Pierre George m a n y ways of viewing things as there are
  • 98. 664 individual personalities conducting gations within a scientific procedure. Milton Santos investi- Perceptions of the same things do indeed differ because individuals differ. But should all attempts to achieve an objective definition of something be abandoned on that account? If so, one would not k n o w where to begin scientific work and one would always be vulnerable to ambiguity. In fact, with regard to the issue at hand, what is seemingly a twofold problem must be reduced to a single one. T h e problem is that of defining the field of geography, whether regenerated or redefined, and thus of determining its subjectmatter and its limits (Holt-Jensen, 1981, p . 4). In search of subject-matter: space A system of reality, that is, a system m a d e up of things and the life that sustains them, implies laws: a structure and rules of operation. A theory, i.e. its explanation, is itself a system, constructed in thought and with categories that reproduce the structure that determines the interlinking of facts. It m a y be called spjtialjDrganization, spatial.structure, organization.of.space," territorial structure or simply space, but only the n a m e changes, and this"is not of vital importance. O u r concern is to find the analytical categories that will enable us to build up systematic knowledge of it, so that both analysis and synthesis become feasible with the same components. M u c h time and talent have recently been wasted by geographers in fruitless semantic debate. They have even indulged in the g a m e of inventing new names. For example, some prefer to speak about the spatiality or even the spatialization of society, while rejecting the word 'space', even if they m e a n social space. However," the n e w geography calls for a refinement of the concept of space and a quest for new categories with which to analyse it. W h e n A r m a n d o Correa da Silva (1982, p. 52) said that there is no geography without a consistent spatial theory, he also said that this 'consistent spatial theory' is valid analyti- cally only if it rests on a 'conception of the nature of space'. ¡ Space is neither a thing nor a system of i things, but a relational reality: things and | relations together~(Maboguhjë,' 1980, p . 58). "Hence it can be defined only in relation to other realities: nature and society, through the m e d i u m of work. Space is therefore not, as in conventional definitions of geography, the result of interaction between m a n and nature in the raw, or even an amalgam of present-day society and the environment. Space must be consideredas an indivisible whole, comprising both a certain arrangement of geographical, natural and social objects, and the life that runs through them, that is to say, society in motion. Content (society) is not independent of form (geographical objects) and each form contains a fraction of the content. Space, then, is a set of forms, each containing fractions of society in motion. Forms therefore have a role to play in the achievements of society. A s a totality, society is a set of possibilities. Totality, according to Kant, 'is plurality viewed as unity', or 'the unity of diversity' according to A . Labriola (1902) and E . Sereni (1970). That unity is none other than n e w or regenerated essence whose purpose is to cease to be a potentiality and to become action. That content—essence— can be compared to a society on the m o v e . O r better yet, to its as yet unrealized present. . Embodied content, being that has already become existence, is society moulded into geographical forms, society which has become space. Hegel's phenomenology would speak of the transformation of total society into total space. Society would be being and space would be existence. Being is metamorphosed into existence by processes imposed by its o w n determining factors, which m a k e each form appear as a 'form-content', a separate entity capable, in its turn, of influencing social change. It is perpetual motion, and through this infinite process society and space evolve dialectically.
  • 99. Geography in the late twentieth century 65 6 'Do machines make history?' from Stanley Kubrick'sfilm2001: A Space Odyssey (1967). Edimedia. The importance of space today T h e globalization of society and of the economy lead to the globalization of geographical space, infusing it with new significance ( A m i n , 1980, p. 226). In the development of society, each component has a different role in the m o v e m e n t of the whole, and the roles differ from m o m e n t to m o m e n t . Space today is acquiring fundamental importance, for nature in its entirety is becoming a productive force (Prestipino, 1973, 1977, p . 181). W h e n all places have been affected, directly or indirectly, by the needs of the production process, patterns of selectiveness and hierarchies of utilization also develop, with the active or passive assistance of various agents. Hence there is a reorganization of functions a m o n g the various fractions of territory. Each point in space thus becomes potentially or actually important; its importance depends on its o w n virtualities, whether natural or social, pre-existing or acquired according to selective interventions. A s production becomes globalized, the possibilities of each place assert themselves and are differentiated o n a world scale. With the growing internationalization of capital and the rise of transnational corporations, w e shall observe a trend towards global rather than national fixing of production costs, and towards the equalization of profit returns^ owing to the international mobility of capital (Mandel, 1978, p p . 187-8), while the search for the most profitable areas will be a constant factor. So it is that geographical distinctions are acquiring basic strategic importance, as noted by Y . Lacoste (1977, p . 147). T h e ideal location for a given firm can be chpsefl^frprn_ 'ä|ar~Ross"et al. (1980) have recalled in this connection that local projets today are subjected to world constraints. With regard to these new developments,
  • 100. 666 Milton Santos w e m a y thus conclude that such specialized known as physical geography (Voropay, 1978, uses of territory, whether originally natural or p. 616), whereas success has been more, cultural, or due to political and technical difficult to achieve in the sphere of social interventions, imply a true rediscovery of factors. In fact, it is hard for attempts at nature, or at least, a total reassessment, in theorization in this field to get beyond the which ^a^h gart,_each_lpcation, is given a n e w embryonic stage, even supposing that they do not fail miserably or lapse into mere verbiage. "rolé and acquires a n e w value. The internationalization of economics A s the phenomenon is a general one, it might be claimed that the geographical nature , had m a d e it possible to speak of global cities, of society which C . van Paassen referred to in I authentic links in the chain of multiple relations which determine the shape of social 1957 (Grano, 1981, p. 22) is n o w coming to I the fore. M a n isfinallygaining analytic and life on this planet (Santos, 1978). But, in synthetic knowledge of the whole of nature, fact, space in its entirety has been globalized, and is acquiring the ability to m a k e general and there is no longer a single point on the use, on a world scale, of things around him. globe which can be regarded as isolated. Geographical theory should therefore be W h e n nature is given a n e w definition and its relations with h u m a n beings are cast in a n e w constructed on m u c h broader lines. A s long mould, it becomes necessary to renovate the ago as 1950, J. F . Unstead was advocating disciplines with which it is studied. In ge- the need for a 'world geography' or 'global ography, n e w outlooks and a n e w ability to geography'. But plans to achieve this goal were not followed through. Vacillating bework with universal laws will be needed. tween description and generalization from antiquity to the nineteenth century, geograTowards a global geography phy has never been able to describe everyBut was not geography already global? A thing or avoid generalizations that have century ago, K . Ritter and Vidal de la Blache often been inconsistent. In the late nineteenth spoke of the unity of the earth. A n author and early twentieth centuries, it opted for such as K . Boulding (1966, p. 108), though theorization—or at least scientific indepenan economist, unhesitatingly affirmed that of dence—with the postulation of principles. all the disciplines, geography was the one However, m u c h remains unknown about the which viewed the earth as a global phenom- earth, and m a n y other branches of knowledge enon to be studied. But, in a recent article, are still in their infancy. However, geography V . D . Dennison (1981, pp. 271-2) seems be is making a tremendous effort to become answering both yes and no in reply to the established as a science, although it has not question, although, in his opinion, this disci- been entirely successful. pline is synonymous with world studies. W e believe that the reason for these T h e ambition to m a k e it global, that is to failures lies not in geographers' lack of talent, say, the desire to embrace the totality of but in the fact that actual historical conditions phenomena and express them in scientific were not ideal; hence the difficulties of terms, is one thing; success in doing so is working out a geographical theory. Throughanother (McConnell, 1982, pp. 1633-4). out this century, while the debate on the true The old tradition of national schools of nature of geography has merged with disgeography, or, at any rate, the historical cussion of its claims to be a science, more assumptions underlying the development of substantial epistemological concerns have geographical science in various national con- been set aside. Even efforts m a d e after the texts, m a y have hindered attainment of the Second World W a r have yielded only a small stage of global geographical studies. It is true portion of the expected results. W e believe, that the concern to be all-encompassing has however, that historical conditions are n o w w o n greater success in thefieldof what is ripe for establishing a geography that is
  • 101. 668 Milton Santos empirical events and relationships prior to being grasped by the intellect. W e can n o w say that the great universais become empirical when, on the one hand, the T h e globalization practical development of technologies occurs and the empiricization of categories independently of the recipient environment and w h e n , on the other, all the technologies N o w that the world has become global, what used are potentially the same everywhere. will happen to geography? T h e world has, Technologies' independence of the environundoubtedly, always.been-a-single-unit. H o w - ment and the globalization of the technologiever, it has not always been possible to grasp cal model m a k e technology an authentically its oneness,,, except in the, case of a few concrete universal (Ladrière, 1968, pp. 216p h e n o m e n a with more general impact, which 17; Breton, 1968, p. 114), the instrument of a tend to occur outside the social field. Today, growing bond between times and places. W e with the internationalization of techniques, are dealing with a homogeneous collection of production and products, capital and labour, techniques which has become systemic betastes and consumption, the globalization of cause it is governed and animated by globalsocial relations in every respect (economic, ized international relations, and consequently financial, political, etc.) is a guarantee of these are also unified in a system. Suprauniversality that allows every inch of space in national institutions and transnational corthe world to be understood in terms of global porations have a part to play in this scenario, together with major centralized bureaucratic space. ' ','""""" Only through such universality, which is organizations which o w e their existence to the empirical, can certain philosophical categories worldwide expansion of transport and combe translated into geographical language with- munications. out loss of meaning. This is true of the The universal value of the m o d e of categories of universality, particularity andj production at the present m o m e n t is the singularity and of the categories of form,| stepping-stone to universal concepts. Samir function, process and structure, this last being A m i n (1980, p. 4) states that concepts of synonymous with essence, defined through general applicability are generally valid, rethe opposition—not yet sufficiently studied— calling that the feudal m o d e of production between landscape and society of even be- does not necessarily have universal validity, tween landscape and space. since it was an intrinsic part of a period of Geography is n o w equipped to go beyond history and a place, namely Europe. H e also the 'palaeo-dialectic' of classical and even thinks that M a r x failed to arrive at certain present-day geographers. A s the 'zero law' of universal laws because of his limited exthe dialectic proposed by E . Marquit (1981, perience of social conflict and ignorance pp. 309-10)—the law of universal intercon- of non-European countries, which at the time nection—can be verified empirically, the role was quite usual. This is perhaps not quite of contradiction in the process of developing true, but since internationalization has not yet knowledge, rightly emphasized by Sean reached its current stage of development, it Sayers (1981-82), is an absolute require- was often impossible to work out universal ment. W e are succeeding precisely because categories. the internationalization process that started T h e quantity of relations involved in the nearly five centuries ago has become a functioning of society, the economy and the globalization process. Until then, the concept political scene increases exponentially, so that of totalization with which w e were able to the range of variables related to one particular work was primarily an intellectual one, and object or phenomenon is m u c h greater today not a fully fledged fact. Today, it occurs in than it was in the past. Broad generalizations both global and theoretically based, thereby fulfilling a century-old ambition.
  • 102. Geography in the late twentieth century are therefore not only possible, but necessary, and they are becoming both more systematic and more sophisticated. Their basis, it should be recalled, is empirical. So w e could return to the old theme of geography as a 'science of places', associated with such names as Vidal de la Blache and C. Sauer, or w e could revive this same dis-, cussion with the debate on uniqueness, par-i ticipants in which have inclu3èa"Hartshorne (1955), James (1972), Schaefer (1953), G o u rou (1973), Grigg (1965), Kalesnik (1971) and Bunge (1966, 1979). A s places become more globalized,, so they become more singular and specific:, unique / in other words. This is attributable to the unrestrained specialization of components of space—people, firms, institutions, the environment—the ever-widening dissociation of the processes and subprocesses required for greater accumulation of capital, the increasing number of actions which turn space into a field of multidirectional and variously complex forces, where every place is very different from every other but also clearly bound to alUhê,others.by_a^ngle_nexus_pro;y duced by the driving forces behind the hegemonically_uniyersal ...pattern of accumulation. Thus it seems that w e are faced with a concrete totality, perceptible through a concrete dialectic, as presented by G . Lukacs (1960) and by Karel Kosik (1967). W e can no longer speak of a contradiction between uniqueness and globalism. T h e two are complementary and mutually explanatory. A place is a point in the world where some of the world's possibilities become reality. A place is part of the world and plays a role in its history, or, to quote Whitehead (1938, p . 188), 'any local agitation shakes the whole universe'. T h e world has always been a set of possibilities; today, however, those possibilities are all interdependent. Towards a new geography Today, as w e have seen, technology is used everywhere without reference to local, natu- 669 ral and h u m a n resource systems, and it is superimposed on differing economic and social situations. T h e results, which create distortions and inequalities everywhere, give each place special combinations, which are all specific forms of the complexity of social life. The problem is therefore that pLrecognizing the effects of these jugerimpositions o n the life of each society. W a y s of bridging gaps between halfformed possibilities and of building a n e w history will be found in the complex sphere where these data occur, in varying combinations. Hence the renewed importance of the sciences of space and of m a n , that is to say, of geography, if w e are to gain proper control of the forces n o w at our disposal. Outgrowing the old framework, the n e w , larger and differentiated store of knowledge and possibilities calls for a general re-ordering of all the sciences, with redivisions and rearrangements in scientificfields,the creation of n e w disciplines and the regeneration of existing ones. T h e sciences must start afresh from real circumstances which influence their development and which are a challenge to them. That challenge is primarily defined by the n e w relations, already established or already a possibility, between a society that has become universal and the resources of the world as a whole. For geography, the n e w and dominant factor is that which w e m a y call its historical maturity, or all the n e w data that world history imposes on the history of the discipline. For geographers, w h o are professionally concerned with h u m a n space, the n e w situation is a fascinating one. O n the one hand, their_hflrizo_ns_are.^wid^ning, _since so-called geographical space has become, m o r e than ever before, IT fundamental "feature of the h u m a n adventure. O n the other, the globalization of space creates the necessary conditions—hitherto unfulfilled—for the establishment of a conceptual framework, a system of reference and an epistemology, a stockin-trade which has always been lacking in this discipline, and which has accordingly narrowed its field of study so far this century.
  • 103. Milton Santos 670 T h e pledge of universality is a trump card, for it entails the possilility of better understanding of every fraction of world space in terms of global space, a n d thus m a k e s it possible to recognize and interpret interventions that have occurred while devel- oping a science that is critically aware. T o d o this w a s impossible before the world b e c a m e truly a world-system, that is, before it b e c a m e at each and every the point the object of action by variables o n a planetary scale. [Translated from French] References A M I N . S. 1980. Class and Nation, Historically and in the Current Crisis, Translated by Susan Kaplow {Classe et Nation dans l'histoire et la crise contemporaine, Paris, Éditions de Minuit, 1979). A N D E R S O N , N . 1964. Aspects of Urbanization. In: N . Anderson (ed.), Urbanism and Urbanization, pp. 1-6. Leiden, E . J. Brill. A R O N , R . 1961. 18 Lectures on Industrial Society. London, Weidenfeld & Nicolson. B A R R A C L O U G H , G . 1965. Introducción a la historia contemporánea, Madrid, Editorial Gredos. B E R G E S E N , A . 1980. From Utilitarianism to Globology: The Shift from the Individual to the World as a Whole as the Primordial Unit of Analysis. In: A . Bergesen (ed.), Studies of the Modern World-System, pp. 1-12. New York, Academic Press. BERGESEN, A . ; SCHOENBERG, R. 1980. Long Waves of Colonial Expansion and Contraction, 1415-1969. In: A . Bergesen (ed.), Studies of the Modern World-System, pp. 231-77, N e w York, Academic Press. B E R R Y , B . 1980. Creating C A T E M A R I O , A . 1968. Future Geographies. Annals A.A.G., Vol. 70, N o . 4 , pp. 449-58. Technique sociale et reconstruction. Civilisation technique et humanisme, Paris, Beauchesne, pp. 59-76. B E T T E L H E I M , C . 1967. Planification et croissance accélérée, Paris, Maspero. BIDAUD, A.; BLONDEAU, M . ; G É R I N , Anne-Marie. 1978. Y - a - t-il autant de géographies que de géographes? Espaces-Temps, N o . 8, pp. 85-120. B O U L D I N G , K . E . 1966. The Impact of the Social Sciences, N e w Brunswick, N.J., Rutgers University Press. D E N N I S O N . V . D . 1981. The Use of Geography. Geography, Vol. 66, Part. 4, N o 293, pp. 263-76. E L I O T - H U R S T , M . 1980. Geography, Social Science and Society, Towards a Redefinition. Australian Geographical Studies, 18. E I X U L , J. 1954. La technique ou l'enjeu du siècle. Paris. B R E T O N , S. 1968. Réflexion FERKISS, V . 1970. Technological philosophique et humanisme technique. Civilisation technique Man: The Myth and the Reality. New York, Mentor Books. et humanisme, pp. 111-48. Paris, Beauchesne. F R I E D M A N N , J.; W O L F F , G . B U N G E , M . 1968. Towards a Philosophy of Technology. Civilisation technique et humanisme. Paris, Beauchesne, pp. 189-210. 1982. World City Formation: An Agenda for Research and Action. International Journal of Urban and Region Research, Vol. 56, N o . 3. B U N G E , W . 1966. Locations Are G E O R G E , P. 1982. Cent ans Not Unique. Annals Association of American Geographers, Vol. 56, June. d'histoire de la géographie. Acta Geográfica, 2nd quarter, 3rd series, N o . 50, pp. 1-8. - — . 1979. Fred K . Schaefer and the Science of Geography. Annals Association of American Geographers, March, pp. 128-32. Épistêmologie et philosophie politique: pour une théorie de la liberté. Paris, Éditions Denoël/Gonthier. G O L D M A N N , L. 1978.
  • 104. Geography in the late twentieth century G O U L N E R , A . W . 1976. The Dialectic ofIdeology and Technology: The Origins, Grammar and Future ofIdeology. N e w York, The Seabury Press. (A Continuum Book.) G O U R O U , P. 1973. Pour une géographie humaine. Paris, Flammarion. G R A N O , O . 1981. External Influence and Internal Change in the Development of Geography. In: D . R . Stoddart (ed.), Geography, Ideology and Social Concern, pp. 17-36. Oxford, Basil Blackwell. Geographical Ideas. Indianapolis, Ind., The Odyssey Press. J O H N S T O N , R . J. 1980. Review Symposium: Geography is What Geographers D o and Did. Progress in Human Geography, Vol. IV, N o . 2, pp. 277-83. K A L E S N I K , S. V . 1971. O n the Significance of Lenin's Ideas for Soviet Geography. Soviet Geography, Vol. XII, N o . 4 , pp. 196-204. K A R P I K , L . 1972. Le 61 7 London, Allen Lane, T h e Penguin Press. (Translated by Sacha Rabinovich from La vie quotidienne dans le monde moderne. Paris, Gallimard, 1968.) . 1974. La production de l'espace. Paris, Anthropos. L U K A C S , G . 1960. Histoire et conscience de classe. Paris, Éditions de Minuit. M A B O G U N J E , A . L . 1980. The Development Process: A Spatial Perspective. London, Hutchinson. capitalisme technologique. Science, rationalité et industrie, M C C O N N E L L , J. E . 1982. The special issue of Sociologie du G R I G G , D . 1965. The Logic of Internationalization Process and travail, 13th year, N o . 1, Regional Systems. Annals Spatial Form: Research Jan .-March. Association of American Problems and Prospects. Geographers, Vol. 55, KATONA, G . ; BURKHARD, S. Environment and Planning A , pp. 467-77. 1978. A New Economie Era. Vol. 14, N o . 12, pp. 1633-44. N e w York, Elsevier. H A R T S H O R N E , R . 1955. M A N D E L , E . 1978. The Second Exceptionalism in Geography Slump. London, N e w Left K I U C H I , S. 1968. Chiiki Gairon: Re-examined. Annals sono riron to ohyoh [An Books. Association of American Introduction to a Study of Geographers, Vol. 45, . 1980. Long Waves of Region: Its Theory, Techniques pp. 205-44. Capitalist Development: The and Practical Application], Marxist Interpretation, University of Tokyo. H E E N A N , D . A . 1977. Global Cambridge/London, Cambridge Cities of Tomorrow. Harvard . K O S I K , K . 1967. Dialéctica del University Press. Business Review, Vol. 55, concreto, estudio sobre los May/June, pp. 79-92. MARQUIT, E. 1981. problemas del hombre y el Contradictions in Dialectics and mundo. Mexico City, Editorial H E I L B R O N E R , R . 1967. D o Formal Logic. Science and Grijalbo. Machines Make History? Society, Vol. X L V , N o . 3, Technology and Culture, Vol. 8, L A B R I O L A , A . 1902. Essais sur pp. 306-23. July, pp. 335-45. le matérialisme historique. Paris, M A R X , K . 1970. The Paris Giard & Brière. HERRERA, A . O. 1977. Commune. Moscow, Progress Ressources naturelles, L A C O S T E , Y . 1977. La Publishers. technologie et indépendance. geografía, una arma para la M A Z A ZAVALA, D . F. 1976. In: C . Mendes (ed.), Le mythe guerra. Barcelona, Editorial Orígenes y características de la du développement, pp. 141-59. Anagrama. crisis capitalista actual. Paris, Éditions Seuil. (Les Problemas del desarrollo, revista . 1981. Georges collections Esprit.) latino-americana de economia. Condaminas. L'espace social. À H O L T - J E N S E N , A . 1980. (Mexico City), N o . 26, propos de l'Asie du Sud-Est. Geography, its History and pp. 23-48. Hérodote, N o . 21, April-June, Concepts. London, Harper & pp. 146-52. M O D E L S K I , G . 1972. Principles Row. of World Politics. N e w York, L A D R I È R E , J. 1968. Technique H Y M E R , S. H . 1979. The The Free Press. et eschatologie terrestre. Multinational Corporation, A Civilisation technique et N A V A R R O , V . 1982. T h e Limits Radical Approach. Cambridge, humanisme. Paris, Beauchesne, of the World Systems Theory in Cambridge University Press. pp. 211-43. Defining Capitalist and Socialist Formations. Science and Society, L E F È B V R E , H . 1971. Everyday J A M E S , P . E . 1972. All Possible Vol. X L V I , N o . 1, pp. 77-90. Life in the Modem World. Words: A History of
  • 105. 672 P A T M O R E , J. A . 1980. Geography and Relevance. Geography, Vol. 65, Part. 4 , N o . 289, pp. 265-83. P E T T M A N , R . 1979. State and Class, A Sociology of International Affairs. London, Croom Helm. P O L A N Y I , K . 1957. The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time. Boston, Beacon. Milton Santos the Development of Science. Science and Society, Vol. X L V , N o . 4, pp. 409-36. S C H A E F E R , F. K . 1953. Exceptionalism in Geography: A Methodological Examination. Annals Association of American Geographers, Vol. 43, pp. 226-49. SILVA, Armando C O R R E A D A . of Science. In: Spiegel, Rosing and D e Solía Price (eds.), Science, Technology and Society, pp. 71-89, London/Beverly Hills, Sage. R I C H T A , R . 1970. Progreso técnico y democracia. Madrid, Alberto Corazón E d . Ross, R . ; S H A K O W , D . M . ; S u s M A N , P . 1980. Local Planners—Global Constraints. Policy Sciences, Vol. 12, June, pp. 1-25. S A N T O S , M . 1978. Por uma sur le rôle actuel de la science. Économie et politique, N o . 167. T S U R U , S. 1961. Has Capitalism Changed? In: S. Tsuru (ed.), Has Capitalism Changed?, pp. 1-66. Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten Publishers. U N S T E A D , J. F. 1950. A World Survey From the Human Aspect, quoted by Shinzo Kiuchi. SERENÍ, E . 1970. D a Marx a Lenin: la categoría di 'formazione économicoPRESTIPINO, G . 1977. El pensamiento filosófico de Engels; sociale'. Quaderni critica marxista, ( R o m e ) , N o . 4 , natureza y sociedad en la (in La pensée, N o . 159, 1971, perspectiva teórica marxista, pp. 3-49). Mexico City, Siglo X X I ( R o m e , Editori Riuniti, 1973.) R A V E T Z , J. R . 1977. Criticisms T H I B A U L T , J. 1967. Réflexions 1982. Natureza do trabalho de campo em geografia humana e suas limitações. Revista do Departamento de Geografia (Universidade de São Paulo), N o . 1, p p . 49-54. S K L A R , R . 1977. Post- imperialism: A Class Analysis of Multinational Corporate Expansion. Comparative Politics, Vol. 9, N o . 2 , pp. 75-92. S O R R E , M . 1957. Rencontres de la géographie et de la sociologie. Paris, Marcel Rivière. geografia nova: da critica da geografia a uma geografia critica. T A K E U C H I , K ; 1974. The Origins of Human Geography in São Paulo, Hucitec. Japan. Hitolsubashi Journal of Arts and Sciences, Vol. 15, S A Y E R S , S . 1981/82. Contradiction and Dialectic in N o . 1, pp. 1-13. U S E E M , M . 1976. Government Patronage of Science and Art in America. In: Richard A . Peterson (ed.), The Production of Culture. Beverly Hills, Calif., Sage. VAN P A A S E N , C . 1957. The Classical Tradition of Geography. Groningen. V O N L A N E , T . 1969. The Global City. Philadelphia, Lippincott. V O R O P A Y , L . I. 1978. Levels and Stages in the Process of Geographical Cognition. Soviet Geography: Review and Translations, Vol. XIX, N o . 9, pp. 611-17. W H I T E H E A D , A . N . 1938. Modes of Thought. London, Macmillan. W U T H R O W . 1980. 'The World- economy and the Institutionalization of Science in Seventeenth-century Europe'. In: A . Bergesen (ed.), Studies of the Modern World-System, pp. 25-55. N e w York, Academic Press.
