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Rosanna De Rosa: Voice of the People or Cybercratic Centralism? The italian case of Beppe Grillo and Movimento Cinque Stelle – Five Stars Movement
 

Rosanna De Rosa: Voice of the People or Cybercratic Centralism? The italian case of Beppe Grillo and Movimento Cinque Stelle – Five Stars Movement

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CeDEM Day 1, afternoon, Track: E­‐Democracy and E­‐Politics, Main Hall, Chair: Reinhard Riedl

CeDEM Day 1, afternoon, Track: E­‐Democracy and E­‐Politics, Main Hall, Chair: Reinhard Riedl

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    Rosanna De Rosa: Voice of the People or Cybercratic Centralism? The italian case of Beppe Grillo and Movimento Cinque Stelle – Five Stars Movement Rosanna De Rosa: Voice of the People or Cybercratic Centralism? The italian case of Beppe Grillo and Movimento Cinque Stelle – Five Stars Movement Presentation Transcript

    • The  italian  case  of  Beppe  Grillo  and  Movimento  Cinque  Stelle    Rosanna  De  Rosa,  University  of  Naples  Federico  II  (rderosa@unina.it)    Cedem  2013  Krems  
    • Grillo,  Person  of  the  Year,  2004  Time  Magazine    21  may  2012,  after  local  election  
    • A  grassroots  request  for  change  the  legislation  consisting  of  three  points:  •  no  to  anyone  involved  in  criminal  lawsuits  standing  for  parliament,    •  no  to  re-­‐election  after  two  mandates  •  yes  to  direct  election  of  candidates    «we  are  tired  of  feel  ashamed  for  you»  
    • 2008  local  election:      30  local  administration  7  borough  officials  elected    
    • The  Meetup  platform  is  used  as  a  meta-­‐organization  platform    for  5SM  groups  and  activities  (Lanfrey  2012)  One  star  for  each  of  the  cardinal  points  the  Movement  upholds:    •  environment    •  water    •  development    •  connectivity    •  transport    
    • Most  of  them  were  born  in  the  South  of  Italy  but  live  in  the  North-­‐East.    The  vast  majority  of  them  are  white-­‐collar  workers  or  self-­‐employed  professionals  in  private  firms,  with  a  smaller  group  of  university  students.    There  are  no  unemployed  members  or  people  working  on  short-­‐term  contracts.    5SM  activists  would  like  to  help  Italy  move  forward  but  they  feel  blocked  by  a  political  class  who  are   incapable   of   modernising   themselves   or   the   country,   preferring   to   insist   with   conservative  strategies.  They  appear  very  radical  as  regards  public  administration,  the  media,  the  jobs  market.  They  also  refute  the  idea  of  leaderism  and  anti-­‐politics  as  media  simplification  preferring  to  think  of  themselves  as  anti-­‐bad  politics  (Orazi  and  Socci,  2008).    Mp  Crimi   Mp  Lombardi  Mp  Fico  
    • 2008  (local  election):    30  local  administration  7  borough  officials    2009  (local  election):  64  local  administrations  23  elected  as  borough  officials  6  elected  as  district  representatives    2010  (local  and  regional  election)  5  regions  and  12  local  administration  4  elected  as  regional  representatives  7  elected  as  borough  officials    2011  77  local  administration  53  elected  as  borough  officials    2012  103  local  administration  173  elected  as  borough  officials  4  elected  as  mayor  
    • Genova  over  15%  Verona  9,5%  La  Spezia  and  Alessandria  11,7  %    In  Sicily,  5SM  is  the  first  party  with  18,20%  of  votes  and  15  elected  officials  
    • The  5sM’s    new  political  offer  emerges  There  is  an  empty  space  that  a  new  form  of  representation  could  fill  Social  Media  has  reached  a  critical  mass  of  people    Political  corruption  reached  levels  never  so  hight  since  Tangentopoli  Meantime,  Italy  is  starting  to  feel  the  crisis  arriving  In  Europe,  the  country’s  credibility  have  reached  an  all-­‐time  low  Up  to  83%  of  citizens  do  not  trust  political  parties  any  more  Traditional  institutional  equilibriums  seemed  to  be  wavering  Both  the  right-­‐wing  and  the  left-­‐wing  appear  swamped  in  internal  debate  Italian  political  scene  had  never  looked  so  wobbly    