  • 106. Development research and the social sciences in India T. V . Sathyamurthy Introduction effort and the difficulties of gaining access to a critical awareness of work done all over the country. During the last decade or so there has been a It is not our purpose to list, let alone veritable explosion of institutions of higher summarize, the substantive concerns of the learning and research throughout India in the fifty-odd institutes of research and developfields of social science study as well as various ment in India or to focus upon any specific aspects of development. N o t only traditional aspect of their work 1 or on the methods used centres of higher learning such as universities, to organize research and the criteria applied but also the central government, state govern- to choose questions for research. Our purpose ments and various is to set the emergence of autonomous and semian impressive number of T . V . Sathyamurthy is Fellow at autonomous bodies, such such institutes in a conthe Christian Michelsen Institute, as the Indian Council of text of development of Bergen, Norway. Social Science Research ideas concerning social (ICSSR), and the Uniscience research and its versity Grants Compriorities as part of indemission ( U G C ) , have pendent India's intellectaken initiatives in estual history. W e leave tablishing such instiout of account the great tutions. Interdisciplinvolume and range of reary, multidisciplinary as search carried out in well as discipline-oriennumerous institutions or tated research; policy ad hoc bodies on behalf studies; data-gathering; of or under the aegis of commissioned work as important government well as work of more or less purely intellectual ministries, international agencies and other or academic interest; and, research of a statutory bodies such as the Universities speculative or future orientated kind, pour Grants Commission ( U G C ) . out of these institutes. Yet, surprisingly, It is useful to point out that, in no other although individuals from these various instideveloping country (with the possible exceptutes m a y have knowledge of what research tion of Sri Lanka) w a s there already in others are doing, there is a notable lack of existence, at the time of independence, such a knowledge of each other's work at an interpool of trained personnel in the social sciences institutional level. This has certain disadvanwhich could be entrusted with the bulk of tages, the most serious being duplication of research needed as a continuous back-up for
  • 107. 674 policy-making and for the generation of e m pirical data, theoretical models, or the specification of relevant research problems as could be found in India. T h e interesting feature, given such an initial advantage, lay in the fact that, during the firstfifteenyears of independence, the growth of institutions of higher learning and research in thefieldof social science and development was incredibly slow and partial. It was only during the period subsequent to the early 1960s (and especially during the 1970s) that centres of development study and various other bodies devoted to research in social sciences began to appear in considerable numbers. T h e reasons for this delayed fruition of India's potential are not far to seek, as will become evident in the course of this account. Psychologically, too, it must be r e m e m bered that in India the climate for indigenously initiated research on problems facing the country's economy, society, political system and culture was far more favourable than research based on mechanically following the example of developed countries. The psychological predilection in favour of nationally rooted thinking is partly attributable to a preference based on qualitative considerations, buttressed by the specific course that the nationalist m o v e m e n t took (stressing, for example, swadeshi; indigenously evolved techniques of non-cooperation and struggle against the colonial power; the importance, at least in principle, of the c o m m o n m a n as the main beneficiary of social reform, progress, development, etc.), and partly also to the fact that, in sheer quantitative terms, the country had, at independence, a vast pool of qualified social scientists (initially consisting mainly of economists) which could be drawn upon for extending horizons. A caveat must, however, be added to this general observation on Indian intellectuals. Let us bear in mind that, at independence, almost all Indians w h o had received university education in the country or abroad had been intellectually moulded by ideas, values, theories, models and techniques generated over a long period in Western institutions T. V. Sathyamurthy of higher learning, even though these were ostensibly applied to problems of a specifically Indian nature in such fields as economics and, to a lesser degree, sociology and anthropology. This meant that the same educated and academically highly trained people w h o gave their unqualified support to the nationalist m o v e m e n t (led by Gandhi, w h o attached great importance to Indians refusing to be a part of the colonial, i.e. Western, value system), were, in the context of post-colonial India and by virtue of their intellectual training, to provide a direction to India's economic, social, and political development that would be essentially along . the path that had already been followed in the past by countries that are n o w regarded as industrialized, modern or advanced—be it capitalist or socialist. This duality of orientation derived from their psychological preferences and intellectual training being wide apart, was a dominant feature of Indian research in the social sciences until a n e w generation of scholars and researchers emerged during the 1960s which questioned the relevance of colonially inherited world views from different standpoints, e.g. by returning to neo-indigenous modes of formulating urgent problems facing the country, by turning to n e w forms of Marxism specifically responsive to conditions of underdevelopment and dependence, or by re-formulating Gandhian ideology to suit contemporary Indian conditions. The first phase (1947-60) During thefirstfifteenyears after independence, the main responsibility for research and higher study in development and the social sciences was borne by universities. For decades before independence, departments of economics (as indeed departments of history) of a number of universities (chiefly, but not only, the three Presidency universities of B o m b a y , Calcutta and Madras) had succeeded in building up a corpus of research on problems relating to the Indian economy
  • 108. Development research and the social sciences in India and to Indian economic and social history. The B o m b a y School of Economics, under C . N . Vakil, and the Madras University department of economics under the leadership of John Mathai and P . J. Thomas, had been specially active in research in the field of Indian economics though they concentrated on fairly orthodox fields such as public finance, taxation, budgeting problems, national income, etc., rather more than on questions of development per se. Yet, at independence, university departments of economics had an infrastructure and adequately trained personnel which could serve as nuclei for development-focused research. In a limited sense, even prior to independence, these university researchers in economics had taken an interest in questions of a developmental nature. Thus, the B o m b a y School of Economics had been successful in generating an impressive array of empirical knowledge on the agrarian scene (though as yet without the theoretical sophistication that was to follow during subsequent years) under the leadership of such teachers as Jathar and Beri; and all the three Presidency universities departments of economics were engaged in work directly relevant to India's industrialization—work upon which, for example, those engaged in drawing up the B o m b a y Plan relied to some degree. While the study of economics (and economic and social history) in universities had been raised to a fairly sophisticated academic level according to the standards prevailing in metropolitan universities, the level of instruction and research in the other social sciences—sociology, anthropology and political science—was low (here again with certain exceptions, e.g. Calcutta and Lucknow in anthropology, and B o m b a y and Pune in sociology) while interdisciplinary social science was conspicuous by its near total absence throughout the Indian higher education system. T h e first crop of n e w economists returning from abroad constituted the nucleus of higher studies and research in the field in independent India. In the new political order, 675 a disproportionate amount of importance was attached to a knowledge of economics, considered as the queen of social sciences by the more intellectually inclined leaders of India—both in government (e.g. Nehru, Rajagopalachari, Krishnamachari and Krishna M e n o n ) and in the opposition (e.g. Asoka Mehta, Minoo Masani and Hridaya Nath Kunzru). But neither interdisciplinarity (or, for that matter, multidisciplinarity) nor even balanced economic development (rural and urban; agricultural and industrial) was given m u c h importance during this phase. A great deal of attention was paid to the study of economics with special reference to planning (and, of course, to modern theory) and statistics (and latterly econometrics), as well as to the economics of industrialization and modernization of the Indian economy. 2 The main thrust of development-oriented study of social sciences and research was felt in n e w schools of advanced learning which were established with government patronage and liberal financial support. Within a few years of their establishment, centres of research and higher study such as the Delhi School of Economics (subsequently also the Institute of Economic Growth) and the Indian Statistical Institute at Calcutta (subsequently both at Calcutta and at Delhi) under the leadership, respectively, of V . K . R . V . R a o and K . N . Raj; and P . C . Mahalanobis and C . R . R a o , acquired a considerable degree of national and international prestige. The more traditional departments of economics in the older universities were, to some extent, eclipsed by these n e w centres of research. A t the same time, a few independent centres of research—mainly in the field of economics—such as the National Council of Applied Economic Research ( N C A E R ) , initially under the leadership of P . S . Lokanathan, also came into being. Researchers w h o received their training in these n e w institutions went on to teach economics and statistics in some of the established universities; but a substantial number of them started departments of economics in n e w universities (e.g. Jadavpur, Pune,
  • 109. 676 Baroda, Saugor, etc.) established during the 1950s and 1960s. They inculcated in their students a n e w awareness of quantitative rigour and the need for empirical thoroughness, as well as of appropriate research methods and techniques. T h e better departments of economics in India thus became the production line of a vast corps of qualified economists and statisticians, a large proportion of which were absorbed in government posts in the field of development and planning, the remainder becoming teachers and university researchers. There was also s o m e brain-drain to more advanced countries and to bodies such as the United Nations and its Specialized Agencies from the ranks of this n e w generation of Indian economists. B y and large, during.thefirstphase of India's independence, disproportionate attention was focused on economic aspects of development in the research carried out in universities. Other social sciences were not encouraged nearly to the same extent, though sociology was gradually beginning to c o m e into its o w n by the early 1960s. Apart from economics, only in thefieldof economic and social history was there a steady growth and accumulation of freshly researched knowledge in Indian universities during this period. During the latter half of the 1950s, however, it was already becoming evident that Indian universities were subject to enorm o u s pressures that rendered sustained research of a high quality difficult to ensure on a continuous basis. First, education being a state prerogative under the Constitution, most universities (with the exception of national universities of which there was only a handful) were controlled by state governments which had to cater to large numbers of students with limited resources. Second, the quantitative increase in access to education of ever larger numbers meant that the quality of teaching and research inevitably suffered. Third, the question of whether and to what degree higher education ought to be in the language of the state concerned was never satisfactorily settled, and this led to a great deal of confusion about the aim, T. V. Sathyamurthy scope and standards of higher education in almost all states. At the same time, the demand for development of technological education was keenly felt. Indian universities, which had had a long tradition of engineering as well as medical education, lacked (with the exception of very few such as Benares Hindu University and the much less well-known Pilani College and Madras Institute of Technology) centres of technological education and research. During thefirstdecade of independence, the government sought to fl this gap by planning to il establish, with the help of models adopted from different advanced countries—the Federal Republic of Germany, the United States and the USSR—Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) to which recruitment of students would be on the basis of an all-India competitive entrance examination. In these institutes (at Kharagpur, Madras, Powai near B o m b a y , Kanpur and Delhi), undergraduate and postgraduate students have been trained in the entire gamut of technological and associated 'pure science' disciplines, while academic staff have engaged in research and publication activities in addition to their normal teaching and examining work. A characteristic feature of IITs has been the importance attached in their curricula and research programmes to the socio-economic aspects of modernization and technological development as well as to the humanities. The departments of humanities in these centres of learning are not mere adjuncts to a core of technological subjects but consist of fine complements of established scholars with intellectually sound programmes of research on the social and h u m a n implications of technological developments in the Third World in general and India in particular. India's experience of this n e w kind of educational enterprise has, however, thrown into bold relief a few problems. IITs, by virtue of their sheer size and the vast number of disparate departments, soon became hotbeds of interdepartmental competition for resources. It was not long before the penchant for heavily hierarchical bureaucratic styles of
  • 110. University of Bombay, India. Roger Viollct. functioning, for which India is noted, invaded the corridors of power in these centres of higher learning. Resentment and frustration mounted not only among students but also among the academic staff.' More serious even than the erosion of academic morale was the gap between the quality, range and number of qualified young m e n and w o m e n (belonging, it might be added, to the cream of the Indian intelligentsia) produced by IITs on the one hand, and, on the other, the capacity of the government and various industrial and other establishments in the country to absorb them in suitable employment. A s a result, large n u m bers of graduates and research degree holders from IITs have, oyer the years, emigrated to the advanced countries of Western Europe and North America. The very success of the Indian Government's policy of technological education, judged in terms of the quality of its product, has thus resulted in a considerable loss to the Exchequer while depriving the country in the long term of the services of some of its best-trained talent. B y 1960, universities could no longer be depended upon to ensure, on a predictable basis, the promotion of research and higher learning in the social sciences or in thefieldof economic, social and political development. 3 A t the same time, the narrower vision of the first decade of independence according to which development was seen as essentially economic in character and the crux of economic development was thought to lie in strategies of rapid industrialization and in the development of modern capitalist relations of production under the auspices of state planning, was rapidly yielding place to a wider and much more complex vision of the Indian reality. Economic development was seen, not least
  • 111. 678 T. V. Sathyamurthy graduate study) were well placed to emerge. Even so, it must be remembered that, during this phase, social scientists continued to be shy of widening their disciplinary horizon to m a k e economics a truly interdisciplinary part of social science taken as a whole, though there was a m u c h greater readiness on their part to diversify their interest within economics itself to include close attention to the problems posed by the rural economy. Thus, interdisciplinary research, initially, had as its votaries researchers drawn from non-economic subjects. A m o n g these were the founders of what was thefirstcentre for the study of development, as an integrated field of study—the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies ( C S D S ) established in 1963 under the leadership of Rajni Kothari, a leading political scientist, with the help of foreign finance, which, at the time, was not tainted by suspicion. Here, research was undertaken on political participation, psychological aspects of politics, psychiatry, rural sociology, cultural psychology, studies of political attitudes, politics of intercommunal relations, urban development, d e m o cratic decision-making and problems of nation-building. The approach was largely behavioural though in more recent years this has been tempered somewhat by other orientations and by systematic attempts to collect and store different kinds of empirical data of state and district level politics obtained from various parts of India. T h e uneasiness expressed in a number of quarters throughout India over foreign funding of development and social science research institutes4 indirectly served to stimuThe second phase (1960-70) late the establishment of national and indigenous higher institutions in these 5 T h e years of prospective thinking underlying fields. In fact, the 1960s constituted the the Third Five Year Plan in the government, seed time of such activity, and the period which reflected to a considerable degree the during which more and more thought was need for information and knowledge in fields bestowed upon development studies as a cogthat ranged far beyond economics, narrowly nate field of research and higher education. or technically conceived, spawned a general Apart from C S D S and a few centres of climate in which centres of development area studies established in certain universities studies and social science research (with or (e.g. Delhi, Rajasthan and B o m b a y ) , the without facilities built into them for post- period under review was noteworthy for the by the more sensitive a m o n g the economists themselves, as only a part of the overall process of development which was integrally tied to social, political and cultural development; most important, in the Indian econo m y , the rural sector was going to be the dominant sector for the foreseeable future, and, as such, agricultural production, agrarian relations, land reform, rural sociology, mofussil politics and agriculture-linked industry would have to be brought within the ambit of academic research in a more systematic and rigorous manner than had hitherto been the case. Thus the feeling grew, during the late 1950s, a m o n g academics, professional people, government leaders and some bureaucrats that Indian development problems should be studied in a genuinely interdisciplinary manner and that, even in economic research, greater attention should be focused on rural society, and on the balance between agriculture and industry in the emerging Indian economy. A t the same time, with the rapid expansion of the public sector and the increasing interest evinced by the state governments in economic and social development and planning within their jurisdiction, the climate had become suitable for establishing separate centres of research and higher study in the field of social sciences and development rather than continuing to rely on universities to take over an expanded agenda and to carry out the tasks involved to which, clearly, they were no longer equal.
  • 112. Development research and the social sciences in India emergence of three different types of higher research institutions. First, the central government itself gave recognition to the importance of interdisciplinary research and data collection and storage in respect of rural India by establishing the National Institute of Community D e velopment ( N I C D ) in Hyderabad. 6 Here, equal importance was given to public administration, community development, economics and sociology. T h e work was of immediate use to such central government ministries as Food and Agriculture, Rural (and Community) Development, Health and Family Planning, Planning, etc. C . Subramanian, the then Food Minister, took a keen interest in the functioning of this institute. H e was responsible for the highly controversial treaty relationship under which the data gathered from all over India, as a result of laborious field-work at N I C D was m a d e automatically available (at no cost) to the University of Michigan for storage and use. 7 679 sociologists, political scientists, geographers, anthropologists, environmentalists and others were recruited to the ranks of social scientists. Unlike economics, the other social sciences in Indian universities were, by and large, either antedeluvian or underdeveloped (or both) and lacked academic distinction. Under such circumstances, social scientists in these n o n economic disciplines returning from abroad had n o indigenous intellectual moorings or academic loyalties. This meant that, apart from those locally educated (disadvantaged since their intellectual training was widely regarded as substandard by any normal international reckoning), an increasing number of specialists had as their academic reference group or peer group the foreign research schools where they had received their training. Thus, any institution of higher study or research infieldsother than economics could be expected to become a battleground in which protagonists of different methods, techniques, theories, models and intellectual The establishment of an institution of values would c o m e into conflict, rather than a higher study and research such as N I C D also centre in which divergent orientations would served as an occasion to illustrate another blossom together to yield the best possible problem faced, from time to time, by social results. Sharp clashes sometimes took place scientists on the Indian academic scene. T h e between, say, those w h o took a 'nationalistic' first generation of social scientists (mainly approach to problems of research and those economists) bred in Indian and British univer- w h o were thought of as 'pro-American', or, sities were, by their academic provenance and between those w h o were 'Marxist' orientated training, characterized by a more or less on one hand, and, on the other, those w h o homogeneous outlook, and their ideological were regarded as 'functionalist' or 'behavinclinations blended well with the Nehru iouralist' in inclination. Government's general policy of creating the Academic differences thus tended to conditions for the emergence of a domestic become translated into wider ideological divmixed economy ('the socialist pattern of isions yet the interesting feature during this society') and equidistance from both super- period was that there were not m o r e of such powers (with a commitment to identify with clashes. T h e reason lay in the fact that Indian poor countries) abroad. This generation of academic establishments have in general a social scientists was followed by others w h o record of toleration on the one hand, while, constituted a mixed bag, both by virtue of the on the other, there has been, over the years, a number of social science disciplines to which strong sympathy for approaches of a broadly they belonged, and by virtue of the fact that liberal or leftist character.8 they received their academic training in Second, the idea of establishing national foreign universities in ideologically and universities, exclusively devoted to postgradupolitically diverse environments. ate education and research and designed to Although economists continued to consti- become centres of academic excellence, w a s tute the largest contingent, more and more strongly canvassed, a m o n g others, by Nehru.
  • 113. 680 Even though such centres were to be engaged primarily in 'pure' research, their concerns would be directly relevant to the problems faced by Indian society in different spheres; thus, they would not be far removed from the concerns of 'applied' research. In the event, however, that thefirstof these centres—the Jawaharlal Nehru University ( N e w Delhi)— did not c o m e into being until the latter part of the 1960s; to be followed, over a decade later, by a similar institution in Hyderabad. 9 Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) has been the focus of student politics, and, it must be pointed out that it is not a research centre in the same sense as those with which this article is primarily concerned. But the latter, like the former, almost invariably have a certain proportion of researchers w h o are registered for higher degrees (M.Phil, and D.Phil.); at the same time the'former, being a university, has a large concentration of students preparing for higher degrees, and staff time in it is divided between postgraduate teaching and research. Even so, it would be a mistake to ignore such national postgraduate universities while, at the same time, remembering that research focused on social sciences and development is bound to represent only a fraction of their total output of research and intellectual work. In particular, the centres for political studies, economic studies, historical studies, social studies, and the various area studies in the School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University are engaged in a wide variety of theoretical and empirical research affecting India's development and throwing light on problems of comparative development in the Third World. However its very situation and highly articulate student body places it in the maelstrom of national politics, leading to the criticism, often voiced by those in authority, that J N U has not really justified the hopes of its founders and the expectations of the wider community. A t about the same time that the idea of setting up such national centres of academic excellence was conceived, the central government (and especially Nehru) also undertook T. V. Sathyamurthy to establish a well-provided research institution to which established senior scholars in different disciplines could repair from their normal teaching duties in order to write up their latest books or monographs in peace. Its actual functioning did not begin until 1965, a year after Nehru's death, the old Viceregal Lodge in Shimla being converted into the premises of the Indian Institute of Advanced Study ( H A S ) . 1 0 A small core of permanent Fellows in the historical and social science disciplines acted as catalysts to attract and stimulate academics, drawn from different parts of the country. T h e turnover was impressive. A large number of publications of varying calibre resulted while research conferences, symposia and seminars were also organized from time to time on interdisciplinary social science themes. B y virtue of the direct patronage of the central government (as well as the political identification of some of its permanent senior staff), H A S also attracted some adverse criticism. W h e n , in 1977, the Janata government came to power, Prime Minister Morarji Desai was inclined to close it d o w n , as a prelude to restructuring it radically into an autonomous body akin to the 'think tanks' in some Western countries. With the return to power of M r s Gandhi's government in 1980, however, the institute was given a new lease on life. Towards the end of the 1960s, two major ideas began to circulate in higher education and policy-making circles concerning the organization and funding of research in the social sciences. There was a growing feeling that research in development should take place in a number of centres, and that these should be set up in different states (their capitals as well as other towns) and not be crowded into the national capital or the metropolitan cities. T o some extent, experienced academics entertained the notion that the existence of a number of decentralized facilities pursuing similar goals would, in and of itself, betoken a will to national integration in a country in which, they felt, the pull of regionalism to be growing stronger with each passing year.
  • 114. Development research and the social sciences in India 681 T h e urge to decentralize development charge that its style of functioning is a trifle and social science research went hand in hand too bureaucratic, it performs the tasks exwith a burgeoning consciousness of the need pected of a huge umbrella organization, e m to diversify work beyond the disciplinary bracing the whole of India, in a generally realm of economics to include other social commendable manner. Its overall organizsciences, as afirststep in the long-term task of ational responsibilities include evaluation of building up a corpus of genuinely interdisci- projects, general supervision andfinancingof plinary research. In the general ambience the various centres of research, and keeping provided by such thinking, a number of an inventory of work done in different different institutions emerged towards the disciplines by commissioning trend reports, end of the second phase and throughout the compiling bibliographies, and conducting current phase. For our purposes, it would be seminars and research conferences at which fruitful to take the view that, while the latter latest results of work in progress in different part of the period with which this section is specified fields m a y be more or less directly concerned witnessed the birth of the idea communicated to scholars drawn from differof institutional decentralization, it was only ent institutions of research. in the subsequent period that a truly p h e n o m Given the complexity of the tasks inenal growth of institutions and of substantive volved, it would appear that I C S S R has deresearch was going to take place. W e shall, veloped the skills necessary to encourage accordingly, consider in detail the emergence the various centres of development research of these institutions in the following section. to push forward the frontiers of their chosen Here, w e shall simply note that, under this disciplines and to contribute to our knowledge rubric, four different kinds of institutions and information relating to the developmental were brought into existence.11 problems faced by the country as a whole and 1. Academies or institutes of administration its various parts severally. (both at the central government and at the state government levels). The current phase (from 1970) 2. Institutes of management. 3. T h efirstfew of the centres of development T h e main point to note about this period is studies and social science research.12 4. Centres of research devoted to the that it has witnessed no innovations in the study of different forms of 'alternative realm of ideas concerning development research, but it rather represents a period of development'. Let us conclude with a brief reference to the ramification, growth and development; or the • methods available for central co-ordination implementation of ideas that had already and financing of such centres and their work. begun to géstate during an earlier period. T h e main body concerned is the Indian However, it should be noted ithat policyCouncil for Social Science Research (ICSSR), makers as well as professional administrators which was set up during the 1960s, and which and academics have, during the last fifteen occupies a position of crucial importance in years, c o m e to appreciate the need for a the organization, funding and commissioning multi-pronged approach to the task of buildof all social science work throughout the field ing n e w research institutions. Three main of research and higher learning. It received its areas have been identified as requiring original impetus from the indefatigable attention. labours of its founding secretary, the late First, of course, research and application J. P . Naik, and its work n o w is conducted by of the findings of research to the general area a rapidly expanding army of social science of policy: in other words, centres where researchers drawn from different disciplines. social sciences c o m e to be seen not only as Although I C S S R is open to the familiar subjects of basic research but also as instru-
  • 115. 682 ments of policy or simply as policy sciences. Second, the area of training managers in a systematic manner in modern methods, tailored to suit Indian conditions, has also received m u c h attention in recent years. T w o kinds of managers and administrators constitute the target groups—middle-level and higher-level managers—of large enterprises in the public sector and administrators entrusted with the tasks of development (rural and urban) as well as with the maintenance of law and order. Third, there has been a growing tendency to impart training for management on a scientific and academically sound basis through intensive short-term courses under the direction of experts (drawn from both the public and the private sectors, as well as from academic institutions). Legal, financial (auditing and accounting), organizational, operational, and research and development ( R & D ) aspects, a m o n g others, are focused upon in these courses in which the substantive material m a y be drawn upon either from a body of theoretical literature or from casestudies or both. T h e sociological significance of such : heavy emphasis laid on managerial training must not be missed. Despite claims that such courses encourage India's managers to adopt a rational approach to the h u m a n , economic and social dimensions of their work, it is difficult to overlook the fact that the resources poured into thefieldof managerial in-service education betoken a bias in favour of those enjoying power and privilege and exercising control over the m u c h m o r e numerous workforce where production takes place. The class basis of the Indian state (emphasized by the dirigisme of this managerial élite), despite the claims of its rulers that they are engaged in the task of creating conditions suitable for the emergence of 'a socialist pattern of society', is clearly evident from the growth and general direction of such elitist institutions. Managerial consciousness on the part of the bureaucracy and the public enterprise sector rose rapidly as a consequence of the close proximity between a rising generation of T. V. Sathyamurthy Indian managers w h o were being trained to take over these large n e w institutions, and managers imported to train them from the advanced capitalist and socialist countries, along with industrial and other plants and turnkey projects. T h e rise of an indigenous technocracy is one of the main indicators of social and economic change in the urban and industrial sectors of the society. A rising tide of political radicalism a m o n g the intelligentsia, however questions the relevance of technocratic power for the wider problems of poverty and underdevelopment faced by a vast majority. Another educational innovation is the rising consciousness, a m o n g policy-makers, of the need to give prominence to the developmental needs and imperatives of the countryside. Rural development and agricultural (and extension) education were seen as areas in need of fresh injections of vigour and imaginative expansion. Agricultural education and research, which received only peripheral attention during the colonial period, n o w began to attract a larger slice of resources ] twenty-two agricultural universities being established on the initiative of both the central and the state governments. T w o main influences have been at play in this vast process. T h e few successful experiments in the private and governmental spheres in agricultural education and research constituted models for this sphere of education. A t the same time, the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (under the Ministry of Food and Agriculture), led successively by M . S. R a n d h a w a and M . S. Swaminathan, 13 provided vigorous leadership in the field of agricultural education during the period of its greatest expansion. A s in the case of Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), agricultural universities too have become prone to the addictions of hierarchism and bureaucratism as well as to some of the undesirable features of the general tendency of upper-echelon academics and administrators to adopt feudal attitudes of work. A t the same time, the student intake has been, by and large, a reflection of the
  • 116. Development research and the social sciences in India class structure of Indian rural society: the largest proportion tends to come from the families of rich peasants, to a lesser degree from middle peasant families, very few having a poor peasant social background, let alone one in agricultural or landless labour.14 Despite such difficulties, a generally high standard of academic and research work (subject tofluctuationsof the general political climate of the milieu in which these universities have to function) has been maintained. Unlike IITs, the agricultural universities have, for understandable reasons, not been very prone to brain-drain to advanced countries. The sharper awareness of rural conditions that agricultural education necessarily provides, as well as the fact that students are, despite all bias, drawn from a wider social spectrum than the largely urban meritocracy from which the student intake of IITs is drawn, have led to a rise of political radicalism and a clearer understanding of the problems faced by the poorer sections of the Indian peasantry which is often reflected in the research problems chosen by some of the academics.15 683 financed by the central government a n d situated in Delhi. It has its o w n scholarly journal, the quarterly Indian Journal of Public Administration, containing thematically arranged articles based on research o n a wide variety of relevant topics. During the tenure of Gobind Ballabh Pant as India's H o m e Minister, and subsequently during the Prime Ministership of Lai B a h a d u r Shastri, fresh thought w a s devoted to the training appropriate for new recruits to I A S and the allied central services. S o m e dissatisfaction w a s felt o n the ground that I A S probationers were still being trained16 as though they were ICS probationers of the colonial epoch and not as public servants of independent, democratic India. A t the s a m e time, dispersion throughout India of the centres of training for probationers recruited to over a dozen different central services w a s thought to involve not only a waste of infrastructural facilities and teaching personnel but also an unnecessary repetition of teaching a number of core subjects c o m m o n to all the services. A n initiative of Pant, a single National A c a d e m y of Administration in Mussourie (subsequently n a m e d as the Lai B a h a d u r Shastri National A c a d e m y ) was established to Academies and institutes which all probationers recruited by competiof administration tive examination (with the exception of IPS), At the time of independence, there were are sent for initial training in c o m m o n subpractically no such institutions, though re- jects before they disperse to different centres cruits to the Indian Administrative Service for further training in subjects relevant to (IAS) and the Indian Police Service (IPS) their particular service. For IPS, a separate (and, to a lesser degree, those recruited to the academic centre was established in H y d e r a administrative and police services of the bad. states) and the other central services were A major impetus for such restructuring given probationary training in establishments was provided by the rise in developmentset up for the purpose. consciousness of politicians and administraThe importance of public administration tors in the growing realization that ruling or as an academic discipline, integrally related to administering, predominantly rural India, w a s the tasks and policies of development, was a radically different kind of responsibility first recognized through the establishment of from that involved in maintaining law and the Indian Institute of Public Administration order seen by m a n y as the colonial viewpoint (IIPA) which has a large staff engaged in of government. In both the national acadresearch on various aspects of administration emies, therefore, curricula consist not only spread across the entire spectrum of social of manuals of rules and regulations and laws, sciences. IIPA is an autonomous institution but also of case material put together as exer-
  • 117. 684 cises in research by qualified social scientists. During the lastfifteenyears. T h e initiative provided by the central government has stimulated the creation of state-level academies. Their aim is to train administrative service recruits to the state governments (and in s o m e cases even lower-grade officials) the training offered generally consisting of a mixture of academic courses and practical work. While these academies are primarily concerned with the relations between the administrators and the public, a small number of centres have also been established which address themselves to the task of toning up the managerial cadre in the governmental, public and private sectors. T h e best k n o w n and most high-powered is the Administrative Staff College of India (ASCI) in Hyderabad. It has a staff of well-qualified experts w h o have the advantage of combining high academic attainment with long and varied practical experience in senior administrative or managerial positions. They have the responsibility for designing short and intensive courses on different subjects for carefully chosen groups of recruits. In addition A S C I also employs a number of experts as consultants commissioned to carry out research projects or provide teaching skills in subjects of a highly specialized character. A S C I is thus a highly prestigious institution, comparable to a military staff college. Institutes of management In India, problems of development and social, economic and regional policy-making, as well as the shaping of suchfinancialand banking institutions of immense social depth as the Reserve Bank of India and the State B a n k of India, with their numerous lending and other facilities reaching d o w n to the villages, have c o m e to be seen as requiring systematic m a n a g e m e n t for which training is needed in a n u m b e r of related disciplines. A n approach to m a n a g e m e n t , adapted from the American institutions to suit the particular problems of developing India was sought in the form of T. V. Sathyamiirthy curricula available both to young graduates seeking higher academic qualifications, and to others belonging to various professions seeking to improve their efficiency an3 career prospects. The Institute of Management (IIM), established at A h m e d a b a d twenty years ago, was modelled on the Harvard School of Management and Business Administration. Its staff m e m b e r s were largely theoretically orientated and the curriculum steered clear of case material, preferring instead to generate a body of first principles applicable to conditions of underdevelopment on the basis of which concrete problems in various spheres could be tackled. This somewhat resembled the generalist approach to administrative training associated with the colonial period, but the similarities should not be stretcched too far. IIM (Ahmedabad) has, by and large, retained its professionalism and steered clear of politics (both in the sense of party politics and in the sense of ideological politics), while of course making itself useful in planning and public sector economics. Its staff is also marked by a spirit of camaraderie rare in Indian institutions of higher learning. Not long after the establishment of IIM (Ahmedabad), another group interested in management from a very different vantage point started the Institute of Management at Calcutta. Its orientation was much more sympathetic to the use of case material, IIM (Calcutta) being modelled on the school of management of M I T . However, not long after IIM (Calcutta) was founded, the radical politics to which West Bengal was prone reached its portals. A t the height of the Naxalbari uprising in the mid and late 1960s, the majority of the academic staff was split up between varying shades of left-wing sympathies ranging over the entire spectrum. The interesting feature of this phenomenon of politicization was that some of the academics (the majority being social scientists of considerable international stature) viewed their politics as integrally related to their academic activities, including the choice of
  • 118. 685 Development research and the social sciences in India problems for research, methods of teaching, choice of subject-matter for intensive discussions, etc. Thus, even though IIM (Calcutta), like IIM (Ahmedabad), is a privileged institution, its political sensitivity and the sympathies of its senior staff with generally popular policies, has led to the use of the case-method approach in originally unintended ways and have radically changed its character over the lastfifteenyears or so. T h e emergence of two such institutions, strongly identified in the first instance with two major American schools (and, in fact, set up with foreign aid and under close supervision of their metropolitan counterparts) provoked some thought in certain quarters. It was felt that no amount of adaptation to suit the specific conditions of India could really bring the staff and students of such heavily borrowed institutions close to Indian reality. W h a t was needed, it was argued, was an institute of management that was entirely homespun and capable of generating the interdiscipline of management with special local reference by immersing itself in the research and teaching problems of Indian society and economy. the directorate was criticized for a degree of arbitrariness and dirigisme. After such teething troubles were over, I I M (Bangalore) at the start of its second decade, has indeed become, like its two older sister IIMs, a power house for generating n e w information and data as well as fresh knowledge about different aspects of developmental policies and institutional performance. Perhaps, our remarks about IIMs should be brought to a close with the observation that, despite their sympathy for applied and policy-related work, they are essentially institutions of an academic character and, in this sense, they are vitally different from the academies of administration and A S C I discussed in the previous subsection. Centres for d e v e l o p m e n t studies a n d social science studies a n d research It was not until the mid-1960s that national centres for the study of development began to appear in different places and, not until the mid-1970s that centres of development studies sponsored and financed by various state governments were started. A s already Ten years after the IIM (Ahmedabad) noted, these centres predominantly tended, was established, a third Indian institute of at least in the beginning, to have a rather promanagement was set up in Bangalore in 1973, nounced inclination towards a study of the staffed largely by professionals essentially quantifiable, which meant that economic (and, it should be noted, paradoxically) of the development studies involving collection of IIM (Ahmedabad) vintage. It was directed by hard data and the use of statistical techan engineer-economist, N . S. R a m a s w a m i , niques were pursued by staff drawn largely whose main claim to fame has been his work from the allied disciplines of economics, econon h o w to m a k e draught animals more ef- omic history, demography, planning, economic ficient and h o w to persuade the ordinary statistics, etc. peasant to be more responsive to elementary But this picture soon changed, partly innovations in the field of locomotive power. because institutions that started as centres of Under his IIM (Bangalore) rapidly ex- research in economic development problems panded as an institution in which such fields as quickly saw the need to root economic rethe sociology of law and civil rights, rural and search in sociological and subsequently also urban development problems, agricultural pro- political understandings of a complex society, duction, financial management, and various and partly also because n e w centres emerged others were included in the curriculum and in which there was an explicit initial commitamong the projects investigated. Because of ment to interdisciplinary research reflected in the smaller scale on which IIM (Bangalore) the staffing and the choice of long-term rebegan, it was thought by some to be rather search priorities, programmes and initiatives. more personalist in its initial direction, and It should not, however, be thought that
  • 119. 686 an awareness of the need for a broad interdisciplinary approach to the study of development was n e w to the Indian intellectual scene. In fact, a number of the senior social scientists w h o took the initiative to set up such centres had been occupying positions of influence in the policy-making sections of the central and state governments, in universities and in other public institutions. At the same time, a few institutions and university departments, with a m u c h longer history of promotion of research in social science disciplines directly related to Indian problems, provided inspiration to the n e w centres, even though there was a difference of emphasis between the older institutions (which are m u c h more discipline-orientated) and the newer centres (which tend to focus m u c h m o r e on specific problems and concrete policies). T h e Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics (GIPE) in Pune (under the direction of the late D . R . Gadgil and V . M . Dandekar), and the precursor of the Institute of Social Studies in Surat, South Gujarat (under the direction of I. P . Desai, an eminent sociologist), were centres well k n o w n and respected for the quality and range of their output. In fact, unlike the founding directors of a majority of the new centres w h o had had a career in government policymaking bodies prior to devoting their whole time to directing research, the staff of the Gokhale Institute contributed to • a flow of talent in the reverse direction. Thus, for example, the institute m a d e available D . R . Gadgil's services to the Planning Commission to which he gave distinction as its vicechairman for a number of years. O f the centres for development studies and those for the study of social science (both referred to as C D S s , unless otherwise specified), the Centre for Development Studies ( C D S ) at Trivandrum and the Institute for Social and Economic Change (ISEC) at Bangalore were started by the economists K . N . Raj and V . K . R . V . R a o respectively. T h e former, after a distinguished academic career and public life, and the latter, after a long T. V. Sathyamurthy career in the academic profession culminating in political experience as a Cabinet Minister in the Union Government, conceived the idea of concentrating research of both applied and fundamental kinds in centres intended exclusively for the purpose. A few years of later, another centre of a similar nature, the Madras Institute of Development Studies ( M I D S ) was set up in Tamil N a d u by Malcolm Adiseshiah, retired Deputy Director-General of Unesco. Both C D S (Trivandrum) and M I D S started as centres of economic research, but soon appreciated the importance of broadening their interdisciplinary scope to include other social science disciplines. Over a period of years, sociologists, anthropologists, political scientists and economic historians were recruited as fulltime academics. C D S (Trivandrum) and M I D S fulfilled both a student programme for postgraduates and a research programme for staff and doctoral candidates. I S E C started as an interdisciplinary centre with an ambitious programme and a m u c h larger staff than the other two institutions. In order to grasp the nature and scope of the work done in thefieldof social studies and development research, it is useful to describe the activities of these three institutes, which happened to be pace-setters for the many more that followed suit during the mid and later 1970s. First, these were centres in which there was an initial dominance of economic research and scholarship, a bias that has never quite been overcome despite a great show of willingness on the part of the founders to widen the scope of work to include the other major social science disciplines. A n important reason for this lies in a certain intellectual modesty on their part that prevents them from 'dabbling' in other social sciences; this m o d esty is often combined with a commitment to m a x i m u m theoretical and methodological rigour in the practice of their o w n discipline, which, in this case, happens to be the relatively harder social science of economics. A s has already been suggested, I S E C overcame the difficulty of accommodating all
  • 120. Development research and the social sciences in India social sciences as equals by starting with a number of academic staff members drawn from the various disciplines. M I D S is n o w making conscious efforts to widen its interdisciplinary input by following an advisedly cautious policy of recruiting permanent staff from the sociological and political disciplines. C D S , on the other hand, with its almost entirely economics-trained professoriat, has started a policy of ramifying into the other social sciences by recruiting middle-rank academic staff in such fields as sociology and anthropology. Second, almost equal importance is attached in these institutions to the two facets of producing original work of quality on the one hand, and on the other, of training qualified economists (and, to a limited degree, other social scientists) by putting them through a rigorous academic course leading to a M.Phil, degree and supervised research leading to a P h . D . degree. This teaching activity, with a full programme of academic work, is a part of C D S ' s (Trivandrum) normal activities, and has already paid rich dividends in the form of an excellent annual crop of students ready to undertake independent research or jobs in thefieldsof social, economic and agricultural development. A rather interesting variation of this kind of experience is M I D S ' s emphasis on training university and college teachers (mainly but not only of economics) in the state of Tamil N a d u to teach effectively and with a greater sense of commitment as well as with a better awareness of their disciplines. A t Madras, unlike Trivandrum, there is no full-time academic course leading up to a M.Phil, degree. Instead, a number of workshops are organized throughout the year for university and college teachers of economics at which rigorous and intensive short-term courses are given on methodological, theoretical and interdisciplinary questions. T h e staff input as well as the teaching work carried out by guests has indeed been truly impressive. Tne I S E C is m u c h more an institution that provides a variety of established researchers (including young scholars from 67 8 abroad, especially from the Scandinavian countries), engaged in projects of their o w n , with a sound intellectual base and a local infrastructure to back.up their work. It has a large number of ongoing projects of its o w n in the different social science disciplines ranging over the entire field of development in which its o w n staff as well as others visiting I S E C are engaged. Like the other two centres at Trivandrum and Madras, I S E C also holds conferences on topics of contemporaneous relevance. Thus, at the height of the national controversy on centre-state relations, I S E C organized a seminar (August 1983) on the subject to which a large number of participants drawn from various walks of life—academic, political and professional—were invited. T h e papers that emerged from the conference were not only of topical importance but, in some-cases, also constituted excellent researched contributions on a subject.on which there has of late been a pronounced tendency to produce more heat than light. Third, these institutes, in their o w n separate ways, concentrate on problems of development at two interrelated levels. In the first place, of course, they are involved in problems on a global (i.e., in this case, allIndia or India-wide) scale in the fields of planning, resource mobilization, energy conservation and use, industrialization, rural development, agricultural production, etc. In the second place, and more important, they also tend to concentrate on local problems centred in the states, districts and villages within them, and often in the states of the region in which they are situated. Their task is threefold in this latter respect: gathering raw data and storing them, as well as making them available to those interested in research within the region or outside; undertaking policy-orientated studies in an academic setting, either at the request of appropriate state or central government bodies or both, and generating their o w n research programmes linking the needs of the region with the needs of the country as a whole, comparing different regions or sub-
  • 121. 688 regions, and providing links of understanding encompassing the different aspects (and not merely a particular one defined narrowly in terms of a single discipline) of the specific problems with which they m a y be concerned at a given time. Thus, M I D S has become, over the last decade or so, a very advanced data bank giving an up-to-date account of the political economy of Tamil N a d u (within an all-India setting) through its monthly Bulletin. C D S and I S E C have produced a vast quantity of literature covering different aspects of the political economy and sociology of Kerala and Karnataka. Mention should also be m a d e of the rather fewer occasions on which members of these institutes undertake research commissions—jointly as well as individually— from such international bodies as the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific ( E S C Á P ) , the International Labour Organisation (ILO), the World Health O r ganization ( W H O ) and the Food and Agriculture Organization ( F A O ) (but not, it m a y be added, generally, from the International B a n k for Reconstruction and Development ( I B R D ) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In n o centre has this aspect of the work been given more than minor or secondary importance to the task of generating an even flow of information and knowledge about the problems of economic development and social change of the region in particular and India in general. Consultancy work on an international (developed country) scale is not usually considered to be a socially useful way of utilizing scarce academic skills. Academic researchers in the field of development w h o have a tendency to deploy their skills in this direction to a disproportionate extent often forfeit the respect of their colleagues. Lastly, attention must be drawn to the style of functioning of these centres of advanced study and research. T o be sure, each has its o w n idiosyncracies and academic folkways and mores, not to speak of values generated over a period of time. Yet certain c o m m o n characteristics can be gleaned even T. V. Sathyamiirthy from a cursory observation of their functioning. These centres attach a great deal of value to their autonomy and intellectual freed o m which they have no wish to compromise, either by too great an involvement in the affairs of the state or central government, or by becoming enmeshed in too close a relationship with the local university or other institutions of higher learning. They are indeed jealous of their professional and research time, which they are commendably keen to put to the best possible use. This applies both to individual researchers on the staff of these centres as well as to these institutions in a collective sense. A spirit of dedication is universally to be found in these centres. A t the same time, it must be pointed out that there is a great deal of variation of style in their internal functioning, and in the relationships that prevail within them between staff and students, among staff members on different levels of seniority, or between academic and non-academic (e.g. karmacharis) staff. Over the past decade or so, these centres and especially their senior scholars have been in great d e m a n d as advisers, consultants and members of government committees of inquiry, both at the centre and in various state governments. T h e amounts of advisory and policy assistance expected is far out of proportion to the time scholars are able to spare from their teaching and research responsibilities and obligations, which have to be carried out in an institutional setting with fairly limited infrastructural facilities (by international standards). The general atmosphere of stimulation for development research provided by these centres coincided with the interests shown by I C S S R in encouraging the establishment of a string of such institutes of higher learning and research specifically devoted to the study of social sciences. At the same time, there was • a growing feeling in the minds of a number of social scientists and politicians that, in a country divided by language and culture on the one hand, and, on the other, by problems engendered in its uneven economic develop-