    • BeppeGrillo.it  Information  ecosystem  Participation  environment  Interaction  environment  Social  Media  System  Permanent  Campaign  
    • The  blog  plays  a  central  role  in  information,  communication  and  regulation  of  groups  The  MeetUp  groups  are  strictly  local  organisations  making  for  the  kind  of  in-­‐depth  knowledge  of  local  issues    Activists  who  decide  to  stand  for  election  accept  to  campaign  always  and  only  on  behalf  of  local  issues  Candidates  are  not  allowed  to  stand  for  other  elections  while  they  are  in  office.    The  cult  of  the  persona  and  careerist  ambition  are  discouraged,  because  they  want  to  keep  the  movement  firmly  focused  on  its  principle  of  direct  representation.  The  mandate  stipulates  that  elected  candidates  need  to  account  for  their  work  every  so  often.    The  problem  of  political  leadership  at  local  level  has  been  solved  by  making  it  answerable  to,  and  mutually  dependent  on,  the  constituency  it  represents  Decision-­‐making  therefore  works  on  a  proxy-­‐voting  system,  facilitated  by  appropriate  technological  support.  Any  elected  is  a  delegate  of  the  movement  
    • The  5S  people  is  inspired  by  the  liquid  democracy  model,  based  on  proxy  vote.      Groups  are  testing  platforms  such  as  LiquidFeedback  and  Airesis,  but  it  seems  that  Casaleggio  and  Grillo  are  thinking  to  something  else  
    • Parlamentarie  The  primary  election  that  Grillo  organised  to  select  his  candidates  for  parliament    Tsunami  Tour  Grillo’  electoral    Campaign    5S  eParliament  Streaming  partisan  relationships  and    parliament  works  Quirinarie  The  primary  election  to  select  the  Head  of  the  State  199  Route  Campaign  The    number  of  lists  presented  to  the  2013  local  election  (on  700  administration  to  be  renewed)  
    • The  Profile  of  Parlamentarie  Date:  3-­‐6  december  2012  Number  of  candidates:  1.486  Number  of  Voters:  20.252  (out  of  31.612)  Number  of  possible  choices:  3  Expressed  votes:  57272  (potential  votes  were  60756)  Male  candidates:  87,15  %  Female  candidates:  12,85  %    (only  192  out  of  1486)  Average  age:  42  years  Young  candidates:  10%  is  less  then  29  years  old  Professionals  and  Employees  in  Private  Firms:    42,49  %  Number  of  students:  2,49  This mini-sample shows that the 5SM does not fit the so-called “populist” people
    • A  multiplier  factor  A  gender  factor  A  merit  factor  Age-­‐group  factor  Rules  that  have  inspired  the  formation  of  the  list  Female    Young    
    • 18  december  2012:  The  Statute  defines  the  electoral  status  of  the  movement  Opinion  polling    agencies    rank  the  movement  up  20%  About  300.000  registered  people  to  the  Grillo  networks  Meetup  groups    rose  from  500  to  over  1000  January:  The  Tsunami  Campaign  starts.  Grillo  meet  citizens  in  over  70  squares  Old  and  new  media  are  used  to  amplify  the  campaign,  to  bridge  online  and  offline  electorate  (webTV)  Young  and  students:  the  post-­‐political  electorate  target-­‐group  to  reach  
    • Use  of  anti-­‐language  and  going  negative  Re-­‐mediation  of  communication  Shared  goals:  giving  people  an  objective  to  fight  for  Organised  communities  Micro-­‐mobilisation  Social-­‐empowering  Unifying  media  and  message  Globalizing  the  network  Creating  a  seamless  environment  