  • 122. Development research and lhe social sciences in India ment, centres of scientific research on problems of political, economic and social development, set up in different parts of the country, would represent a unifying influence. Although such thinking never really gained sufficient force, the impetus for the emergence of a large number of centres of development and social science studies, funded in most cases on afifty-fiftybasis by I C S S R and the state government, was indeed considerable. Certain state-level political leaders as well as social science academics teaching in universities in state capitals perceived the need for social and economic research devoted to problems at the state level and below. Anugraha Narayan Sinha, a former Chief Minister of Bihar, w a s one such. T h e first centre for development research to be started on the initiative of a state government was the A . N . Sinha Institute of Social Studies (ANSISS), Patna, founded in 1964. In the neighbouring state of Uttar Pradesh, a similar institute, n a m e d after Gobind Ballabh Pant (the first Chief Minister after independence), was established sixteen years later in Allahabad. There are several other institutes of similar provenance by n o w which owe their origin to the initiative andfinancialencouragement of state governments. A N S I S S , as a typical product of the 1960s, started with a rather heavy emphasis on economic research. It has been influenced by the interests of sociologists and political scientists as well as academics engaged in labour and agrarian studies at Patna University. In recent years, A N S I S S has undertaken a number of projects embracing political sociology and political economy as well as research focusing on the economic social and political conditions of the tribal peoples of Bihar. G B P S S I , a m u c h younger centre, was conceived and founded at a time when interdisciplinary social science was very m u c h in vogue and the dominance of economics among the social sciences was no longer axiomatically or universally accepted. A m b a Datt Pant, its founding director, is a political 689 scientist and teacher with à fine reputation at Allahabad University for nearly three decades. Within a brief span, he has been able to gather a varied group of scholars drawn from the neighbouring disciplines of sociology, political science, economics and geography. G B P S S I , like similar institutes in India, does face certain problems. First, the fluctuation of political power within the state, between the different factions of Congress (I) as well as between the Congress Party and the Janata/Lok Dal combinations, has imparted a degree of uncertainty to the prospects of (if not sometimes an altogether destabilizing effect on) such institutions, dependent as they are on thefinancialsupport of the state government. T o some degree, this has been offset by the I C S S R providing 50 per cent of the annual running cost in the form of recurring grants. But there is n o denying that these institutions are vulnerable to the pressures and counter-pressures of state politics.17 Second, bringing together very senior and quite young social scientists researching in different disciplines can sometimes be difficult to handle. T h e generation gap in a setting in which hierarchical social relations are invariably carried into the work-place inhibits free exchange or communication between the two sides, each having certain preconceptions about the other which it finds difficult to shed. T o this must be added the problems created by disciplinary insularity of which certain older specialists are readier victims than s o m e younger ones. T h e result of such tensions tends to be a dilution of that interdisciplinary orientation which is so important a founding premiss. A slightly different subgroup of centres is constituted by those that start from a specific disciplinary orientation other than economics and m o v e from there into the recesses of interdisciplinary work. A n example is the Centre for Studies in Social Sciences (CSSS) at Calcutta, started by a group of economic and social historians about ten years ago. They strongly felt that history w a s an important social science and held the key to a
  • 123. 690 scientific understanding of the background to the current problems of development. During his ten-year stint as CSSS's first director, Barun D e , a well-known historian, strengthened the historical side of the work of the centre with the help of a number of colleagues already well k n o w n for their contributions to the economic and social history of Bengal and the north-eastern part of India. T o this team was added A m i y a K u m a r Bagchi, one of India's most distinguished economists, w h o cheerfully abandoned the temptations of international jet-setting and academic power-wielding as professor of economics at the University of Calcutta to bec o m e a Fellow at C S S S . His role in promoting, leading and picking up cues for further work from younger researchers and, above all, in keeping the level of research at the centre both academically unimpeachable and socially and politically appropriate to India's problems, cannot be exaggerated. H e is indeed a m e m b e r of that rare species of scholars w h o are able to combine an excellent knowledge of their o w n subjects with a penetrating insight into the core concerns of other social science disciplines.18 T h e Centre for Social Studies (CSS) at Surat in South Gujarat is an institute of very long standing started by I. P . Desai, a sociologist of high repute.19 His total dedication enabled the centre to develop into a powerhouse for the generation of academic knowledge concerning Gujarat, one of the most dynamic and economically advanced states of India. A s a sociologist with sympathy for the condition of the poor and oppressed, he has been able to stimulate research to highlight the oppression and social relations of dominance to which agricultural labour, migrant workers, urban industrial workers, w o m e n , tribal peoples and backward communities as well as communal minorities are subject. After I. P . Desai's retirement, C S S came under the direction of Ghanshyam Shah, a young sociologist with an excellent record of empirical andfieldresearch, especially in the states of Gujarat and Bihar. C S S has m a d e an effort, in recent years, to broaden even T. V. Sathyamurthy further its disciplinary scope by recruiting social scientists from anthropology, political science, education, • economics and women's studies. T h e Giri Institute of Development Studies ( G I D S ) at Lucknow was founded in 1973 and attained national status in 1977, headed by T . S. Papóla, originally an economist but whose formative years were spent át IIM (Ahmedabad). Before his arrival in Lucknow, the institute had virtually been the research a r m of the Department of Economics of the University of Lucknow but had a far-sighted approach to interdisciplinary research in development studies from as far back as the 1950s. At G I D S , a number of economists, sociologists, anthropologists and political scientists are engaged in a joint study of Uttar Pradesh's agarian problems with special reference to the poorer areas in its eastern parts, the districts of the Terai region, and the poorer sections of the areas covered by the Green Revolution. G I D S is indeed an example of a centre which,- between 1973 and 1977, when it graduated from transitional to national status, showed its capability of successfully ramifying its previous orientation towards economics to include other social sciences. This was a particularly sensitive period both in national and in Uttar Pradesh politics. Immediately after the Emergency (1975-77), both the n e w Janata Government at the centre and its counterpart in the state were suspicious of the credentials of G I D S , not being altogether happy with institutions that had enjoyed the patronage of previous . Congress regimes.T h e fact that the newly appointed director had had n o close political association with the Congress, as well as the encouragement provided by • senior Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officers of a scholarly disposition and with intellectual interests which n o w enjoys an eviable position as a generator of reliable sociological, economic and political data relating to different levels in the state. O u r last example of centres, starting with disciplinary commitments somewhat different
  • 124. The Observatory of Jaipur, dating from 1740. H . Cartier-Bresson/Magnum. from the first three, is the Institute of Development Studies in Jaipur (IDSJ). The moving spirit behind its establishment in 1980 was Professor S. P . V a r m a , a highly respected political scientist whose long association with the University of Rajasthan led to IDSJ being located in the sprawling premises of the former. But it is an autonomous research institute set up with the help of the government of the state of Rajasthan and I C S S R in equal proportions in the same manner as similar institutions in a number of other states.20 T w o interesting features relating to the origin of IDSJ deserve to be noted: First, it is consciously modelled on similar institutes in the Western world. A s its founding document 2 1 makes clear, it traces its establishment back to a blueprint that a Canadian visiting scholar (who happens to be of Indian origin) prepared at the request of both the Honorary Director-Designate of IDSJ and the ViceChancellor of the University of Rajasthan. This was quite unnecessary in view of the fact that, by the late 1970s, India had accumulated the rich and varied experience of setting up sound indigenously conceived institutions of this kind with excellent results, from which fledgling institutes and centres could easily derive the inspiration they needed. Second, after C S D S (which was founded nearly twenty years prior to the establishment of the IDSJ), this was the first development research institute to be started on a disciplinary base provided by political science. Interdisciplinarity at IDSJ has certain characteristics that stem from this fact alone. Like C S D S , IDSJ is not likely to engage in research on problems relating to the Indian political economy; but it does have an interest in interdisciplinary work involving problems of environment, energy and science policy questions, and in thefieldof administration. O n paper, however, the commitment of IDSJ to interdisciplinary research is far more wide-ranging in character,.though, from the
  • 125. 692 T. V. Sathyamurthy technological innovations at the cost of indigenous crafts and small industries. Hitherto, the demand for fundamental structural transformations to put the people at the centre of the political process and democratizing decision-making by increased political participation at all levels in an essentially decentralized polity, has been voiced only by parties on the left of the political spectrum. In recent years, however, the initiative for this kind of thinking and action has c o m e from grass-roots organizations in different parts of the country, often starting as energetic campaigns in respect of specific issues, such as environmental questions, campaigns against deforestation as in the chipco m o v e ment, questions relating to agricultural labour conditions in specific areas where the stranglehold of caste manifests itself with undue severity, the w o m e n ' s health m o v e ment in rural Maharashtra, issues affecting the living conditions and social oppression of tribal people or the conditions of urban slum dwellers. At the same time, such thinking is also reflected in the distinction that some of the aid donors m a k e between aid so packaged as to reach the beneficiaries direct and aid channelled through governments. Implicit in this general orientation is a distrust of the countries of the North and, in particular, Western countries which are widely believed Research centres devoted to to have stayed the hand of progress by their 'alternative' studies of development policies of encouraging military dictatorships T h e strengthening of state power in India (as and repressive anti-democratic and counterindeed in the Third World countries as a revolutionary regimes in a number of poor whole) during the last two decades, and the countries. increasing remoteness of left-wing alternatives Unfortunately, however, not all of this to the populist politics of the day, have acted n e w awakening in the form of 'micro' as well as a stimulus to thinking in certain quarters as 'large-scale' popular movements points in a about a serious, indigenously based alterna- progressive or democratic direction. A s one tive path of development. T h e enormity of the observer has pointed out, massive disillusionpower wielded by the state is seen as directly ment of the kind experienced over the past related to the policies of modernization; rapid two decades in a number of poor countries, industrialization and government policies instead of leading to changes in a more aimed at supporting industry in favour of democratic direction, agriculture, mechanized agriculture in favour of labour-intensive agriculture, and large may breed retrogressive movements that tend to w a y this is phrased, it is by no means clear whether what is intended is bringing different disciplines to focus on a set of problems, or making institutional r o o m at IDSJ available for a number of disciplines in order to enable them 'to d o their o w n different things'.22 IDSJ, being still in a formative stage, has yet to prove its mettle, but there is no reason to doubt that it will, in its o w n w a y , m a k e significant additions to our knowledge of India's development problems in general and Rajasthan's in particular. T h e era of expansion of social science; and development research is perhaps rapidly drawing to a close. During the next few years, with at least one such centre based in each state and funded by both the central and state governments, the main task will be to consolidate by producing research work and generating data likely to be useful to policy-makers and social activists. S o m e adjustments m a y well b e required such as a shift from rigid academic approaches to more supple policyorientated approaches, or a m o v e away from data-gathering to problem-solving, or a change of methodological focus from hard empiricism to theorizing or vice versa, or a variation of interdisciplinary strategy in order to solve n e w problems that confront researchers in the course of their work.
  • 126. 693 Development research and the social sciences in India push these societies towards attempts at reviving the dark periods in their history, or movements that feed on the newer and much darker shades of chauvinist and fascist assertions. Both types of movement are in fact emerging today.23 T h e Indian scene has already begun to absorb this n e w tendency to think outside the frame of reference of the m o r e conventional approaches as yet another dimension of institutionalized social science research, under the broad rubric of 'alternative approaches to development'. T h e key to the evolution of this particular feature of study and research lies in the involvement of intellectuals and activist workers in research focusing on social and economic problems at different levels. Already, C S D S has accumulated several years of experience of this kind of work in its project k n o w n as Lokayan.24 M e m b e r s of the Lokayan project have, over the last four years or so, undertaken a kind of social science research equivalent of padayatra25 with the express purpose of identifying the various efforts that have been initiated in 'alternative development' at the grass roots in various parts of the country. Its aim is to change 'the existing paradigm of social knowledge and its use'. In order to work towards the creation of n e w paradigms, the researchers engaged in Lokayan, led by Rajnai Kothari, have identified 'action groups and micro movements and the key participants of these processes' w h o are then brought together 'in dialogues among themselves, as well as with intellectuals, journalists, and w h e n possible, even concerned public officials'.26 Given the fact that such projects as Lokayan are still oriented towards 'opinion makers' and 'trend setters' in the local areas, it is difficult to avoid a degree of scepticism that, in thefinalanalysis, the emphasis in this approach m a y not have been shifted away from local power-holders (or those beholden to them) and élites in the direction of the voice of true democracy, to a sufficient extent. It m a y really turn out to be old wine in n e w bottles. In a number of institutes of research, Gandhian ideas are m o r e or less systematically pursued within the disciplines of the social sciences, while, in a few, far greater energy is expended o n elaborating and deepening Gandhi's thoughts and beliefs in the development especially suited to rural Indian conditions. T h e Gandhi Peace Foundation ( G P F ) , with its headquarters in Delhi, has been engaged in giving Gandhism an international focus in addition to encouraging w o r k o n it bearing upon domestic problems. A third type of institute engaged in Gandhian studies is devoted almost entirely to rural development (e.g. Gandhigram Rural Institute of Higher Education). 27 T h e Gandhian Institute of Studies at Varanasi ( G I S V ) is perhaps the, most highpowered research institute engaged in social science research, as it is commonly understood, using Gandhian methods and paradigms in a critical and sensitive manner. O n e of the projects, for example, makes an interesting differentiation between two mutually contradictory strands of Indian political, social and economic, as well as scientific, experience— one based o n a conscious act of withdrawal from the colonial value structure, and the other based on willing incorporation into it—both of which run through the political experience of the nationalist and anticolonial m o v e m e n t in all their phases and have persisted throughout the period since independence. In the work carried out at G I S V , an awareness is shown of other theoretical positions besides Gandhi's ideas—positions originating in the West as well as elsewhere —with a view to subjecting Gandhism to a general critique, and not simply to putting it forward as a panacea for India's problems. Such institutes receive support from the government in one form or other, G I S V itself being recognized and funded by the ICSSR.
  • 127. 694 T. V. Sathyamurthy rigidity not tended to induce a premature ossification of the system as a whole, given the In both their qualitative and quantitative enormous initial advantages with which it 28 dimensions, interest on the part of India's started? In social science research, the main factor social scientists in the complex endeavour of improving the living conditions of the most of interest is that the political system as a disadvantaged sections of society has paid whole is undergoing a crisis of confidence, one s o m e important dividends, not least the enor- of the main characteristics of which is to put m o u s push given by a sense of commitment on the long-term future of the institutional structhe part of large numbers of them to socio- tures through which state power is exercised political goals as well as to intellectual rigour in some doubt. U n d e r these circumstances, it of analysis, fact-finding, data-gathering and is difficult for active social science and development-oriented researchers, w h o have been generalizing o n a sound basis. nurtured in a relatively stable atmosphere, to Yet it would be folly to ignore that, in certain spheres of research and higher learn- become suddenly aware of the demands of a ing at any rate, s o m e hard lessons have had to system in the throes of change, the precise be learnt. Thus, for example, in thefieldof directions of which it is as yet difficult to technological education, two questions are predict. often raised in attempts at reappraisal of the Even so, there is a vanguard among nature and scope of IITs. H a s the expansion social scientists and policy analysts in sociooccurred too fast for the infrastructure of economic and political development which is technological education to cope with the well placed to experiment with different kinds pressures generated by numbers as well as by of possible scenarios to which political the rapid strides m a d e in the field internally? changes involving different kinds of tensions Further, is it too far in advance of the rate and the need to resolve acute social and of technological development of the country economic contradictions could possibly give as a whole? There is some truth in the view rise in the next quarter of a century. T o give a advanced by critics of IITs that higher techno- rough estimate, if even 20 per cent of the logical education has developed in a lopsided total n u m b e r of researchers in the different manner so that Indian industry has not been social science fields are tuned in to these able to m a k e the best use of the graduates of problems, the investment of financial rethese institutions. Lastly, has the rapid expan- sources and h u m a n talent will have been sion of such a rarefied field in a political worth while. O u r assessment would point to atmosphere of hierarchical and bureaucratic India as a whole having achieved such a target. Conclusion
  • 128. Development research and the social sciences in India 695 Notes 1. A s , for example, the links between social science research and public policy, which were examined in a controversial paper some years ago by M y r o n Wiener. See his 'Social Science Research and Public Policy in India' (in two parts), The Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. X I V , Nos. 37 and 38 (15 and 22 September 1979), pp. 1579-87; and pp. 1622-8. For controversial correspondence on it, see ibid., Vol. X I V , 1979, p. 2029, and Vol. X V , 1980, p. 49. 2. It is interesting that, during this period, economists focusing attention on agricultural problems in a big way tended to be of foreign extraction, or Indians w h o happened to be orientated to economic history as their main discipline (e.g. Daniel Thorner; Irfan Habib). 3. It must, however, be pointed out that, despite odds, there seemed to be a determined though small corps of teachers and researchers in most universities w h o were able to carry out work of a high standard and reliable quality. 4. This reached particularly acute proportions in 1967, when, for thefirsttime, the CIA's involvement in social science research activities throughout the Third World was admitted to in Washington, D . C . , in the wake of an international scandal that broke out around a social science research project in Chile codenamed 'Camelot'. 5. There are indeed very few instances of research institutes in the social sciences in India that were started with foreign resources. Another example of American-financed institution of higher study and research is the Centre of South Asian Studies of the University of Rajasthan. Over a period of time, such institutions have come under complete financing from Indian sources, usually by means of annual recurring grants given by I C S S R . It is quite another point, however, that I C S S R itself is a recipient of resources of foreign provenance, but since it is a body responsible to the central government which in turn is responsible to Parliament, this is a problem of a quite different order.^It is true that, for nearly two decades n o w , no institution of higher learning in India has been allowed to raise financial resources directly from abroad. 6. Founded in 1958, N I C D was thefirstorganized research body to collect an impressive range of raw data of all sorts from the whole of rural India. Its Directors of Sociology and Political. Science, during the 1960s, travelled throughout the length and breadth of the country, solely with a view to mapping out the social and political forces in the countryside with the aid of data derived from direct observation. 7. Indian social scientists, including a sizeable proportion of those employed in N I C D , deeply resented the fact that a foreign university (and American at that) had access to sensitive data on India. Given the fierce independence of social scientists in such matters, and a general tendency on their part to be wary of American academia, the then Food Minister's brazen policy of sharing (or rather giving away) information in this manner was widely criticized. 8. A sizeable proportion of social science scholars w h o have gone to American universities (especially in the post-1960 period) were either already 'left- orientated' before leaving India, or, have returned from their American experience rather less sympathetic to 'functionalism', 'positivism', 'behaviourism' or 'number crunching' of most descriptions. 9. Jawaharlal Nehru University differs from other longer established national or central universities—Benares, Aligarh, Santiniketan, and Jamia Milia—in one essential respect. The latter are based essentially on undergraduate training with postgraduate education and research added to it, while the former, as has already been indicated, has no undergraduate departments (except in the field of foreign languages). 10. The founding director, the art historian N . R . Ray was succeeded by S. C . D u b e , a social anthropologist. It is worth noting that a characteristic feature of the H A S has been to give less importance to economics than to the other social sciences. Apart from the social sciences and history, culture, archaeology, linguistics, and philosophy seem to have claimed a good deal of attention. In fact, D u b e was succeeded by B . B . Lai, a wellk n o w n archaeologist, w h o is at present holding the fort as caretaker-director, pending the restructuring of the institute. 11. This categorization does not, of course, include a whole host of institutions that are directly or indirectly concerned with development-orientated research, but in such highly specialized and exclusive contexts as labour union research, productivity research, pollution research, research relating to Antyodaya, which is a homespun term for alternative development steering clear of
  • 129. T. V. Sathyamurlhy 696 modernization in both the Western and the socialist senses. It gained wide currency in India during the Janata regime. 12. It should be noted that, henceforth, Centres for Development Studies and Centres for Social Science Research or Studies will be used interchangeably in the text, because, in both of these, the same kind of activity takes place. 13. M . S. Randhawa was a senior ICS officer w h o was sympathetic to rich farmers and highly knowledgeable about practical agriculture. M . S. Swaminathan is a scientist w h o recently resigned from the Planning Commission in order to take up the directorship of the International Rice Research Institute in Manila. Before joining the Indian Council- of Agriculture Research in Pusa, he had had a long scientific and research career as a scientist and subsequently as the director of the Indian Rice Research Institute in Bhubaneswar. 14. There are, however, a few Naxalite sympathizers both a m o n g students and a m o n g staff in some of the agricultural universities. These pockets of left-wing sympathy become activated from time to time, w h e n there is some glaring injustice that needs to be fought, or, on occasions when the authorities adopt an attitude of arrogance or complacency or patronizing indifference to elementary demands concerning working conditions, learning conditions, food in the hostels, etc. In the agricultural universities in the Punjab at the present time, for example, there is a considerable degree of political activity, not all of which by any manner of means Naxalite in nature, that is directed against the centre's policy, on the Punjab crisis. 15. I have c o m e across several commendable examples of such teachers and researchers w h o , by dint of their commitment, have been able to amass a wealth of research material germane to an understanding of the character of exploitation suffered by the Indian peasantry in a number of different parts of the country. 16. Until the mid-1950s, that is, for nearly ten years since India's independence, IAS probationers used to be given their initial general training at Metcalfe House in Civil Lines, Delhi, where they were turned into little sahibs w h o were expected to maintain the traditions of their ICS forbears when they went to their subdivisions and districts. T h e m e n in charge of the training, needless to say, were, during this period, senior members of ICS. It must, in fairness, be added that a good proportion of officers trained in this manner have subsequently sloughed off the cultural 'whitewash' to which their training at Metcalfe House subjected them, in order to become sensitive discerners of Indian problems, if not exactly true servants of the Indian people. 17. A t the time of this writing, G B P S S I , which is housed in temporary accommodation, is trying hard to persuade the government to part with the m o n e y already committed for building n e w premises into which its expanding staff could m o v e . Constant trips to Lucknow to get the ministers to agree to release funds, already committed long since, is quite wasteful, for the effort involved in making frequent crosscountry trips to the state capital is great. IDSJ is experiencing similar problems with the government of Rajasthan, though its good fortune consists in its being situated in Jaipur itself (which happens to be the seat of the Government of Rajasthan). There is no intention to suggest any bad motive on the part of the governments concerned, but these examples are given merely to point out the bureaucratic bottle-necks that stand in the way of quick and effective translation of promises into concrete results before it becomes too late. 18. A m o n g the m a n y projects in which Professor Bagchi is involved is a history of the State Bank of India (SBI), commissioned by the authorities of the bank, thefirstvolume of which has already been completed. There is little doubt that Bagchi's history of SBI will •become an important source material for a study of contemporary India's economic and banking history. 19. I. P . Desai received his training in Pune where he studied sociology and anthropology under G . S. Ghurye and Iravati Karve, w h o were highly respected not only for their learning but also for their radical brand of political liberalism. 20. Under the sixth Five Year Plan, Orissa was to have its o w n Social Science Research Institute at Bhubaneswar in 1978/79, and Assam was to follow suit. T h e Lalit Narayan Mishra Institute of Social Sciences ( L N M I S S ) , named after the former Union Railway Minister w h o was killed in 1974 at Samastipur, was set up by the Government of Bihar at Patna, mainly as a result of the efforts of his brother, D r Jagannath Mishra, w h o was Chief Minister of Bihar during the Emergency, and again during the period 1980-83. 21. This document is entitled Institute of Development Studies, Jaipur: Genesis and Growth of
  • 130. Development research and the social sciences in India an Idea. It was written by Professor S. P . V a r m a and published in Jaipur towards the end of 1981 or the beginning of 1982. 22. See, for example, the following passage: 'Professor • Somjee was requested to prepare a note on the Institute, and it was on the basis of that note that Professor S. P.' V a r m a drew up a proposal for the setting up of the Institute of Development Studies. [The institute] while confining itself mainly to social, economic, cultural and political problems, would, it was envisaged, be able to take up problems of research transcending social sciences' [emphasis added] Ibid., pp. 7-8. 23. D . L . Sheth, 'Grass-Roots Stirrings and the Future of Polities', Alternatives, Vol. IX, 1983, pp. 1-24 (p. 8). 24. Lokayan (of Sanskrit derivation), literally means, 'people's movements', i.e. movements o / a n d by the people for the people. Sheth refers to the project as being 'action cum research' in kind, and describes it as operating 'at the interface of social knowledge and social institutions, of academic institutions and activist groups'. Ibid., p. 11. 25. Padayatra is a special term used to refer to political leaders in quest of the social truth or political reality, by going out on their o w n two feet throughout the length and breadth of the country on a fact-finding walking tour. The most recent political figure to undertake such a padayatra (1983) was Chandra Sekhar, the Janata party leader. In their times, Gandhi and Vinoba Bhave, the 'Sage Paunar' (d. 1982), used to undertake periodic padayatras. 697 26. Sheth, op. cit., p. 11. 27. T h e inspiration for this originally came from the Bhoodan movement, which was started by Vinoba Bhave not long after independence. T h e movement itself was not successful, but the various institutes of rural studies spawned as vehicles for the propagation of Gandhi's ideas on rural development and cooperation have been functioning without interruption. 28. For a recent critical evaluation of the work of research institutions in the sphere of agricultural economics, see a report entitled 'Agricultural Research: Decline of Agro-Economic Research Centres' (by a special correspondent), The Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XVIII, N o . 23, 4 June 1983, pp. 993-6.
  • 131. Regional science: evolution over thirty years G. B . Benko The essentials of regional science: an attempt at a definition cases presented by the region, certain basic laws concerning the distribution of activities. A t the centre of gravity of regional science w e find economics and, m o r e particuRegional science is perhaps the newest branch larly, a specialized branch k n o w n as spatial of social science. It owes its existence to the economics, which is mainly concerned with m a n y problems that could not be adequately the location of economic activities, the spatial dealt with by the traditional methods of social behaviour of firms, territorial accounts, etc. science. With the introduction of this n e w T h e spatial economists felt at a disadvantage science, existing lines of research are the a m o n g their colleagues and, in order to lend greater weight to their richer for m a n y theories, concerns, broke away techniques and concepts. G . B . Benko is a researcher at the from general economics Regional science is a Centre for Spatial Research and to form a separate m o v e discipline situated at the Analysis (University of Paris I — ment. In their studies, crossroads where econC N R S ) and the author of studies on they turned to mathregional development and urban omics, geography, sociematics and econogeography. ology, political science metrics to test the hyand anthropology meet. potheses advanced. Its main subject of study is h u m a n intervention on Along with the the terrain. T h e descripeconomists, the geogrations given by engineers, phers are the most geologists, meteorolclosely concerned with ogists or biologists are regional study inasmuch of scant relevance to reas h u m a n geography by gional science, but it definition describes and makes use of them if need be. A research explains the distribution of h u m a n beings, worker or practical user of this discipline their actions and their works on the surface of takes a m o r e quantitative view; he shows the earth (Claval, 1984). A t the time w h e n interest in population distribution, the lo- regional science emerged, geography w a s cation of activities, environmental pollution, radically changing; the old methods develtourism, urban development, etc. oped by the various national schools n o longer In short, regional science is by nature a satisfied the researchers' curiosity. In the 1950s the research workers set about developscience of synthesis: from the analytical data supplied by various specialists it is possible to ing the n e w instruments they needed in order deduce, from among the aggregate specific to meet the n e w social demands. In the post-
  • 132. 700 war period, economic and population growth was strong and there was an increasing need for land-use planning and for control of urban development. Towards the 1970s changing economic and social conditions brought a m o r e insistent demand for pollution control, energy conservation, environmental protection, social balance and, in general, environmental management and planning: afieldthat was invaded by the geographers in connection both with economic and with social problems. F r o m the standpoint of sociology—which studies social reality and h u m a n action in different social and physical settings—as from the standpoint of economics and political science, the physical environment and the spatial prospect are minor considerations. F r o m the standpoint of regional science, on the other hand, knowledge and understanding of the objectives, goals and interests of different social groups situated at different points in space are priority concerns. Thus the study of family life, of relationships between individuals and between social groups, and of social classes provides the data needed for the examination of societies as a whole. It is essential to understand the aims and values of different social groups in the various regions of the world and to follow their development and their approaches to regional problems if w e are to find the means of attaining social objectives and settling social conflicts. Thus regional science has m a d e a great contribution to economic development; o n the social plane, o n the other hand, it contributed nothing, at least in its early days, and so far as the environment is concerned, it m a y even be said to have been destructive. A s w e k n o w from wide experience, economic development cannot be set in motion without a knowledge of the social and physical environment. A s to anthropology, a distinction must be drawn between physical anthropology, which is concerned with the biological factors affecting the h u m a n being and his relationship to his physical environment, and cultural anthropology, which studies vanishing societies and cultures, and, above all, the unidentified G. B. Benko elements of social life by identifying the geographical distribution of peoples and cultures throughout the world. Anthropology has greatly influenced the development of postwar social sciences, contributing both theoretically and empirically to the building of development policy models, especially in the Third World, and to the preparation of economic and social plans in which regional science plays a dominant role. Political science provides administrative and legislative support for the implementation of regional development. T h e mid-twentieth century brought a new awareness of regional disparities in development, with the result that town and country planning (which can also b e termed regional planning or spatial organization, and which is a political and economic development of space) is a concern c o m m o n to all industrialized or developing countries. T h e United Nations and its Specialized Agencies are making efforts to promote the economic and social advancement of economically weak countries whose inhabitants live under precarious conditions. Even in the most advanced countries, economic growth is unevenly distributed in space, resulting in regional disparities and inequalities. This has attracted the attention of economists and politicians, w h o are trying to reduce the imbalance using the instruments of regional science. A s w e have just seen, the difficulty of defining this discipline stems from its c o m plexity; there are almost as m a n y definitions as there are researchers. Walter Isard, in his Introduction to Regional Science (1975), gives thirteen definitions. B y comparison with earlier publications, which put economic considerationsfirst,relatively recent descriptions tend to focus on the environment, ecology and m a n ; hence the following summary definition: 'in brief, regional science as a discipline concerns the careful and patient study of social problems with regional or spatial dimensions, employing diverse combinations of analytical and empirical research'.
  • 133. Econometrics science Regional Economic and social geography science Regional and sociology Political sociology development a. .b a. CU ca > > G. Human geogr CO E. Spatial eco nomics a. .c .d . Social and politica1 science x¡ 00 ca 00 [Human organization] —, Ë o* ^> o > f) Land-use and devel analysis, demograph Decision-making 3 ¿S [Spatial organization] ca- 00 cj •+-< ca- W Ü W (e) Economic geography and location Regional science: evolution over thirty years Regional science (h, i) Human ecology and town-and-country planning [Land-use policy] c a Spatial or *aniz ion XI- W O L c a ob c Human organizatic d X! ". TD 00 Land-us e policy 701 Fig. 1. An attempt to define regional science in terms of set theory.
  • 134. 702 T h e historical foundations and birth of regional science G. B. Benko different schools of thought; and he gave n e w impetus to the multiplier theory—a trail blazed by H o m e r Hoyt (1933), one of the T h e earliest origins of regional science go founders or urban economics, w h o applied the back to van Thiinen, w h o published Der multiplier concept in 1937. Isard was quick to isolierte Staat in 1826. Its true precursors were provide regional analysis with an essential tool economists and geographers like August for use in theoretical discussions and practical Lösch and Walter Christaller, w h o showed applications alike. interest in problems connected with the loDuring the post-war period of economic cation of activities. Their theoretical models expansion this teaching was of great social represent what is termed central-place theory. value. Furthermore Isard had no difficulty in A t the beginning of the century, space was a bringing together researchers and decisionvariable u n k n o w n to or neglected by the makers from different walks of life in a n e w world of science, and of economics in particu- association aimed at facilitating the spread of lar. Only the geographers, by vocation, knowledge. In December 1954, the Regional formed an exception to the rule; beginning in Science Association was established and held the nineteenth century, they developed the its first meeting. T h e expression 'regional concept of the region that was later to serve as science' has been in regular use ever since. a framework for m a n y spatial studies. From The association, which is international, has the 1930s onwards, research became more set itself scientific objectives which it apsystematic; it progressed from sectoral ana- proaches along economic, social and political lyses—agriculture, industry, trade, tertiary lines. activities in general—to the general schema of In s o m e respects, Isard's approach to this the spatial balance of the system: a schema n e w discipline resembles Auguste Comte's established by Lösch which constituted the approach to sociology. C o m t e believed that unifying concept for specific models and also scientific thought would continue to evolve served as the link with general economic until it reached what he called 'a positive theory. During this period the Germans and stage' marking the culminating point of scienScandinavians in particular emerged as the tific evolution. Comte m a d e use of the idea pioneers. In the United States Edgar Hoover that the knowledge embodied in different (1948) broke n e w ground in thefieldof sciences was unified and correlative, and he transport costs and devised a general theory assumed that the different strands of scientific of the 'margin line' as a factor in enterprise thought would ultimately converge in a posilocation. During the war years, territorial tive sociology. H e obviously overestimated accounting techniques m a d e progress and the capacity of scientists for keeping abreast were brought into use in regions and cities. of the latest developments in allfieldsof Various models were built to measure mi- thought. H e believed, for the distant future, gratory movements of population and areas in a single unified science. Similarly, at the capable of attracting commercial activity; the beginning, Isard and his followers regarded gravity model m a d e its appearance; and the regional science, not as an interdisciplinary notion or urban hierarchy, Zipfs rank-size activity, but as a n e w , unified discipline. • rule (1949) and the density-distance relationGrowing attention was paid to this ship came into increasing use. The first stages branch of science. Annual symposia have in urban analysis were past. been held regularly in Europe since 1961, and Walter Isard, an economist by training, since then other regions of the world have folremains a major influence to this day. His lowed suit. Associations have been founded works are grounded in Keynesian economics. one after another: in France, on the initiative H e s u m m e d up the work of his predecessors, of Jacques Boudeville and François Perroux introducing n e w ideas and drawing upon with Isard's support; in Scandinavia, Japan,
  • 135. Regional science: evolution over thirty years 705 Contrasted uses of space. Opposite: an urbanized countryside. Magnum. Above: a bit of countryside in an urban setting. Magnum. entity such that it is possible to describe natural and h u m a n p h e n o m e n a , to analyse socio-economic data and to apply a policy. It is based o n two principal features—homogeneity and functional integration—and culminates in a sense of practical solidarity and in relations of interdependence with other regional aggregates and with national and international space. ; with o n e another, and particularly with the dominant nodes, than with the neighbouring region', strongly influenced spatial thinking and town-and-country planning alike. Since the early 1950s the developing countries have engaged the attention of the theorists, w h o have looked into the difficulties experienced b y enterprises in those countries. Their failure to function properly has to d o Studies o n the regional development process with external e c o n o m y . T h e first to explore began in France with Claude Ponsard (1955, the problem and propose remedies w e r e 1958) w h o , in neo-classical vein, started by Ragnar N u r k s e (1953) a n d Albert O . Hirschreviewing the w o r k already d o n e ; at the s a m e m a n (1958), w h o suggested that investment time h e broke n e w ground b y constructing mathematical spaces to correspond to econ- - should b e m a d e in strategic sectors in order to achieve rapid and lasting growth and to omic spaces. In the mid-1950s François benefit from ; external economies. T h e first Perroux (1955) invented both the term and analyses m a d e of this p h e n o m e n o n , b y Alfred the theory of polarisation, which gave n e w Marshall, w e r e taken further b y M e a d a n d impetus to research and m a r k e d the startingScitovsky (1954), and Balassa (1962) e x a m point for original thinking in French in this ined the question of economic integration. field. T h e notion of the région polarisée or nodal region, defined as a 'heterogeneous T h e techniques of spatial analysis evolved space w h o s e various parts are mutually rapidly in the 1950s and 1960s. T h e widest complementary and maintain m o r e exchanges field of study w a s that of m e s o - a n d m a c r o -
  • 136. Regional science: evolution over thirty years 73 0 even values, motives and social goals. It interthe United K i n g d o m , the Federal Republic laces all these systems via interregional systems of G e r m a n y , Hungary and Latin America, of interindustry (interactivity) linkage, of comand, m o r e recently, o n other continents. modity flows and money flows, of population Initially this n e w science was taught in movements, and of communications, and, in traditional departments such as those of general, of socio-cultural interaction inclusive of economics and geography; then specific decision-making processes. courses in regional science as such began to be offered, especially at the higher eduResearch to clarify the concept of the region cational level. M o r e than thirty specialized goes back a very long w a y . In the nineteenth journals and various collections on regional and early twentieth centuries, the geographers science topics appear every year. in particular displayed great curiosity about T h e research worker practising this discithis problem; from the 1950s onwards, the pline is not an active planner but an analyst economists and political scientists ventured to w h o makes a critical approach to present-day define the concept of the region and to m a k e problems, formulates hypotheses and verifies it operational. A n initial stage witnessed a them, drawing conclusions and submitting gradual shift away from the notion of the natural region to that of the economic region; recommendations; he thus plays a key role in then c a m e a renewal of ideas inspired by the decision-making process. T h e second the spatial economists and impelled by the phase of regional action is in the hands ' n e w geography', which sought to explain of decision-makers, w h o usher in the stage of regional p h e n o m e n a . T h e first essays in defi'town-and-country planning' or 'regional plannition were of a piecemeal nature (Brocard, ning', which is k n o w n as aménagement du Lösch, Leontief, etc.); then Isard, the founterritoire or planification régionale in French, der of regional science, held that the concept as Raumordnung in G e r m a n and as pianiof ficazione territoriale in Italian. T h e purpose of region was deceptive and n o m o r e than an abstract generalization. H e therefore attached town-and-country planning is to define the great importance to a sound analysis of the operational concepts and major political structures and flows characterizing the portion options through which the organization of of space under consideration. A t the third land use and of national space becomes a stage of this fundamental research, Perroux, reality. Boudeville and Richardson complemented one another in economic space analysis apThe main schools of thought plied to the region, distinguished between: (a) the homogeneous region (la région homoAfter the concept of space was introduced gène), which is essentially agricultural and into economic theory at the turn of the whose touchstone is that the characteristics of • century, regional science—that concerted syneach elementary unit vary very little from the thesis—gave fresh impetus to studies working general average; (b) the nodal region {la this vein. They were spurred by a shared région polarisée), which is essentially indusinterest in 'the spatial dimension of life' and trial and corresponds to the concept of space were conducted in a n e w spirit whose first as afieldof force; and (c) the planning region discoveries lay in the maze-like interdepen{la région-plan ou de programme), which is dence of regions (Isard, 1960): essentially forward-looking, an operational r concept designed for action in the service of This maze interlaces interregional systems of business and the public authorities. In the populations, resource patterns, industrial lolight of previous studies, Lajugie (1979) forcations, local economies, social accounts, balance mulated a synoptic definition: of payments positions, markets, central places and urban-metropolitan areas, administrative The region is a geographical area constituting an and political structures and institutions, and
  • 137. 706 economics: afieldinfluenced by neo-classical theory, which held it essential not only to define a geometry of space but also tò meet certain immediate imperatives regarding location. T h e researchers tried to discover universal principles and apply them to regional planning. B y way of illustration w e shall mention a few methods that have helped the experts to grasp regional realities. A variety of analytical instruments were used to determine the number and nature of industries that could be established and developed in a region. Thus the comparative cost method, a very convenient technique for regional planning, was conceived. T h e object is to identify the region where a particular industry could produce and distribute its product at lowest total cost; so as to justify the establishment of that industry in the area. This technique makes no allowance for noneconomic factors such as cultural models; as a result, m a n y attempts at industrial development have failed. In addition several econometric models and locational coefficients have been used to measure the advantages and then describe and rank the regions according to their location quotient. Input-output tables, a very important technique for the formalization and interpretation of data, have been the subject of study and have revealed certain processes underlying the links between the regions of a territory and between various aspects of their economies. W . Leontief (1953), winner of the 1973 Nobel Prize in economics, in collaboration with A . Strout, broke n e w ground with his work in this field. Researchers like Miernyk (1965), Isard (1971) and Gerking m a d e advances in the application of this method. The technique of interregional linear programming emphasizes the general interdependence of activities; it is applied to the study of an interindustry linkage system, and proceeds by optimization. This method provides an efficiency model while tackling the problem of different types of regional scarcities. Other quantitative approaches, such as G. B. Benko gravity models, highlight significant aspects of social mobility, particularly—among other factors—interregional migratory movements. Gravity models are also used to measure the hinterland of towns or, as in their first application by Reilly (1931), to study competition in thefieldof retail trade! The model is built by analogy with physics (phenomenon of magnetism or universal gravity). The concept of entropy employed in the social sciences also has its origin in physics, and particularly in the second law of thermodynamics; as a result of Shannon's research it became the principal measure of information theory. Its use has been the subject of m a n y articles, especially in the Englishspeaking countries, represented by Wilson, M e d v e k n o w and Semple, and in France, represented by B . Marchand. The dividing-line between meso-economics and micro-economics is difficult to draw because the criteria are inevitably arbitrary, but a fundamental distinction emerges from the analyses. In meso-economics the individual is not the basic decision-making unit, whereas in micro-economics he is. The foundations of spatial micro-economics also go back to Isard and, in France, to Ponsard. Next, the functionnal and h u m a n organization of space was studied using, on the one hand, quantitative methods like graph theory and, on the other, the perception of space—which is at the stage of fundamental research into the epistemology of the h u m a n sciences—and the cycle of information and decision. A behaviourist approach to decision-making by firms is developing among researchers influenced by the thinking of H . Simon (Nobel Prize in economics, 1978), Cyert and March. Hamilton and his coauthors analyse the logic of organizations' behaviour in space by highlighting such factors as information or the environment, which influence the decision-makers. The neo-classical and neo-positivist approach of contemporary geography is characterized by the development of quantitative methods; marked progress has been m a d e in the formulation of spatial programming
  • 138. ca a o '00 u 00 as o — i u o n c PH '3 O <. PU gj H i ' s tí 00 • a o 3 <u > 0 0 s tí Ë * tí o '5b o cu co CB O, C3 PH ca 00 PH Ë - c to ^1 ¡ .S S. 4 = ca 0 c u h J 'S ¡o 43 P C - ca •PC •a É a U _ tí •a Ë 3 >,P-, m 0 0 X! u M 0 T3 OO « Ë 3 3 -g^m c a 00 :C3 ffi C3 U ¿3 0 CU PU *J c T3 u x " u cu PQ < PÚ 'S (O tí ca o U c tí B O c a •Ë e ca *1 M O u 43 • c Í0°O A! c u 43 O p q W S _a c CB •a T3 rriso u ca 3 Ë g& pq S'a Ä * >-. 0 Ul tí CU c/l trt c a > ÄudBjSosQ cu s tí •a cu •u 5 1 él CA U tí PQ CB PU 1 u 43 o ca c a < 0 S "3 . & Ë ro ^ c g H ca B 43 o o P i CU' > > Ë 'Ë W c u ÁUojopos deL Os OS PU C O U PM >s Ñ« • u¡ 43 ¡O T3 X •S3 KJ 2 erst O VO Til/1 as o o 0 S soiuiouoag Kuzne s 0 c a CA ' W cu ca PH So CB PQ £ •-" *e X3o[od " -oiqjuv > PQ tí CB tí . a ca - o 33U3J0S H .A IBOIIIJOJ
  • 139. 708 models, spatial econometrics, data analysis and classification, which are employed in explaining the spatial organization and dynamics applied to urban systems and industrial structures. G a m e theory explains the logic of decisions taken in a situation of uncertainty about partners' intentions. Cyberne'tics— under the impetus of Norbert Wiener, its founder, in the 1950s—afforded a n e w angle from which to view the problem of social regulation, and also prompted the first inquiries into systems. T h e third major trend in research—the critical approach to space—is Marxist in inspiration. This critical school of thought came into being in France, Italy and the Latin American countries in the 1950s and 1960s, and since the 1970s has gained an increasing foothold in the United States and the United K i n g d o m . T h e great debate on the ideological role of space in modern society hinges on such vital questions as spatial justice, equality, environmental balance and the strategies of dominant groups. These Marxist and neo-Marxist studies are contributing to economic analyses by making a systematic inquiry into real property markets, the economic theory of residential rent and the housing question, as d e m o n strated by Lipietz (1974), Topalov (1973) and Castells (1972) a m o n g others. This debate—as yet epistemológica! rather than truly operational—extends also, with the contribution of Y . Lacoste, to questions of strategy and geopolitics at the international level. T h e efforts of the economists and sociologists are supplemented by socio-geography, as represented by D . Harvey and K . C o x , w h o deal with the problems of modern cities; phenomena of segregation and, in general, the impact of the capitalist system on the modern city. F r o m this rapid review, it will be clear that regional science research began with the. development of analytical methods, the better to grasp spatial reality by recourse to such varied means as spatial models, econometrics and quantitative methods based on the latest G. B. Benko theories. S o m e models have become operational and have been applied to regional policy. The theoretical hypotheses have been continuously revised and renewed, and the contribution of the ' n e w geography' and of sociology is increasingly apparent. It has made possible a more thorough analysis of social behaviour in space: a field in which theoretical, epistemological and philosophical debate between different schools of thought has recently intensified without, however, losing sight of the fundamental objectives of revealing and explaining the role of space in social practices, society being wholly committed to the task of giving shape to space. N e w prospects for spatial analysis The whole controversy surrounding the regional idea makes a pluridisciplinary approach essential. Hence economists, geographers, sociologists and others have m u c h to gain by banding together; for a region can be explained as m u c h by its economic characteristics as by its geographical, socio-cultural and historical attributes. People can be seen clinging to a scrap of space for reasons that have nothing to do with economics. T h e important role played by such space in the social science was discovered rather late in the day. Analyses and research in this area have been given a structure only in the last thirty years. T h e studies carried out have revealed to us, on the one hand, the spatial framework of the economy and, on the other, the ideological role of space in modern society. Regional science, as w e have seen, is the case-study of phenomena of economic, social and political behaviour from the standpoint of a spatial dimension; with the discovery of the distinctive features of space, it has become an independent branch of knowledge. Regional policies do not always conform smoothly to the analyses and recommendations of regional theory, with the result that researchers are increasingly to be found in an academic setting. H o w will regional reality evolve? T h e Industrial Revolution shook
  • 140. Regional science: evolution over thirty years up the regional structure which until then could b e explained b y criteria of homogeneity. Notions of operationality a n d functionality had to b e a d d e d , the better to grasp that structure a n d m a n a g e it. A t the d a w n of a technological revolution that is witnessing a speed-up a n d territorial expansion of exchanges (goods a n d services, capital, information, etc.), are w e to see 'our space', o u r 709 territorial organizations, b l o w u p in our faces? O n e thing is certain: it will not stand still. A n enlightened pluridisciplinary approach is m o r e essential than ever before. T h e contradictions b e t w e e n analysis a n d action can b e o v e r c o m e , to enable us to m e e t the interests of m a n k i n d , to harmonize o u r space a n d attain a better 'spatial setting' for our lives. [Translated from French] Bibliography The purpose of this bibliography is to convey the thrust, originality and evolution of regional science. B A L A N D I E R , G . Sociologie V O N B Ö V E N T E R , E . Theorie des actuelle de l'Afrique noire. Paris, räumlichen Gleichgewichts. Tübingen, M o h r , 1962. Presses Universitaires de France, 1963. B U N G E , W . Theoretical B A L A S S A , R . The Theory of Geography. L u n d , Gleerup, A B L E R , R . ; A D A M S , J.; G O U L D , 1962. P. Spatial Organisation; The Economie Integration. London, Geographer's View of the World. Allen & U n w i n , 1962. BURGESS, W . ; P A R K , R . E . The Englewood Cliffs, N.J., B A R T H , F . Models of Social City. Chicago, 111., 1925. Prentice-Hall, 1971. Organisation. London, Royal C A S T E L L S , M . La question Anthropological Institute of A L L E N , P . ; S A N G L I E R , M . ; et urbaine. Paris, Maspero, 1972. Great Britain, 1969. al. Models of Urban Settlement and Structure as Dynamic SelfCHOMBART DE L A U W E , B E A U J E U - G A R N I E R , J. La Organizing Systems. P . H . Photographies aériennes. géographie: méthodes et Washington, D . C . , Department Paris, A . Colin, 1951. perspectives. Paris, Masson, of Transportation, 1981. 1971. . Des hommes et des villes. A L O N S O , W . Location and Land B E R R Y , B . J. L . ; H O R T O N , Paris, Payot, 1963. Use—Toward a General Theory F. E . Geographie Perspective on C H R I S T A L L E R , W . Die zentralen of Land Rent. Cambridge, Urban Systems. Englewood Orte in Süddeutschland. Jena, Mass., Harvard University Cliffs, N . J . , Prentice-Hall, 1970. 1933. Press, 1964. B E R R Y , B . J. L . ; K A R A S K A , A M I N , S . L'accumulation à J. D . Contemporary Urban l'échelle mondiale. Critique de la Ecology. N e w York, Macmillan, théorie du sous-développement. 1977. Dakar, IFA N , 1970. B O B E K , H . . Beiträge zur A R O N , R . Dix-huit leçons sur la Raumforschung. Vienna, société industrielle. Paris, . Guberner & Hierhammer, 1964. Gallimard, 1962. B O U D E V I L L E , J. R . Les espaces A Y D A L O T , P . Dynamique économiques. Paris, Presses spatiale et développement inégal. Universitaires de France, 1961. Paris, Económica, 1976. . Aménagement du B A I L L Y , A . L'organisation territoire et polarisation. Paris, urbaine. Paris, C R U , 1975. M . - T h . Génin, 1972. C L A V A L , P . Régions, nations, grands espaces. Paris, M . - T h . Génin, 1968. . Éléments de géographie économique. Paris, M . - T h . Génin, 1976. ——. Espace et pouvoir. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1978. . Géographie humaine et économique. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1984.