    • Vote  intention  on  Social  Networks  Over  1.300.000  likes  on  Facebook  Over  1.200.000  followers  on  Twitter  Over  1.100  Meetup  groups  Number  of  mentions  on  Social  Networks  The  web  became  the  connective  tissue,  the  megaphone  and  the   organising   principle   behind   a   campaign   that   offers  seamless   movement   between   different   reality   spaces  (online/offline).    It  worked  as  an  integrated  whole  with  citizen-­‐voters  at  its  heart,  hubs  in  a  power  network  who  themselves  took  on  the  job  of  stripping  old  politicians  of  their  role  and  restructuring  democratic  processes,  with  parliament  in  central  position.    
    • The  Movement  got  8.69  million  votes  in  total,  2.4  million  in  the  South,  2.1  in  the  North-­‐East,  and  1.6  in  the  so-­‐called  “red  regions”  (Data  Cattaneo  Institute).    In  the  Lower  House,  the  5SM  comes  second  to  the  Pd,  with  25.55%  of  the  votes.      In  the  Senate  it  gets  23.79%  of  the  votes.    
    • LiquidFeedback   Airesis  Either  secret  and  open  ballot  Collaborative  wiki  User-­‐friendly  platform  Proxy  vote  Non-­‐secret  ballots  Schultze  metod  Open  Source  Proxy  vote  Which  platform  can  support  5SM  delegates  within  the  parliament?  •  Goals:  •  Engaging  activists  in  the  decision-­‐making  process  •  Freeing  “delegates“  by  Casaleggio  and  Grillo  Control  •  Ensuring  internal  democracy  and  effectiveness  •  Introducing  new  procedures  in  representative  institutions  
    • Video   streaming   democracy   is   the   new  format  adopted  by  5S  activists  which  has  serious   implications   on   transparency   and  control.  The   control   chain   and   the   no-­‐confidence   stance   are   very   closely-­‐linked.   The   5SM  activists   control   the   political   classes   and   have   seats   within   the   institutions   but   the  activists   are   controlled   by   the   Movement,   thus   making   the   accountability   process   a  more  and  more  central  question.  
    • An  online  deliberative  polling  to  select  the  head  of  State  Little  number,  greater  audience  The  debate  spreads  the  web  The  process  highlights  the  distance  between  will  of  people  and  partitocratic  agreements  The  movement  become  the  Lobby  of  People  
    • The  Grillo’blog    is  the  central  node  of  the  movement  Grillo  and  Casaleggio  dictates  the    political  line  Grillo  hold  exclusive  rights  on  the  brand  name  Rule  are  established  by  Grillo  and  Casaleggio  Negative  and  positive  incentives  are  used  to  control  the  network  Activists  need  to  submit  to  both  the  Grillo’  blog  and  Local  MeetUp  Grillo’s  Communication  model  is  broadcasting  Local  organization  are  inclusive  but  selective  at  same  time  Local  organization  are  free  to  manage  themself  Local  organization  chooses  the  issues  to  fights  for  They  all  share  the  idea  of  connected  intelligence  and  wisdom  of  crowds  The  communication  model  of  5SM  is  netcasting  
    • 45%  of  M5S  voters  thinks  that  parties  will  become  more  and  more  weak    33%  of  M5S  voters  thinks  that  parties  are  destined  to  die    16%  of  M5S  voters  thinks  that  there  is  space  only  for  movements  
    • •  Grillo’s  5SM  is  the  tip  of  the  iceberg  of  a  complex  phenomenon  that  emerges  from  the  separation  between  legitimacy  and  trust,  two  principles  which  theories  of  democracy  and  representation  had  merged  together  in  the  form  of  electoral  processes  (Rosanvallon,  2008).    •  The  electoral  process  can  no  longer  be  seen  as  sufficient  reason  for  keeping  afloat  a  political  class  that  fails  to  respond  to  citizens’  needs  and,  more  importantly,  fails  to  deserve  their  trust.    •  Grillo  is  then  a  product  of  a  set  of  a  unique  circumstances:  the  political  and  economical  situation,  the  party  system  crisis,  the  transformative  power  of  new  media,  which  now  are  enabling  a  critical  mass  of  citizens  to  claim  their  rights,  demanding  transparency,  effectiveness  and  participation  in  political  processes.        •  In  this  contest,  the  movement  can  be  seen  as  a  technological  organization  of  distrust.