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  • 143. G. B. Benko 712 V O N THÜNEN, J. H . Der W I L S O N , A . G . Entropy in isolierte Staat in Beziehung auf Landwirtschaft und Nationalökonomie, Hamburg, Perthes, 1826. Urban and Regional Modelling. London, Pion, 1970. T O P A L O V , C . Les promoteurs immobiliers. Paris, Mouton, 1973. T Ö R N Q U I S T , G . Flows of Information and the Location of Economic Activities. Lund, Gleerup, 1968. Lund Studies in Geography, Series B , N o . 30.) T O U R A I N E , A . Production de la société. Paris, Éditions Seuil, 1973. ULLMANN, . Geography and the Environment. Systems Analytical Methods. N e w York, John Wiley, 1981. W I N G O , L . Transformation and Urban Land. Washington, D . C . , Resources for the Future, 1961. ZIPF, G . K . Human Behavior and the Principle of Least Effort. An Introduction to Human Ecology. N e w York, AddisonWesley Press, 1949. E. L. Growth Centers of the West. Seattle, W a s h . , University of Washington Press, 1955. VIDAL D E LA BLACHE, P. Tableau géographique de la France. Paris, A . Colin, 1903. V I R I L I O , P . L'insécurité du territoire. Paris, Stock, 1976. W E B E R , A . Über den Standort der Industrien. Parts I and II, Tübingen, 1909. W E D E R , M . Theory of Social and Economic Organization. N e w York, Oxford University Press,/1947. Main periodicals The Annals of Regional Science (Bellingham, Western Regional Science Association; 1967-). Cahiers de l'Institut de Mathématiques Économiques (Dijon). Economie Geography (Worcester, Mass., Clark University; 1925-). Environment and Planning (London, Pion; 1969-). Espace géographique (Paris, Éditions Doin; 1972-). Études et documents (Montreal, INRS-Urbanisation; 1976-). International Regional Science Review (University of Iowa; 1976-). Journal of Regional Science (Philadelphia, Pa., University of Pennsylvania, Wharton School; 1961-). Land Economics (Madison, Wis.; 1925-). Lund Studies in Geography (University of Lund, Sweden; 1949-). Papers of the Regional Science Association (Philadelphia Pa.; 1955-). Regional Studies (Oxford, Pergamon Press; 1967-). Regional Science and Urban Economics (Amsterdam; 1971-). • Revue canadienne des sciences régionales (Dalhousie University; 1978-). Revue d'économie régionale et urbaine (Paris, A D I C U E E R . 1978-). Urban Studies (Glasgow University, Department of Social and Economie Research; 1964-).
  • 144. The teaching of anthropology: a comparative study Jacques Lombard A t the Second World Congress on Anthro- teacher should remain master of his teaching. For this reason, a group of anthropolpology, held in Copenhagen in 1938, the Standing Committee o n Research stressed the ogists from a variety of countries, involved value of making a study of the teaching of with both teaching and research, decided that anthropology and ethnology in the countries it would be a good idea to meet o n the represented at the Congress, and of the occasion of the Eleventh International C o n obstacles to the introduction of such teaching. gress of the Anthropological Sciences, held in Today, more than forty-five years later, this Quebec City in August 1983, to exchange project is still unrealized, and it is sad to see views o n the current situation of anthropology h o w little attention is devoted by scholarly teaching, so very different n o w from what it was in 1938 w h e n the meetings to the most elvalue of conducting a ementary aspects of the Jacques Lombard is Professor of study o n the subject perpetuation of research Anthropology at the Université des was first emphasized. and improvement of the Sciences et Techniques in Lille, Anthropologists from transmission of knowlFrance. H e is a former president Belgium, France, the edge. of that university and is the author of various works, including Structures Federal Republic of Nevertheless, the de type féodal en Afrique Noire, G e r m a n y , the Netheraddition of a discipline and l'Anthropologie britannique lands, Portugal, South to a system of educcontemporaine. Africa, the United Kingation is one of the most dom a n d Yugoslavia reliable means of making took part and an initial it grow and ensuring situation report was prethat it reaches a pared o n the basis of five ' broader public. Curicountries.1 T h e report ously enough, the invesdealt for the most part tigation of the methods with what is termed 'social and cultural' used to teach either the techniques of research in the discipline or the body of general anthropology, and referred only in passing to knowledge pertaining to it is something that is teaching in related areas such as physical and rarely discussed at scientific gatherings of biological anthropology, anthropolinguistics researchers or academic specialists. In and prehistory. Transcending the differences France, in particular, it is left to the initiative that can be seen a m o n g teaching systems, of a few specialists associated with the Minis- each of which has its o w n traditions, deeptry of Education, and these in turn, in the rooted similarities are observable, especially n a m e of the academic freedom of universities as regards current developments in teaching ¡and examination boards, consider that the which has been deeply affected by the econ-
  • 145. 714 omic crisis. This crisis has had a severe impact on European universities and on n e w trends in anthropology, which is itself frequently said to be experiencing an internal crisis. Anthropology or ethnology? Terminology provides one initial point of convergence, with the term 'anthropology' becoming more popular than 'ethnology'. A s everyone knows, in the United Kingdom, where social anthropology originated, and in the United States, the h o m e of cultural anthropology, the term 'ethnology' w a s dropped very early on since the word is associated in English-speaking countries with evolutionary theories and the conjectural historical approach. 'History of contemporary archaic peoples, I a m prepared to let that discipline g o to ruin,' said Kroeber, w h o shared the view of his British colleagues that it had become too concerned with the enumerative investigation of cultural characteristics or attempts to achieve the historical— and ultimately unscientific—reconstruction of races and cultures. This preference for the term 'anthropology' has been imitated in m a n y other countries, like the Netherlands' and nowadays France as well. In France, anthropologie is increasingly coming to be regarded as synonymous with ethnologie, even though it had- traditionally been associated with the study of races and h u m a n physical characteristics, in contrast to ethnologie, and despite the fact that, o n occasion, anthropologie assumes a broader connotation than ethnologie, denoting a general study of m a n kind in space and time, as in the writings of Lévi-Strauss. However, 'ethnologie' continues to be used in the administrative nomenclature of the disciplines taught at university level. In the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y , the term 'Ethnologie' can still be found in scientific writing, as is apparent from the titles of a number of recent articles. Ethnologie c o m prises the twofieldsk n o w n traditionally in that country as Völkerkunde, the anthropology of non-European peoples, and Völks- •Jacques Lombard kunde, the branch of anthropology that is concerned with local, i.e. European, folklore and traditions. However, it is not u n c o m m o n nowadays to find the term 'Sozial und Kulturanthropologie' used in certain publications, and this, here again, indicates the growing influence of Anglo-American usage. Even so, anthropologists in the Völkerkundler tradition tend to be wary of these terms, as in France anthropology has always been strongly associated with physical and biological anthropology. However, this general trend in favour of the term 'anthropology' is mirrored by a nearly identical development in the relations of anthropology with its neighbouring sciences. Within a few decades, the close relationships that used to exist between prehistory and linguistics on the one hand and social and cultural anthropology o n the other, especially with respect to the teaching of physical and biological anthropology, have been progressively displaced by a closer association with sociology, particularly in the United Kingdom, France and, to some extent, the Netherlands. Early in this century, a British anthropologist would also be a specialist in archaeology and physical anthropology, and C a m bridge had a Faculty of Archaeology and Anthropology, Oxford a Department of Ethnology and Prehistory. Since the 1960s, the options open to a Cambridge student have been m o r e or less restricted to anthropology, sociology or social psychology, rather than archaeology or physical anthropology. T h e same thing can be seen in France. Until 1968, the Musée de l ' H o m m e in Paris offered a course that included social and cultural anthropology, linguistics, prehistory and physical and biological anthropology. After the reform of higher education, the establishment of growing numbers of chairs of ethnology in the universities and the general tendency to attach them to the former faculties of literature and social science caused anthropology in the broad sense to break up, leaving it with only its ethnological aspect. Ethnology became an ancillary subject
  • 146. The anthropologist and her objects: Margaret Mead. Rapho. in sociology and the social sciences generally. In the specialized institutes, with the possible exception of the Institut des Langues et Civilisations Orientales, anthropology is taught either as a separate discipline or with reference to a cultural area, as is the case with the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales. In the Netherlands, departments of anthropology are still part of Faculties of Social Science, and the subject is taught in close association with non-Western sociology. A similar but less systematic situation is also occasionally found in France and the United K i n g d o m as well. T h e same is also true of Belgium, anthropology being associated with sociology at one university, psychology at another, and so on. In the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y , by contrast, ethnology is taught as a specific subject which has come to be distinct both from archaeology and prehistory on the one hand and from the empirical sciences of culture (Empirische Kulturwissenschaften) on the other. Only linguistics, and to a lesser extent the history of civilizations, are incorporated into the curriculum, and this tends to isolate anthropologists from archaeologists, sociologists and biologists, and to m a k e interdisciplinary work difficult in practice. The historical background to the teaching of anthropology These similarities, which, with variations, are to be found in allfivecountries can probably be accounted for to some extent by fairly similar historical circumstances. In Western Europe more than elsewhere, anthropology was 'the daughter of colonialism', and this inevitably influenced the nature and content of the subject. T h e anthropology of far-away, alien lands flourished primarily in France, T h e United K i n g d o m , Portugal, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Germany and Italy. M u c h less attention w a s paid to it in the Central European nations, where research tended rather to concentrate on the study of regional customs and folklore in an effort to reinvig-
  • 147. 716 orate the local cultures of peoples in search of their national identities (Poland, Hungary, and so on). Then in some countries an intermediate situation prevailed, the study of 'exotic' communities being prompted by the need to build an integrated pluralistic nation in response to domestic political concerns. Anthropology in the United States concerned itself initially with Indian reservations, extending its purview further afield as time went on. T h e situation was similar in Australia and South Africa. These diffèrent historical backgrounds had a decisive influence even on the basic approach to the teaching of anthropology. In this connection, the example of France is highly instructive. T h e French colonial empire and the political wish for French cultural unity, one and indivisible, naturally resulted in a lower level of interest in folklore and regional peculiarities and correspondingly greater interest in countries overseas, particularly African countries. However, while colonialism gave a particular direction to scientific activity, different approaches to colonialism itself m a y also have played a role in the development of research, and hence of teaching. It has been observed, for example, that anthropological studies began earlier in British territories than they did in French territories, largely because the British used a system of indirect rule so that it was more important to k n o w something about local customs, whereas the assimilationist policy followed in French colonies m a d e the study of social organizations and cultures a less urgent matter. O n the other hand, the end of the colonial era produced the opposite effect, and both in the United Kingdom and in France there w a s a noteworthy revival of interest in regional customs and provincial characteristics. For political and alsofinancialreasons, access to 'thefield',in newly independent countries, had become m o r e difficult for investigators. Another factor, in the case of France, was the wish to support a broad decentralization m o v e m e n t matching the wishes of a people suffering more and more from imposed uniformity and urban pressures. Jacques Lombard Beginning in the 1960s, w e find an increasing number of ethnological studies on France and to some extent a shift,in curriculum content, particularly in provincial universities. A similar development occurred in the United Kingd o m . Whereas earlier generations of research workers and teachers had devoted the bulk of their efforts to the countries of Africa, Oceania and India, anthropological research nowadays extends to other parts of the world, including the British Isles themselves. T h e crisis in anthropology and the crisis in the universities The growing success enjoyed by anthropology after the 1960s, and the growing numbers of students from all backgrounds w h o have turned to it cannot conceal the depth of the crisis besetting it. Before the war, there were only six universities in the United Kingdom with anthropology departments, whereas the subject is n o w taught in over thirty universities, not counting those in which sociology and anthropology are lumped together. T h e teaching of anthropology has also taken root and grown in unrelated departments, such as education or psychiatry. T h e same thing has happened in France where n e w courses were introduced after 1960 in the universities, and departments were set up in specialized institutes such as the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales. Concurrently, there was substantial growth in the number of investigators engaged in research at the C N R S (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique) until 1976 or thereabouts. In the Netherlands, out of eight major universities, six offer a complete training in anthropology in their Faculties of Social Science to over 2,000 students (anthropology and sociology of the Third World). In the Federal Republic of Germany, the number of students increased fourfold between 1974 and 1983, with 8,300 registered in all, over 4,000 of w h o m were concentrating o n sociology. T h e reasons ; for success o n this scale are unclear, and
  • 148. The teaching of anthropology: a comparative study 717 A . Doutreloux, of the Catholic University of Louvain, has expressed curiosity about w h y there has been such a strong demand from students of psychology, law, literature or architecture n o less than from students of the social sciences. Conceivably the explanation is not so m u c h the students' desire for explicit knowledge about anthropology as their vaguely felt wish to dissociate themselves from their o w n society and to look for cultural enrichment and a source of humanistic values in cultures that are remote and less anonym o u s than our o w n . This crisis in anthropology is evident everywhere. There isfirstlya crisis in its subject-matter with the disappearance of what are termed 'traditional' societies and the shift of its specific focus from a vanished subject to a research method and research techniques that are less dominated by quantitative tools than are those of sociology. There is a crisis in its boundaries as a discipline, which are somewhat unclear; and above all there is a crisis in the use to which anthropologists can be put, since there are too m a n y of them for the few employment opportunities still available. It seems clear, at all events, that this success has caused anthropology to develop into a discipline aimed at cultural enrichment and supplementing a large number of other fields, while at the same time it has lost the specific character and professional, training function that it formerly had. Accordingly, it offers the student m o r e in the way of 'culture' and 'ideas' than of 'technique' or ' k n o w - h o w ' . This is the price that has had to be paid for the striking growth in universities of newfieldsof science and technology associated with occupations calling for training that is both precise and specialized. T h e result has been the development of a considerable degree of opposition between teaching which is specialized and technical but geared to occupational purposes, and teaching which is general and 'cultural' but offering no assurance of employment. All observers agree that there is virtually no recruitment either to the ranks of teachers or to those of investigators, and this is due not only to the crisis in anthropology or in the universities generally, but also, and indeed primarily, to the economic crisis as such. In s o m e universities, themselves with reduced staff andfinancialresources, anthropology for a time was able to gain a n e w lease of life with the upsurge of research on the development of Third World countries. Experience has shown, however, that in this field, the natural sciences, such as the earth sciences, marine biology, and so o n , have attacted m o r e researchers than the social sciences. E v e n a m o n g the social sciences, economics and demography have fared better than anthropology or even sociology. T h e current situation of the universities does not offer m a n y grounds for optimism, either. J. S . Eades has pointed out that in the United K i n g d o m , n o w that the government has decided to put a stop to the growth of the university sector and m a n y professors are being offered early retirement, the ranks of eminent anthropologists will doubtless not be replenished by n e w appointments, and this will jeopardize the renewal of the teaching body and h a r m the promotion prospects of the most outstanding lecturers. Increases in university fees also seem likely to inhibit entry to universities, especially for Third World students. This has already been observed in Belgium in respect of Zairian students w h o are transferring to universities in northern France where lower fees are charged. F . Valjavec showed that in the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y , ethnology benefited very little from the expansion of higher education during the years of economic growth. Surveys at the universities have shown that the teacher/student ratio in ethnology was 1 to 85 in 1983, whereas the average for all fields was only 1 to 4 7 . Similar figures would doubtless b e found in the case of other countries. T h e fact remains, however, that this crisis has not yet brought growth in the teaching of anthropology to a halt, even though its purpose and subject have changed somewhat, losing part of their former specific focus.
  • 149. 718 The organization of teaching T w o important things mentioned above are going to exercise a considerable influence on the w a y the teaching of anthropology is organized: (a) the progressively and steadily closer relationship between anthropology and sociology (whether Western-oriented or Third-World-oriented) at the expense of the former type of training, which was more broadly interdisciplinary, incorporating as it did prehistory, ethnolinguistics and physical anthropology; and (b) the general trend for anthropology to be the teaching of 'culture', open to an ever-growing extent to students from otherfields,and compelled as a result to provide a progressively less specialized form of instruction for students w h o are less directly committed to the discipline than was formerly the case. These two trends, c o m m o n to all five countries, are accompanied by a divergence in those countries' respective traditional views of the teaching of anthropology. In France, in particular, this subject has rarely been regarded as the goal of a long course of study extending over the number of years required to earn a university degree or maîtrise. Until 1968, ethnology was a specialfieldof university study which a student could choose after two years of higher education, i.e. specialized subject open to advanced students only. A t s o m e institutions, indeed, such as the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Études in Paris and the M u s é e d e l ' H o m m e , it was intended for postgraduates wishing to learn something about research. After 1968, degrees and maîtrises in ethnology were awarded by some universities, but it was not taught as a subject in its o w n right until the third year (eight universities out of seventeen offering anthropology, according to a recent survey conducted by the Association Française des Anthropologues). Elsewere, the subjects of ethnology and sociology are associated, leading to degrees and maîtrises in sociology, with compulsory or in some cases optional courses in anthropology. In other countries, by contrast, the discipline has traditionally enjoyed a Jacques Lombard greater degree of independence,, with longer courses of study. T h e United Kingdom, in particular, has universities (eight or nine) with separate departments of anthropology, offering courses up to the postgraduate level, universities in which the departments of sociology and anthropology are associated, others in which anthropology is more widely taught in the social science departments, and still others in which the subject is even more interdisciplinary and is spread over a number of different faculties. T h e situation is similar in the Netherlands, where there are six universities with departments of anthropology offering afive-yeardegree course, and also in Belgium, where there are full courses in anthropology at the Free University of Brussels and the Flemish Catholic University of Louvain. Lastly, in the Federal Republic of Germany ethnology is taught as a major subject in s o m efifteenuniversities, the largest of which, in terms of enrolment, are West Berlin, Munich, Göttingen, Cologne, Frankfurt, Mainz and H a m b u r g . T h e curriculum for a Master's degree extends over a period of four to five years, during which anthropology is a required subject. H o w e v e r , the traditional organization of anthropology as a subject can vary. In addition to the independence or specific nature of the subject in relation to others, the independence and specific nature of the university with respect to the kind of teaching and the curricula are also a factor. F r o m this standpoint, British and Netherlands universities m a y conveniently be set in opposition to universities in France and the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y . In the United Kingdom, departments of anthropology have remained faithful to the traditions of certain professors and heads of department, whose names are associated with various universities. These include Evans-Pritchard at Oxford, Fortes and Leach at Cambridge and Gluckman at Manchester, each of these universities being marked by a particular approach to anthropology and by concentration on particular fields. Each university was linked to a 'school', and consequently somewhat inward-
  • 150. The teaching of anthropology: a comparative study 719 Amateur ethnology: an Easter Island scene sent by the nineteenth-century French author of'exotic' novels, Pierre Loti, to the famous actress, Sarah Bernhardt. Edimagcs.
  • 151. 720 Jacques Lombard countries—the 1960s were years of m o n o graph studies dealing typically with a single ethnic group from a rural area in a colonized country. T h e study of traditional activities was seen in an ethnographic present. In 1970, Gluckman's dynamic approach and Marxist influence progressively pushed investigators in the direction of the study of social change, complex societies and work-related migrations. In 1980,finally,the Marxist contribution increased even further, while the outlines of an anthropology that was m u c h more closely associated with the problems of development began to take shape, within the context of a m u c h greater degree of interdisciplinarity (involving economics, history, political science, and so on). O n the other hand, some countries, notably the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y and Austria, were subject for years to the influence of the diffusionist school (Kulturkreislehre, Kulturmorphologie), and that influence was widely felt in the approach to teaching at all universities. T h e long-continued popularity of diffusionism (the ethnohistorical. school) crowded out the other trends. While the teaching of anthropology is determined by the approach characteristic of a particular university (as is the case in the United K i n g d o m to some extent) or even of an entire country (as was formerly the case in the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y ) , it is also Teaching and the students determined by the nature of the teaching Approaches to teaching and educational material itself—in this instance, the anthromethods have changed over time as have the pological literature that the students can be foci of interest in anthropological research. provided with. In France, for example, some publishers T h e attention devoted to various societies or continents is itself influenced by fashion, as have brought out translations of a great many works by Malinowski, Evans-Pritchard or the m a d e k n o w n by the press and other media. In France, for example, Africa was very American anthropologists. T h e publication of ' m u c h in vogue between 1950 and 1965, but these works in paperback editions has helped shortly thereafter began to lose ground in to generate wider awareness of the ideas and favour of the South American Indian and, interests of these authors a m o n g beginners or subsequently, in the 1970s or thereabouts, non-specialist students, even though subthere was a wave of enthusiasm for the sequently more advanced study m a y lead them to adopt a more critical attitude regions of France. T h e same applies to teaching methods. towards this initial basic information. Only Eades emphasizes that in the United King- later, in the context of work at a higher level, d o m — a n d doubtless the same is true of other is it possible for the teacher to abandon this looking. In the Netherlands, specialization has occurred mainly in relation to particular regions or cultural areas, or else around specialfieldswithin anthropology, e.g. Black Africa and Indonesia at Leiden; Europe and the Mediterranean, South-East Asia and linguistics at Amsterdam; Latin America at Utrecht; the Pacific Ocean and economic anthropology at Nijmegen. This tendency for universities to specialize is not found in France or the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y , where teaching tends to be more interchangeable and specialization depends on the personalities and experience of different professors, each of w h o m organizes his lectures and research in accordance with his o w n concepts. O n the other hand, in s o m e institutes in the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y and in France (including the Institut des Langues et Civilisations Orientales, the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales and the M u s é e de l ' H o m m e in Paris), teaching m a y be quite specialized, especially since it is aimed at advanced students. It is another distinctive feature of the French system that it has to some extent dissociated general education, which is provided essentially in universities, from practical teaching arid research training, which are concentrated mainly in Paris and in specialized institutions.
  • 152. The leaching of anthropology: a comparative study general, 'cultural' aspect of his teaching and turn instead to what he considers to be more fundamental, namely transmission of 'field' experience, which was formerly regarded as the key ingredient in the ethnologist's training and k n o w - h o w . A n additional factor is concentration on a particular, more specialized field of anthropological research (kinship, economy, ritual, political life, and so on). T h e fact remains, none the less, that in France a specialized field cannot be taught to the majority until cheap paperback editions, offering in one volume articles by various authors on a single theme, become c o m m o n . Generally speaking, interdisciplinarity is coming to be an increasingly prominent feature of the teaching of anthropology, except perhaps in the Federal Republic of Germany where the pace of change is slower. In the United Kingdom, some courses are given by groups of lecturers from different disciplines. In the Netherlands, anthropology is taught in combination with other social sciences, especially those that are of use in research on development in the Third World. In France, a tradition going back to Durkheim and Mauss is used as a theoretical basis for the increasingly close association between sociology and anthropology, which is also justified on the grounds of the small number of professional opportunities available in anthropology. In Belgium, as A . Doutreloux emphasized, the anthropologist tends through force of circumstances to become a 'sort of general practitioner of the social sciences', and anthropology 'the art of interdisciplinarity' in that its function has become not so m u c h to answer to a theory as to be able to take into consideration, w h e n confronted with an actual phenomenon, the various levels or orders of reality constituting that phenomenon. 721 even longer in the case of a student w h o wishes to obtain a doctorate. In such cases the programme m a y be as long as five or seven . years. In the United Kingdom, the first year of studies is highly multidisciplinary, with sociology, law, economics and political science alternating with anthropology (University of Kent). In the second year the student is introduced to the various specialfieldswithin anthropology, and in the third year, specialization by cultural area or themes of application to development are introduced. In the Netherlands, where anthropology is still a clearly defined subject in its o w n right and is not taught as a form of 'culture' to the same extent as in France and Belgium, the work of the first and second years also includes a substantial multidisciplinary component which includes sociology, political science, philosophy and the economics of development, anthropology being taught in combination with the sociology of the Third World (Free University of Amsterdam). Specialization begins in the third year, both in anthropology and in a related discipline, the choice of which is left to the student. For example, a student w h o intends to work in Latin America m a y decide to specialize in political anthropology with religious anthropology as his second subject, choosing Spanish-language subjects as an option. Research training really begins in the fourth and fifth years w h e n the student is preparing for his doctorate. T h e doctorate is based on the fields of specialization selected in the student's third year. In France, o n the other hand, anthropology is not really taught until the third year, and then only at universities that offer undergraduate degrees and maîtrises in ethThe curriculum itself varies not only from nology. In some instances, however, courses country to country, but also from university to m a y be given in the second year, or even the university and hence, a fortiori, from one first, as part of the sociology programme. specialized institution to another. Except in Training in specialist anthropology does France, where the course of study is not so not really begin until the fifth year {diplôme long, even in universities that offer a Master's d'études approfondies), at the doctoral level degree in ethnology, the general rule is a and in seminars given in specialized institutes three- or four-year course, which of course is such as the Musée de l ' H o m m e and the École
  • 153. 722 des Hautes Études. Such training m a y also occasionally be available at a few universities offering different fields of specialization at this level. In the Federal Republic of Germany, a, Master's degree is awarded after the fourth year, study beyond that level leading to the doctorate. T h e teaching of the subject, somewhat as in France, is related to the personality of the professor concerned rather than to the nature of the university as in the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. Consequently, it is less susceptible of overall organization as it is neither homogeneous (same training in all universities) nor specialized (each university having its o w n area of specialization defined in relation to an overall structure). According to F . Valjavec, there is n o course planning and no course differentiation, apart from the formal distinctions between undergraduate, Master's and doctoral studies. In the Federal Republic of Germany, Belgium and to a considerable extent in France as well, the complaint is that excessive emphasis has been placed on theory, which is frequently divorced from field experience. A . Doutreloux stresses that students frequently find it difficult to 'perceive a practical fact as it actually is—ordinary, diversified or even disparate', even though in m a n y instances they are cramed . with concepts and theories and well armed with reading matrices and methods. This trend is also observable in France, where the Marxist school of anthropology has developed a formidable body of theory on pre-capitalist formations and forms of transition between production systems, in m a n y instances on the basis of formerly fashionable concepts such as the 'Asian m o d e of production'. O n the other hand, the swing back tó local ethnology and the study of regional customs has led to a renewal of interest in the descriptive approach and in ethnography, formerly used in monographs about the exotic 'field'. T h e students, discouraged by the lack of any professional opportunities, look less for training than for 'culture' and are increasingly Jacques Lombard interested in events in the non-European world. They have filled the lecture halls of Western universities and displayed considerable interest in anthropology since the years 1965-70. Those were the years of the great debates about ideas and the reassessment of Western society. This interest in other peoples and different cultures also arose out of the success of great theories such as LéviStrauss's structuralism which have gone well beyond the bounds of the academic world. In France, in particular, books on anthropology were widely read in secondary schools and were extensively used by teachers at that level. At present, the economic crisis and the rise of unemployment, along with the decline of the traditional general disciplines in favour of technological subjects that lead on to employment, have changed the attitudes and expectations of students, w h o are more interested in acquiring k n o w - h o w than knowledge. T h e n e w aids in education (such as statistics and computers) are being progress-, ively introduced into social science curricula and are a contributing factor in the choices m a d e by students. Those w h o learn to handle these techniques best will tend to prefer economics to sociology, and at a later stage, will prefer sociology to anthropology. In France, where there is no selection for university entrance, a survey taken in October 1983 at the University of Lille I showed that 75 per cent of the students entering the first year of sociology were girls, whereas boys tended to choose that subject as their subsidiary field of study. In the Federal Republic of Germany as well, increasing numbers of w o m e n students are going in for ethnology. Doubtless there is a cause-and-effect relationship between the lack of opportunities for employment and the trend of anthropology towards a general 'cultural' approach. This trend can only grow stronger if the number of students from related fields increases, or if, in addition to their degrees and jobs, they display an increasing tendency to regard a degree in anthropology as a 'cul-
  • 154. The teaching of anthropology: a comparative study 723 tural passport' for any intelligently prepared stay in a distant country. tation, associated with the problems of today's world, but this would lead to a fragmentation of the discipline in view of the W h a t can be done about these various crises need for genuinely interdisciplinary research. in education, the universities, and anthro- Anthropologists would have to affiliate, pology? This is what J. S. Eades asks with themselves, both theoretically and empirirespect to the United Kingdom in wondering cally, with specialists in the other social what the short- and long-term prospects are sciences, working with them in closer collaboration than they worked in the past with for anthropology as an academic discipline. In the short term, he thinks that it would their former colleagues in other special fields be desirable to continue to meet the demand of anthropology. of a minority of students by preserving Anthropology has already given the other anthropology education in its entirety. T h e social sciences its specific techniques such as departments of anthropology exist, and participant observation and small-group they must continue to meet the demand of a analysis and it has already turned to the public that is still attracted by the exotic. For study of complex societies, even though the the longer term, there are two possible techniques just referred to have sometimes courses. In thefirstplace, anthropology edu- proved to be less appropriate there than in cation could be given a m o r e historical orien- the study of rural societies. Furthermore, in tation, concentrating on vanishing cultures interdisciplinary debate, anthropology has and demanding a m o r e searching study of the always been able to emphasize the reality substantial quantity of material accumulated and complexity of any socio-cultural situation. by earlier scholars. This approach might be It still faces the task of adapting m o r e fully to of interest to a small number of students, the contemporary world, even if in so even though it has no institutional basis in the doing it must lose some part of what its academic system. Alternatively, anthropology 'substance' originally was. could be given a more contemporary orien[Translated from French] Note 1. Eleventh International Congress of the Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences. Phase I—Quebec City, 14-17 August 1983, symposium A-208: 'The teaching of anthropology'. A . Doutreloux, University of Louvain (Belgium), 'Enseigner l'anthropologie en 1983' [Teaching Anthropology in 1983]. J. S. Eades, University of Kent (United Kingdom), 'The teaching of social anthropology in the United Kingdom'. A . Koster, Free University of Amsterdam (Netherlands), 'L'enseignement de l'anthropologie aux Pays-Bas' [The Teaching of Anthropology in the Netherlands], J. Lombard, University of Lille I (France), 'L'enseignement de l'anthropologie en France' [The Teaching of Anthropology in France]. F. Valjavec, University of Tübingen (Federal Republic of Germany), 'L'ethnologie en Allemagne fédérale' [Anthropology in the Federal Republic of Germany].
  • 155. Books received Generalities, documentation Roberts, Stephen A . (ed.). Academic Research in the United Kingdom. Its Organisation and Effectiveness: Proceedings of a Symposium of the Association of Researchers in Medicine and Science. London, Taylor Grah a m , 1984. 112 p p . , figs., tables. £12. Universita J. E . Purkynë, 1983. 189 pp., graphs, tables, bibliog. Sternberg, Ghitta. Stefanesti: Portrait of a Romanian Shtetl. Oxford/New York/Toronto, Perg a m o n Press, 1984. 289 p p . , figs., illus., tables, bibliog. £20. Social sciences Trappe, Paul. Entwicklungssoziologie. Basle, Social Strategies Publishers Co-operative Society, 1984. 711 p p . , index. (Social Strategies: Monographs o n Sociology and Social Policy, 12.) 60 Swiss francs. Ander-Egg, Ezequiel. Metodología del trabajo social. Instituto de Ciencies Sociales Aplicadas, 1982. 244 p p . , figs., illus., tables. Cronin, Blaise. The Citation . Técnicas de investigación Process: The Role of Significance of Citations in Scientificsocial. [Alicante], Humanitas, 1983. 500 p p . , figs., graphs, illus. Communication. L o n d o n , Taylor G r a h a m , 1984. 103 p p . , Bilsborrow, R . E . ; Obérai, bibliog. £10. A . S.; Standing, G . (eds.). Migration Surveys in Low Income Marien, Michael (ed.); with Countries: Guidelines for SurLane Jennings. Future Survey Annual, 1983: A Guide to Re- vey and Questionnaire Design. cent Literature of Trends, Fore- London/Sydney, C r o o m H e l m ; 1984. 552 p p . , tables., bibliog. casts, and Policy Proposals. £14.95. Bethseda, World Future Society, 1984. 240 p p . , index. £25. Sri Lanka. Natural Resources, Tedd, Lucy A . An Introduction Energy and Science Authority. Social Science Research Methto Computer-based Library Sysodology, Seminar, Peradeniya, tems, 2nd ed. Chichester/New 24 Aug.-13 Sept.1980: Seminar York/Brisbane, John Wiley & Report. C o l o m b o , Natural R e Sons, 1984. 262 p p . , figs., sources, Energy and Science tables, index. Authority, 1983. 268 p p . , tables. Psychology Sociology Guéguen, Cécile; Leveau, H é lène T . Rendez-vous à la crèche. Toulouse, Privat, 1984. 164 p p . , illus. (Mésopé.) 65 francs. Martino, Joël de. Formation paradoxale et paradoxes de la formation. Toulouse, Privat, 1984. 228 p p . , figs., bibliog. (Histoire contemporaine des sciences h u maines.) 98 francs. M o z n y , Ivo. Rodina vysokoSkolsky vzdèlanych manzelû. Brnë, Demography Franco Biffi (ed.). International Federation of Catholic Universities. Centre for Coordination of Research. Demographic Policies from a Christian View Point, Symposium, Rio de Janeiro, 27-30 Sept. 1982: Proceedings. R o m e , Herder, 1984. 587 p p . , figs., tables. Nations Unies. Département des Affaires Economiques et Sociales Internationales. Tables types de mortalité pour les pays en développement. N e w York, United Nations, 1984. 351 p p . , tables. (ST/ESA/SER. A/77.) United Nations. Department of International Economie and Social Affairs. The World Population Situation in 1983: Concise Report. N e w York, United Nations, 1984. 108 p p . , tables. (ST/SEA/SER.A/85.) Grenier, Philippe. Chiloé et les Chilotes: Marginalités et dépendance en Patagonie chilienne. L a Calade, Aix-en-Provence, E D I S U D , 1984. 585 p p . , figs., maps, illus., tables, bibliog., index. 240 francs. Political science Kwasniewski, Jerzy. Society and Deviance in Communist Poland: Attitudes Towards Social Control. Leamington S p a , Berg Publishers, 1984. 209 pp'. International Federation of Catholic Universities. The Peace Movements/Les mouvements de la paixlFriedensbewegungen— Analysis and Evaluation; Mo-
  • 156. 726 tivations and Aspects, Symposium, Salzburg, 18-21 Feb. 1983: Proceedings. R o m e , R e search Centre of the I F C U , 1984. 333 pp., tables, bibliog. Nordic Perspective. Stockholm, The Industrial Institute for Economic and Social Research, 1984. 373 p p . , figs., tables. ( S E K 223.) Whitaker, Ben (ed.). Minorities: Rose, José. En quête d'emploi: A Question of Human Rights? formation, chômage, emploi. PaOxford/New York/Toronto, Perris, Económica, 1984. 196 pp., g a m o n Press, 1984. 131 pp. tables., index, bibliog. 98 francs. Economics A g h , Attila. National Development in the Third World. Budapest, Institute for World Econo m y of the Hungarian Acade m y of Sciences, 1984. 68 pp. (Studies on Developing Countries, 115.) Australia. Department of Foreign Affairs. The Development Crisis and the North-South Dialogue: An Australian Perspective. Canberra, Australian Government Publishing Service, 1984. 93 pp., tables. Inter-Regional Coordinating Committee of Development Associations. Third Inter-Regional Meeting on Development Research, Communication and Education, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, 7-9 June 1983: Beyond the North-South Dialogue/Au-delà du dialogue NordSud. Kuala Lumpur, Asian and Pacific Development Centre, 1983. 130 pp. (English/French.) Jennings, Anthony (ed.) Our Response to the Poorest of the Third World. Oxford/New York/Toronto, Pergamon Press, 1984. 64 pp., index. Mikkelsen, Arne; Vartia, Pentti; Eliasson, Gunnar; Selvik, Arne (eds.). Economic Growth in a Tolnai, György. The Role of the Peasant Small-Scale Commodity Producing Sector in the Third World. Budapest, Institute for World Economy of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 1984. 51 pp. (Studies on Developing Countries; 114.) United Nations. The Voluntary Fund for the U . N . Decade for W o m e n . A Guide to Community Revolving Loan Funds. N e w York, United Nations, 1984. 158 pp., illus., tables. Law Social relief and welfare International Labour Office. Financing Social Security—The Options: An International Analysis. Geneva, International Labour Office, 1984. 145 pp., $14.25; 25 Swiss francs. World Health Organization. Regional Office for Europe. Family Planning and Sex Education of Young People. Copenhagen, W H O Regional Office for Europe, 1984. 41 pp. ( E U R O Reports and Studies, 89.) Social anthropology Koenig, Jean-Paul. Malagasy Customs and Proverbs. Montreal, Sherbrooke, 1984. 50 pp., illus., bibliog. Polo, Jaime B . The Binalayan Fishing Ritual-Drama: A Fellowship at Sea. Tacloban City, Divine W o r d University Publications, 1983. 110 pp., illus., bibliog. Université de Paix. Les droits des humains: textes fondamentaux pour l'éducation et l'action. H u y , Literature Belgium, Georges Malempré, Collet, Paulette. Les romanciers [1984]. 143 pp. (Critères pour français et le Canada, 1842l'action.) 25 francs. 1981: Anthropologie. Sherbrooke/Paris. Editions N a a m a n Agence de Coopération Culturelle et Technique, 1984. 163 pp., gloss., index. Public administration Kleczkowski, B . M . ; Roemer, M . I.; V a n der Werff, A . Les systèmes de santé nationaux: réorientation sur la voie de la santé pour tous. Geneva, World Health Organization, 1984. 136 pp., bibliog. (Cahiers de santé publique, 77.) History Pichardo, Hortensia. Biografía del Colegio de San Cristobal de la Habana. Havana, Editorial de la Academia de Ciencias de Cuba, 1979. 292 pp., bibliog.
  • 157. Recent Unesco publications (including publications assisted by Unesco) Bibliographic Guide to Studies on the Status of Women: Development and Population Trends. Paris/Epping/New York, Unesco/Bowker/Unipub, 1983. 292 pp., index. 175 francs. 205 p p . , figs., tables. (The General History of Africa: Studies and Documents, 7.) 60 francs. The Methodology of Contemporary African History: Report and Papers of the Meeting of Experts organized by Unesco at Ouagadougou, Upper Volta, from 17 to 22 May 1979. Paris, Unesco, 1984. (The General History of Africa: Studies and Documents, 8.) 60 francs. History in Black and White: An Analysis of South African School Bibliography ofMono-and Multi- History Text-books, by E . lingual Vocabularies, Thesauri, D e a n , P . Hartmann, and M . Subject Headings and Classifi- Katzen. Paris, Unesco, 1983. Modelling Techniques and Decation Schemes in the Social Sci- 137 pp., tables., bibliog. 40 velopment Planning in the Arab ences, by Aslib Library in colfrancs. Region: Proceedings of the Relaboration with Jean Aitchison International Bibliography of the gional Symposium in Rabat, M o and C . G . Allen. Paris, Unesco, rocco, 25-28 Oct. 1982. Paris, Social Sciences: Economies/Bi1983. 101 p p . (Reports and bliographie internationale des Unesco, 1984. 290 p p . , figs., Papers in the Social Sciences, sciences sociales: Science écono- tables, bibliog. (SHS/SES/84/ 54.) 18 francs. mique, Vol. 3 0 , 1981. London/ W S / 3 1 . ) Directory of Institutions involved e w York/Paris, Tavistock PubN in Intercultural Studies/Réper- lications/Offilib, 1983. 522 pp., Organization of Social Science Information and Documenr toire des institutions d'études 560 francs. tation: Reports on 11 Countries. interculturelles. Paris, Unesco, Regional International Bibliography of the Bangkok, Unesco 1984. 169 pp. (CLT.84/WS.5.) Social Sciences: Political Sci- Office for Education in Asia Dynamics of Nation-Building ence/Bibliographie internationaleand the Pacific, 1983. 128 p p . with Particular Reference to des sciences sociales: Science (Social Sciences in Asia and the Role of Communication: politique, Vol. 30, 1981. Lon- the Pacific. Occasional M o n o graphs and Papers, 8.) Country Profiles in Historical don/New York/Paris, Tavistock Perspective. Bangkok, Unesco Publications/Offilib, 1984. 534 Science and Technology EduRegional Office for Education in pp. 560 francs. cation and National DevelopAsia and the Pacific, 1983. ment. Paris, Unesco, 1983. 197 International Bibliography of 201 p p . , tables. ( R A S S A P the Social Sciences: Social and pp., bibliog. Series on Occasional M o n o Cultural Anthropology!Bibliographs and Papers, 7.) Scientific Forecasting and H u graphie internationale des scienman Needs: Trends, Methods ces sociales: Anthropologie soEducation, Employment and and Message. Paris/Oxford, ciale et culturelle, Vol. 26, 1980. Development in the German DeUnesco/Pergamon Press, 1984. London/New York/Paris, Tavismocratic Republic, by K . Korn 204 pp.,figs.,tables. 90 francs. tock Publications/Offilib, 1983. et al. Paris, Unesco/IIEP, 1984. 528 pp. 560 francs. 170 pp., tables, bibliog., 60 Social Science Research and francs. Women in the Arab World. International Bibliography of the Paris/London/Dover, Unesco/ Social Sciences: SociologylBi- Frances Pinter, 1984. 175 p p . , Evaluation Manual, by Sven bliographie internationale des tables. 75 francs. Grabe. Paris, Unesco, 1983. 84 sciences sociales: Sociologie, pp., figs. (Socio-economic StuVol. 31, 1981. London/New Unesco: 1984-1985—Introducdies, 6.) 20 francs. York/Paris, Tavistock Publication to the Draft Programme and Historical and Socio-cultural Re- tions/Offilib, 1983. 382 pp. 560 Budget, by A . - M . M ' B o w . lations between Black Africa and francs. Paris, Unesco, 1984. 120 p p . , the Arab World from 1935 to the tables. 30 francs. Measuring Readership: Rationale Present: Report and Papers of Unesco Yearbook on Peace and and Technique, by John T . G u the Sympsoium organized by Conflict Studies, 1982. Paris/ thrie and Mary Seifert. Paris, Unesco in Paris from 25 to 27 Westport, Greenwood/Unesco, Unesco, 1984. 166 pp. July 1979. Paris, Unesco, 1984.
  • 158. 728 1983. 269 p p . , tables. 250 francs. Women and Work in Uruguay, by Graciela Taglioretti. Paris, Unesco, 1983. 79 p p . ,figs.,ta,bles. ( W o m e n in a World Perspective.) 30 francs. Études et documents de politique scientifique/Estudios y d o cumentos de política científica, 59.) 21 francs. Il/Services mondiaux d'information en sciences sociales, II/Servicios mundiales de información sobre ciencias sociales, II.) 60 francs. World Directory of Peace Research Institutions, 5th ed¿ rev. Paris, Unesco, 1984. 228 p p . (Reports and Papers in the Social Sciences, 55.) 36 francs. World List of Social Science Periodicals/Liste mondiale des World Directory of National périodiques spécialisés dans les Science and Technology Policy sciences sociales/Lista mundial Making Bodies/Répertoire monde revistas especializadas en dial des organismes directeurs de World Directory of Social Sciciencias sociales, 1982, 3rd rev. la politique scientifique et tech- ence Institutions/Répertoire moned. Paris, Unesco, 1983. 446 nologique nationale!Repertorio dial des institutions de sciences pp. (World Social Science Informundial de organismos responmation Services, I/Services m o n sociales/Repertorio mundial de sables de la política científica y instituciones de ciencias sociales, diaux d'information en sciences tecnológica nacional. Paris, sociales, I/Servicios mundiales 1982. 3rd rev. ed. Paris, U n e s Unesco, 1984. 99 p p . (Science de información sobre ciencias co, 1982. 535 p p . (World Social Policy Studies and Documents/ sociales, I.) 72 francs. Science Information Services, How to obtain these publications: (a) Priced Unesco publications can be obtained from the Office of the Unesco Press, Commercial Services ( P U B / C ) , 7 place de Fontcnoy, 75700 Paris, or from national booksellers (see ls at the end of this it issue); (b) unpriced Unesco publications can be obtained free from Unesco, Documents Division ( C O L / D ) ; (c) publications not put out directly or in co-publication by Unesco can be obtained through normal retail channels.
  • 159. Unesco publications: national distributors Albania: N . Sh. Botimeve Nairn Frasheri, T I R A N A . Burma: Trade Corporation N o . (9), 550-552 Merchant Street, R A N G O O N . Algeria: Institut Pédagogique National (IPN), 11, Canada: Renouf Publishing Company Ltd., 2182 rue Ali-Haddad, A L G E R ; Office des Publications Universitaires ( O P U ) , Place Centrale Ben Aknoun, St. Catherine Street West, M O N T R E A L , Q u e . H 3 H 1M7. A L G E R ; E N A L , 3, bd Zirout Youcef, A L G E R . Periodicals only: E N A M E P , 20, rue de la Liberté, Chad: Librairie Abssounout, 24, av. Charles-deALGER. Gaulle, B . P . 388, N ' D J A M E N A . Angola: Distribuidora Livros e Publicações, Caixa Postal 2848, L U A N D A . Argentina: E D I L Y R , S R L T u c u m á n 1685, Librería El Correo de la Unesco, 1050 B U E N O S A I R E S . Chile: Bibliocentro Ltda., Constitución n.° 7 , Casilla 13731, S A N T I A G O (21). China: China National Publications Import and Export Corporation, West Europe Department, Australia: Publications: Educational Supplies Pty.P . O . Ltd., P . O . Box 33, B R O O K V A L E 2100, NSW. Periodicals: Dominie Pty., Subscriptions Dept., P . O . Box 33, B R O O K V A L E 2100, N S W . Sub-agents: United Nations Association of Australia, P . O . Box 175, 5th Floor, Ana House, 28 Elizabeth Street, Melbourne 3000; Hunter Publications, 58A Gipps Street, C O L L I N G W O O D , Victoria 3066. Box 88, B E U I N G . Colombia: Instituto Colombiano de Cultura, Carrera 3 A n.° 18-24, B O G O T Á . Comoros: Librairie Masiwa, 4, rue A h m e d Djoumi, B.P. 124, M O R O N I . Congo: Commission nationale congolaise pour PUnesco, B . P . 493, B R A Z Z A V I L L E ; Librairie popuAustria: Buchhandlung Gerold und C o . , Graben laire, B.P. 577, B R A Z Z A V I L L E (branches in Pointe 31, A-1011 W I E N . Noire, Loubomo, Nkayi, Makabana, Owendo, Bahamas: Nassau Stationers Ltd, P . O . Box N - Ouesso and Impfondo). 3138, NASSAU. Bangladesh: Bangladesh Books International Ltd., Ittefaq Building, 1, R . K . Mission Road, Hatkhola, DACCA 3. Barbados: University of the West Indies Bookshop, Cave Hill Campus, P . O . Box 64, B R I D G E T O W N . Costa Rica: Librería Cooperativa Universitaria, Ciudad Universitaria 'Rodrigo Fació', S A N JOSÉ. Cuba: Ediciones Cubanas, O'Reilly N ° 407, L A H A B A N A . For the 'Unesco Courier' only: Empresa Coprefïl, Dragones n. 456 El Lealtad y Campanario, H A B A N A 2 . Belgium: Jean D e Lannoy, 202, avenue du Roi, Cyprus: ' M A M ' , Archbishop Makarios 3rd Ave- 1060 B R U X E L L E S . CCPOOO-0070823-13. nue, P . O . B . 1722, NICOSIA. Benin: Librairie nationale, B . P . 294, P O R T O N O V O ; Ets. Koudjo G . Joseph, B . P . 1530, C O T O N O U ; Librairie Notre-Dame, B . P . 307, C O T O N O U . Czechoslovakia: S N T L , Spalena 51, P R A H A 1 (Permanent display); Zahranicni literatura, 11 Soukenicka, P R A H A 1. For Slovakia only: Alfa Verlag, Publishers, Hurbanovo nam. 6, 89331 B R A T I S L A V A . Bolivia: Los Amigos del Libro: Casilla Postal 4415, L A P A Z ; Avenida de las Heroínas 3712, Casilla postal 450, COCHABAMBA. Botswana: Botswana Book Centre, P . O . Box 91, GABORONE. Brazil: Fundação Getúlio Vargas, Serviço de Publicações, caixa postal 9.052-ZC-02, Praia de Botafogo 188, Rio D E J A N E I R O ( G B ) . Bulgaria: Hemus, Kantora Literatura, bd. Rousky 6, SOFIJA. Denmark: Munksgaard Export and Subscription Service, 35 N0rre S0gade, D K 1370 C O P E N H A G E N K. Ecuador: Periodicals only: Dinacur Cia. Ltda, Santa Prisca n.° 296 y Pasaje San Luis. Oficina 101-102, Casilla 112-B, Q U I T O , AU publications: Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana, Núcleo del Guayas, Pedro Moncayo y 9 de Octubre, casilla de correos, 3542, G U A Y A Q U I L ; Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana, avenida 6 de Diciembre n.° 794,
  • 160. 730 casilla 74, Q U I T O ; Nueva Imagen, 12 de Octubre 959 y Roca, Edificio Mariano de Jesús. Q U I T O . Egypt: Unesco Publications Centre, 1 Talaat Harb Street, C A I R O . El Salvador: Librería Cultura Salvadoreña, S . A . , calle Delgado n° 117, A p . Postal 2296, S A N SALVADOR. Hungary: Akadémiai Könyvesbolt, Váci u. 22, B U D A P E S T V , A . K . V . Konyvtárosk Boltja, Nép-. koztársaság utja 16, B U D A P E S T VI. Iceland: Snaebjörn Jonsson & Co., H F , Hafnarstraeti 9, R E Y K J A V I K . Ethiopia: Ethiopian National Agency for Unesco, P.O. wan, K O W L O O N ; Hong Kong Government Information Services, Publication Section, Baskerville House; 22 Ice House Street, H O N G K O N G . Box 2996, A D D I S A B A B A . Finland: Akateeminen Kirjakauppa, Keskuskatu 1, SF-00100 HELSINKI 10; Suomalainen Kirjakauppa O y , Koivuvaarankuja 2, 01640 V A N T A A 64. France: Librairie de l'Unesco, 7 , place de Fontenoy, 75700 PARIS. C C P Paris 12598-48. Gabon: Librairie Sogalivre (Libreville, Port Gentil and Franceville); Librairie Hachette, B.P. 3923, LIBREVILLE. German Democratic Republic: Buchhaus Leipzig, Postfach 140, 701 Leipzig or international bookshops in the German Democratic Republic. India: Orient Longman Ltd., Kamani Marg, Ballard Estate, B O M B A Y 400038; 17 Chittaranjan Avenue, C A L C U T T A 13; 36a Anna Salai, Mount Road, M A D R A S 2; 80/1 Mahatma Gandhi Road, B A N G A L O R E 560001; 5-9-41/1 Bashir Bagh, H Y D E R A B A D 500001. Sub-depots: Oxford Book & Stationery C o . , 17 Park Street, C A L C U T T A 700016; Scindia House, N E W D E L H I 110001; Publications Section, Ministry of Education and Social Welfare, 511, C-Wing, Shastri Bhavan, N E W D E L H I 110001. Iran: Iranian National Commission for Unesco, Seyed Jamal Eddin Assad Abadi A v . , 64th St., Bonyad Bdg., P . O . Box 1533, TEHRAN. Ireland: The Educational Company of Ireland Ltd., Ballymount Road, Walkinstown, D U B L I N 12; Tycooly International Publ. Ltd., 6 Crofton Terrace, D Ú N L A O G H A I R E , C O . Dublin. Germany (Fed. Rep.): S. Karger G m b H , Karger Buchhandlung, Angerhofstr. 9, Postfach 2, D-8034 G E R M E R I N G / M Ü N C H E N . 'The Courier": M r Herbert B a u m , Deutscher Unesco-Kurier Vertrieb, B e Israel: A . B . C . Bookstore Ltd., P . O . Box 1238, 71 saltstrasse 57, 5300 B O N N 3. Allenby Road, T E L A V I V 61000. Ghana: Presbyterian Bookshop Depot Ltd., P . O . Box 195, A C C R A ; Ghana Book Suppliers, Ltd., P . O . Box 7869, A C C R A ; The University Bookshops of Ghana, A C C R A ; The University Bookshop, C A P E C O A S T ; The University Bookshop, P . O . 1, LEGON. Box Italy: Licosa (Librería Commissionaria Sansoni S.p.A.), via Lamarmora 45, casella postale 552, 50121 F I R E N Z E ; F A O Bookshop, Via délie Terme di Caracalia, 00100 R O M E . Ivory Coast: Librairie des Presses de l'Unesco, C . N . Ivoirienne pour l'Unesco, B . P . 2871, A B I D - Greece: International bookshops (Eleftheroudakis, Kauffmann, etc.); John Mihalopoulos & Son S . A . , International Booksellers, 75 Hermou Street, P . O . B . 73, T H E S S A L O N I K I ; Commission nationale hellénique pour l'Unesco, 3 rue Akadimias, JAN. ATHENS. Japan: Eastern Book Service, Inc., 37-3 Hongo 3-chome, Bunkyo-ku, T O K Y O 113. Guadeloupe: Librairie Carnot, 59, rue Barbes, 97100 POINTE-A-PITRE. Jordan: Jordan Distribution Agency, P . O . Box Guatemala: Comisión Guatemalteca de Cooperación con la Unesco, 3. a Avenida 13.30, zona 1, apartado postal 244, G U A T E M A L A . Haití: Librairie ' A la Caravelle', 26, rue Roux, B . P . Ill, PORT-AU-PRINCE. Honduras: Librería Navarro, 2. a Avenida N . ° C O M A Y A G U E L A , Tegucigalpa. Jamaica: Sangster's Book Stores Ltd., P . O . Box 366, 101 Water Lane, K I N G S T O N ; University of the West Indies Bookshop, Mona, K I N G S T O N . 375, A M M A N . Kenya: East African Publishing House, P . O . Box 30571, N A I R O B I . Korea (Republic of): Korean National Commission for Unesco, P . O . Box 64, SEOUL. 201, Kuwait: The Kuwait Bookshop Co. Ltd., P.O. Box 2942, K U W A I T . Hong Kong: Swindon Book C o . , 13-15 Lock Road, K O W L O O N ; Federal Publications (HK) Ltd., 2 D Lebanon: Librairies Antoine, A . Naufal et Frères, Freder Centre, 68 Sung W o n g Toi Road, Tokwa- B.P. 656, B E Y R O U T H .
  • 161. 71 3 Lesotho: Mazenod Book Centre, P . O . M A Z E N O D . Liberia: Code & Yancy Bookshops Ltd., P . O . Box 286, MONROVIA. Libyan Arab Jamahiriya: Agency for Development of Publication and Distribution, P . O . Box 34-35, TRIPOLI. Liechtenstein: Eurocan Trust Reg., P . O . B . 5, FL9494, S C H A A N . Luxembourg: Librairie Paul Brück, 22 Grand-Rue, LUXEMBOURG. Madagascar: Commission nationale de la République démocratique de Madagascar pour l'Unesco, B.P. 331, A N T A N A N A R I V O . Malawi: Malawi Book Service, Head Office, P . O . Box 30044, Chichiri, B L A N T Y R E 3. Netherlands Antilles: Van Dorp-Eddine N . V . , P . O . Box 200, W I L L E M S T A D , Curaçao, N . A . New Caledonia: Reprex SARL, B.P. 1572, NOUMÉA. New Zealand: Government Printing Office Bookshops: Retail Bookshop—25 Rutland Street; Mail orders—85 Beach Road, Private Bag C . P . O . , A U C K L A N D . Retail—Ward Street; Mail orders— P.O. B o x 857, H A M I L T O N . Retail—Cubacade World Trade Center, Mulgrave Street (Head Office); Mail orders—Private Bag, W E L L I N G T O N . Retail—159 Hereford Street; Mail orders—Private Bag, C H R I S T C H U R C H . Retail—Princes Street; Mail orders—P.O. Box 1104, DUNEDIN. Nicaragua: Librería Cultural Nicaragüense, calle 15 de Septiembre y avenida Bolivar, apartado n.° 807, M A N A G U A ; Librería de la Universidad Centroamericana, Apartado 69, M A N A G U A . Malaysia: Federal Publications Sdn Bhd., Lot 8238, Jalan 222, Petaling Jaya, S E L A N G O R ; Univer- ¡ Niger: Librairie Mauclert, B . P . 868, N I A M E Y . sity of Malaya Co-operative Bookshop, K U A L A Nigeria: The University Bookshop, IFE; The UniL U M P U R 22-11. versity Bookshop, Ibadan, P . O . Box 286, I B A D A N ; Mali: Librairie populaire du Mali, B . P . 28, The University Bookshop, N S U K K A ; The University Bookshop, L A G O S ; The Ahmadu Bello UniverBAMAKO. sity Bookshop, Z A R I A . Malta: Sapienzas, 26 Republic Street, V A L L E T T A . Norway: All publications: Johan Grundt Tanum, Mauritania: G R A . L I . C O . M A , 1, rue du Souk X , Karl Johans Gate 41/43, O S L O 1; Universitets Avenue Kennedy, N O U A K C H O T T . Bokhandelen, Universitetssentret, P . O . B . 307, Blindem, O S L O 3. For 'The Courier': A / S NarverMauritius: Nalanda Co. Ltd., 30 Bourbon Street, sens Litteraturjeneste, Box 6125, O S L O 6. PORT-LOUIS. Mexico: Insurgentes Sur no. 1032-401, M É X I C O 12, D F ; Librería El Correo de la Unesco, Actipán 66, Colonia del Valle, M É X I C O 12, D F . Monaco: Brjtish Library, 30, boulevard des M o u lins, Pakistan: Mirza Book Agency, 65 Shahrah Quaid-iA z a m , P . O . Box 729, LAHORE-3. Panama: Distribuidora Cultura Apartado 7571, Zona 5, P A N A M Á . Internacional, MONTE-CARLO. Paraguay: Agencia de Diarios y Revistas, Sra. Nelly de García Astillero, Pte. Franco no. 580, Morocco: Librairie 'Aux belles images', 282, aveASUNCIÓN. nue M o h a m m e d - V , R A B A T , C . C . P . 68-74. For 'The Courier' (for teachers): Commission nationale Peru: Librería Studium, Plaza Francia 1164, Aparmarocaine pour l'Éducation, la Science et la Cultado 2139, L I M A . ture, 19, rue Oqba,. B . P . 420, A G D A L - R A B A T Philippines: National Book Store Inc., 701 Rizal (C.C.P. 324-45); Librairie des écoles, 12, avenue Avenue, M A N I L A . Hassan-II, C A S A B L A N C A ; Société chérifienne de distribution et de presse,'SOCHEPRESS, angle rues Poland: Ars Polona-Ruch, Krakowskie Przedmiede Dinant et St Saens, B . P . 683, C A S A B L A N C A 05. scie 7, 00-068, W A R S Z A W A ; ORPAN-Import, Palac Mozambique: Instituto Nacional do Livro e do Kultury, 00-901, W A R S Z A W A . Disco (INLD), avenida 24 de Juhlo 1921, r/c e I.° Portugal: Diaz & Andra de Ltda., Livraria Portuandar, M A P U T O . gal, rua do Carmo 70, L I S B O A . Nepal: Sajha Prakashan, Polchowk, K A T H M A N D U . Puerto Rico: Librería Alma Mater, Cabrera 867, Netherlands: Publications: Keesing Boeken B . V . , Río Piedras, P U E R T O R I C O 00925. Joan Muyskenweg 22, Postbus 1118, 1000 B C ARTEXIM—Export/Import, Piata A M S T E R D A M . Periodicals: D & N-Faxon B . V . , Romania: Postbus 197, 1000 A D A M S T E R D A M . Scienteii n° 1, P . O . Box 33-16, 70005 B U C U R E S T I .
  • 162. 732 . Saudi Arabia: Dar Al-Watan for Publishing and Information, Olaya Main Street, Ibrahim Bin Sulaym Building, P . O . Box 3310, R I Y A D H . Trinidad and Tobago: National Commission for Unesco, 18 Alexandra Street, St Clair, P O R T O F Senegal: Librairie Clairafrique, B . P . 2005, D A K A R ; Librairie des 4 vents, 91, rue Blanchot, B . P . 1820, Tunisia: Société tunisienne de diffusion, 5, avenue DAKAR. Seychelles: N e w Service Ltd., Kingsgate House, P . O . Box 131, M A H É ; National Bookshop, P . O . Box 48, MAHÉ. SPAIN. de Carthage, T U N I S . Turkey: Haset Kitapevi A . S . Istiklâl Caddesi, N o . 469, Posta Kutusa 219, Beyoglu, ISTANBUL. Uganda: Uganda Bookshop, P . O . Box 7145, KAMPAL. Sierra Leone: Fourah Bay College, Njala University and Sierra Leone Diocesan Bookshops, F R E E - United Kingdom: H M S O Publications Centre, P . O . Box 276, L O N D O N S W 8 5 D T ; Government BookTOWN. shops: London, Belfast, Birmingham, Bristol, Singapore: Federal Publications (S) Pte Ltd., Edinburgh, Manchester; Third World Publications, 151 Stratford Road, B I R M I N G H A M B U 1 R D . For Times Jurong, 2 Jurong Port Road, S I N G A P O R E scientific maps only: McCarta Ltd, 122 King's 2261. Cross Road, L O N D O N W C 1 X 9 D S . Somalia: Modern Book Shop and General, P . O . United Republic of Cameroon: Le Secrétaire généBox 951, M O G A D I S C I O . ral de la Commission nationale de la RépubliqueUnie du Cameroun pour l'Unesco, B . P . 1600, Spain: Mundi-Prensa Libros S . A . , Castelló 37, Y A O U N D E ; Librairie des éditions Clé, B . P . 1501, M A D R I D 1; Ediciones Liber, apartado 17, MagdaY A O U N D E ; Librairie St Paul, B . P . 763, Y A O U N D E ; lena 8, O N D Á R R O A (Vizcaya); Donaire, Ronda de Librairie aux Messageries, Avenue de la Liberté, Outeiro, 20, apartado de correos, 341, L A C O B . P . 5921, D O U A L A ; Librairie aux frères réunis, R U Ñ A ; Librería Al-Andalus, Roldana 1 y 3, SEVILB . P . 5346, D O U A L A ; Centre de diffusion du livre L A 4 ; Librería Castells, Ronda Universidad 13, BARCELONA 7. camerounais, B . P . 338, D O U A L A . Sri Lanka: Lake House Bookshop, Sir Chittampalam Gardiner Mawata, P . O . Box 244, C O L O M B O 2. United Republic of Tanzania: Dar es Salaam Bookshop, P . O . Box 9030, D A R E S S A L A A M . Sudan: Al Bashir Bookshop, P . O . Box 1118, United States of America: U N I P U B , 205 East 42nd Street, N E W Y O R K , N Y 10017. Orders for booksand periodicals: U N I P U B , Box 433, Murray Hill Station, N E W Y O R K , N Y 10157. KHARTOUM. Suriname: Suriname National Commission for Unesco, P . O . Box 2943, P A R A M A R I B O . Upper Volta: Librairie Attie, B . P . 64, O U A G A D O U Sweden: All publications: A / B C E Fritzes Kungl. G O U ; Librairie catholique 'Jeunesse D'Afrique', Hovbokhandel, Regerinsgatan 12, Box 16356,. OUAGADOUGOU. , S-103 27 S T O C K H O L M . For 'The Courier': Svenska Uruguay: Edilyr Uruguaya, S . A . , Maldonado 1092, FN-Förbundet, Skolgränd 2 , Box 150 50, S-104 65 S T O C K H O L M . (Postgiro 18 46 92.) Subscriptions: M O N T E V I D E O . Wennergren-Williams A B , Box 30004, S-10425 USSR: Mezhdunarodnaja Kniga, M O S K V A G-200. STOCKHOLM. Switzerland: Europa Verlag, Rämistrass'e 5, 8024 Z Ü R I C H ; Librairies Payot (Genève, Lausanne, Bâle, Berne, Vevey, Montreux, Neuchâtel, Zurich). Syrian Arab Republic: Librairie Sayedh, Immeuble Diab, rue du Parlement, B . P . 704, D A M A S . Thailand: Nibondh and C o . Ltd., 40-42 Charoen Krung Road, Siyaeg Phaya Sri, P . O . Box 402, B A N G K O K ; Sukaspan Panit, Mansion 9, Rajdamnern Avenue, B A N G K O K ; Suksit Siam Company, 1715 R a m a IV Road, B A N G K O K . Togo: Librairie évangélique, B . P . 378, Librairie du Bon Pasteur, B . P . 1164, Librairie universitaire, B . P . 3481, L O M É . LOMÉ; LOMÉ; Venezuela: Librería del Este, A v . Francisco de Miranda, 52, Edificio Galipán, Apartado 60337, CARACAS; DILAE C A . (Distribuidora Latino- americana de Ediciones C A . ) , Calle San Antonio entre A v . Lincoln y A v . Casanova, Edificio Hotel Royal—Local 2 , Apartado 50.304, Sabana Grande, • CARACAS. Yugoslavia: Jugoslovenska Knjiga, Trg Republike 5/8, P . O . B . 36, 11-001 B E O G R A D ; - Drzavna Zalozba Slovenije, Titova C.25, P . O . B . 50-1, 61-000, LJUBLJANA. Zaire: Librairie du C I D E P , B . P . 2307, K I N S H A S A ; Commission nationale zaïroise pour l'Unesco, Commissariat d'État chargé de l'Education nationale, B . P . 32, K I N S H A S A .
  • 163. 733 Zambia: National Educational Distribution Co. of Zambia Ltd., P . O . Box 2664, L U S A K A . Zimbabwe: Textbook Sales (PTV) Ltd. 67 Union Avenue, H A R A R E . UNESCO BOOK COUPONS Unesco B o o k Coupons can be used to purchase all books and periodicals of an educational, scientific or cultural character. For full information please write to: Unesco Coupon Office, 7 place de Fontenoy. 75700 Paris, France. [49]
  • 164. Past topics1 From 1949 to the end of 1958, this Journal appeared under the n a m e of International Social Science Bulletin, not all issues of which were devoted to a main topic. Microfilms and microcards are available from University Microfilms Inc., 300 N . Zeeb R o a d , A n n Arbor, M I 48106 (United States of America). Reprint series are available from Kraus Reprint Corporation, 16 East 46th Street, N e w York, N Y 10017 (United States of America). Vol. XI, 1959 No. 1. Social aspects of mental health* N o . 2. Teaching of the social sciences in the U S S R * N o . 3. The study and practice of planning* No. 4. Nomads and nomadism in the arid zone* Vol. XII, 1960 N o . 1. Citizen participation in political life* N o . 2. The social sciences and peaceful co-operation* N o . 3. Technical change and political decision* N o . 4. Sociological aspects of leisure* Vol. No. No. No. No. XIII, 1961 1. Post-war democratization in Japan* 2. Recent research on racial relations 3. T h e Yugoslav c o m m u n e 4. T h e parliamentary profession Vol. XIV, 1962 No. 1. Images of women in society* N o . 2. Communication and information No. 3. Changes in the family* N o . 4. Economics of education* Vol. XV, 1963 N o . 1. Opinion surveys in developing countries N o . 2. Compromise and conflict resolution N o . 3. Old age N o . 4. Sociology of development in Latin America Vol. No. No. No. XVI, 1964 1. Data in comparative research* 2. Leadership and economic growth 3. Social aspects of African resource development N o . 4. Problems of surveying the social sciences and humanities 1. The asterisk denotes issues out of print. Vol. XVII, 1965 N o . 1. M a x W e b e r today/Biological aspects of race* N o . 2. Population studies N o . 3. Peace research* N o . 4. History and social science Vol. XVIII, 1966 N o . 1. H u m a n rights in perspective* No. 2. M o d e r n methods in criminology* N o . 3. Science and technology as development factors* No. 4. Social science in physical planning* Vol. XIX, 1967 N o . 1 Linguistics and communication* N o . 2, The social science press N o . 3 Social functions of education* N o . 4. Sociology of literary creativity* Vol. XX, 1968 N o . 1. Theory, training and practice in management* N o . 2. Multi-disciplinary problem-focused research* N o . 3. Motivational patterns for modernization N o . 4. T h e arts in society* Vol. XXI, 1969 N o . 1. Innovation in public administration* N o . 2. Approaches to rural problems* N o . 3. Social science in the Third World* N o . 4. Futurology* Vol. XXII, 1970 N o . 1. Sociology of science* N o . 2. Towards a policy for social research N o . 3. Trends in legal learning N o . 4. Controlling the human environment
  • 165. 736 Vol. XXIII, 1971 N o . 1. Understanding aggression N o . 2. Computers and documentation in the social sciences N o . 3. Regional variations in nation-building N o . 4. Dimensions of the racial situation Vol. No. No. No. Vol. No. No. No. No. Vol. XXXI, 1979 N o . 1. Pedagogics of social science: some experiences No. 2. Rural-urban articulations No. 3. Patterns of child socialization N o . 4. In search of rational organization XXIV, 1972 1. Development studies 2. Youth: a social force? 3. The protection of privacy 4. Ethics and institutionalization in social science Vol. XXV, 1973 N o . 1/2. Autobiographical portraits N o . 3. The social assessment of technology N o . 4. Psychology and psychiatry at the cross-roads Vol. XXVI, 1974 N o . 1. Challenged paradigms in international relations N o . 2. Contributions to population policy N o . 3. Communicating and diffusing social science N o . 4. The sciences of life and of society Vol. XXVII, 1975 N o . 1. Socio-economic indicators: theories and applications N o . 2. The uses of geography N o . 3. Quantified analyses of social phenomena N o . 4. Professionalism in flux Vol. No. No. No. XXVIII, 1976 1. Science in policy and policy for science* 2. The infernal cycle of armament 3. Economics of information and information for economists N o . 4. Towards a new international economic and social order Vol. XXIX, 1977 N o . 1. Approaches to the study of international organizations N o . 2. Social dimensions of religion N o . 3. The health of nations N o . 4. Facets of interdisciplinarity XXX, 1978 1. The politics of territoriality 2. Exploring global interdependence 3. H u m a n habitats: from tradition to modernism No. 4. Violence Vol. XXXII, 1980 No. 1. The anatomy of tourism N o . 2. Dilemmas of communication: technology versus comunities? No. 3. Work N o . 4. O n the state Vol. XXXIII, 1981 No. 1. Socio-economic information: systems, uses and needs N o . 2. At the frontiers of sociology N o . 3. Technology and cultural values N o . 4. Modern historiography Vol. No. No. No. No. XXXIV, 1982 91. Images of world society 92. Sporting life 93. M a n in ecosystems 94. Makings of music Vol. No. No. No. No. XXXV, 1983 95. Burdens of militarization 96. Political dimensions of psychology 97. The World economy: theory and reality 98. W o m e n in power spheres Vol. XXXVI, 1984 No. 99. Interaction through language ' N o . 100. Industrial democracy N o . 101. Migration Back numbers may be purchased from your Unesco publications national distributor at current single-copy rates.
  • 166. French edition: Revue Internationale des Sciences Sociales . . (ISSN 0304-3037), Unesco, Paris (France). Spanish edition: Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales (ISSN 0379-0762), Unesco, Paris (France). Chinese edition: Guóji shehui kexue zazhi Gulouxidajie Jia 158, Beijing (China). Subscription rates [A]: 128 F (1 year) Single issue: 4 0 F A n y of the distributors listed will be pleased to accept subscriptions; rates in currencies other than the above will be supplied on application to the distributor in the country concerned. W h e n notifying change of address please enclose last wrapper or envelope. Authors are responsible for the choice and the presentation of the facts contained in signed articles and for the opinions expressed therein, which are not necessarily those of Unesco and do not commit the Organization. Published texts m a y be freely reproduced and translated (except illustrations and when reproduction or translation rights are reserved), provided that mention is m a d e of the author and source. Correspondence arising from this Journal should be addressed to: T h e Editor, International Social Science Journal, Unesco, 7 place de Fontenoy, 75700 Paris. Typeset by Coupé S.A., Sautron Printed by Imprimerie des Presses Universitaires de France, Vendôme © Unesco 1984 Printed in France

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