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Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters  complications, dangers, and responses
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Kan (2008) drug intoxicated irregular fighters complications, dangers, and responses

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  • 1. DRUG INTOXICATED IRREGULAR FIGHTERS: COMPLICATIONS, DANGERS, AND RESPONSES Paul Rexton Kan March 2008Visit our website for other free publication downloads http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ To rate this publication click here. in Title 17, United States Code, Section 101. As such, it is in the public domain, and under the provisions of Title 17, United States Code, Section 105, it may not be copyrighted.
  • 2. ***** The views expressed in this report are those of the authorDepartment of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S.Government. This report is cleared for public release; distributionis unlimited. ***** Comments pertaining to this report are invited and should beforwarded to: Director, Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army WarCollege, 122 Forbes Ave, Carlisle, PA 17013-5244. ***** All Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) publications are availableon the SSI homepage for electronic dissemination. Hard copiesof this report also may be ordered from our homepage. SSI’shomepage address is: www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil. ***** The Strategic Studies Institute publishes a monthly e-mailnewsletter to update the national security community on theresearch of our analysts, recent and forthcoming publications, andupcoming conferences sponsored by the Institute. Each newsletteralso provides a strategic commentary by one of our researchanalysts. If you are interested in receiving this newsletter, pleasesubscribe on our homepage at www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/newsletter/.ISBN 1-58487-344-2 ii
  • 3. FOREWORDthe history of warfare. Yet widespread drug use on thefought by nonprofessional combatants that take placein an international system characterized by the processof globalization. From marijuana, khat, hallucinogenicmushrooms, cocaine, heroin, and methamphetaminefound a ready supply of narcotics to consume fora variety of combat purposes. Such consumptionatrocities, and to the prolongation of internal violence.The presence of intoxicated combatants will continue DOUGLAS C. LOVELACE, JR. Director Strategic Studies Institute iii
  • 4. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE AUTHORPAUL REXTON KAN is currently an Associate Pro-fessor of National Security Studies at the U.S. ArmyWar College at Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania. WhileCenter for China-United States Cooperation where hecoordinated professional exchanges with Chinese of- -and the People’s Liberation Army. Dr. Kan has pub-lished articles on the links between irregular warfareand criminality in Small Wars and Insurgencies, Interna-tional Journal of Intelligence and Counterintelligence, Airand Space Power Review, and Defense Intelligence Journal.He was recently awarded the U.S. Army War College’scontemporary warfare. Dr. Kan earned his B.A. in Po-at Santa Barbara, and his Ph.D. in International Studiesfrom the Graduate School of International Studies atthe University of Denver. iv
  • 5. SUMMARY The complexity of many ongoing and persistentthe widespread presence of drug intoxicated irregularhas coincided with the use of child soldiers, has ledprovided the conditions for the breakdown of socialcontrols and commission of atrocities, and caused thelessening of command and control among the ranks.Although the nonmedical use of drugs by combatantshas a long history, recent encounters of professionalarmed forces have demonstrated the need to reinvesti-gate the reasons irregular combatants consume drugs, Intoxication among combatants continues to be afelt by combatants consuming illegal narcotics onPressures like social norms, legal controls, expense, andavailability, along with individual fears of addiction,toxicity, and concerns about the lack of knowledgeabout a drug and supervision of its use are oftenmitigated by the nature of contemporary wars whichtear down each of these by focusing attacks on theinstitutions and people who comprise them. However,drug use and abuse in wartime still depend on thelaw of supply and demand which is distorted dueto the type of consumer (a person engaged in armedis available. v
  • 6. “Combatant demand” is comprised of four mainreasons that drugs are sought by those engaged inrelaxation. The supply side for drugs in today’s warsfalls into at least one of four categories: traditional,transshipped, looted, and manufactured. The resultis the use of marijuana, khat, hallucinogenic mush-rooms, cocaine, heroin, methamphetamine, andto overcome since such protraction creates conditionsfor drug use among their forces as well. Lengthieramong troops that can be soothed by drug use. A typecreates an atmosphere for the greater demand fordrugs among irregular and professional forces. Although militaries from developed countries arebeginning to acknowledge the strategic and tacticaleffects of drugged combatants, little has changed in theway military and political leaders have conceptualizedthe role of illegal narcotics in warfare. What is needed isgreater cooperation among agencies of the Departmentof Defense, Department of Justice, Department ofTreasury, and Department of Homeland Security tomonitor and assess the ways drugs are being used byirregular forces so that new strategies can be added tothe plans of conventional forces who may intervene inlaw enforcement to track and trace combatant supplyand demand will prepare militaries for encounterswith drug intoxicated combatants by developingearly warning signals in order to adjust their tactics in vi
  • 7. Additional institutional measures should be putin place before the next intervention in environmentsmeasures could include nesting operations targetedat reducing drug use in campaign plans from thebeginning, while including new training to considernew military objectives like patrols along smugglingroutes and securing hospitals, clinics, and pharmaciesduring an intervention. In situations where nation-building and stability operations are mandated, themain goal of governments in responding to theseof violence through a reduction of the use of drugs.By lowering the demand for drug use, command andcontrol can be strengthened among irregular forces,thus increasing the likelihood of adherence to theparameters of any potential peace accord. To reducesupport is needed for the professional military tomonitor, treat, and provide long-term care for activeduty troops and veterans who may develop substanceabuse disorders. vii
  • 8. DRUG INTOXICATED IRREGULAR FIGHTERS:COMPLICATIONS, DANGERS AND RESPONSESgroups funding their operations by turning to the drugtrade.1not the only way that drugs complicate contemporarythat challenge policymakers and military leaders. Asone psychopharmacologist has argued, the desire toseek intoxication may be a “fourth drive” in humanbeings after hunger, thirst, and sex.2 Such a driveappears to have an abiding link to warfare. The nonmedical use of drugs by combatants has along history. In 1781, a South American Indian militiaresupplied with coca leaves.3 Peyote was routinely usedby various Native American warriors before armedclashes with British, French, and American colonialarmies. The Zulu warriors of Isandlwana cooked acannabis broth, emboldening them and making themunpredictable to British troops in 1879. Commandersof European forces, however, were reluctant to permittheir own troops to partake in the local drug of choice.4While in Egypt, Napoleon noticed the smoking ofhashish among the lower classes and forbade it by histroops.5 However, paralleling the trade of opium to fundto opium as a result of being given morphine to treattheir injuries.6 In fact, opium and morphine becameso closely associated with the military profession 1
  • 9. that those who became addicted were said to havecontracted the “soldier’s disease.” Western forces werenot the only forces who succumbed to the intoxicatingof the Chinese emperor during the time of the Opiumthe empire against opium were addicted themselves.successes of the Taiping Rebellion (whose memberstouted their sobriety as a virtue) may be explained inpart by the nearly 90 percent addiction rate among theChinese emperor’s army.7 Drug use among conventional forces also has rootsWorld War I. The fear of cocaine abuse among BritishImperial Forces was spread by the media of the time byportraying it as part of a German plan to demoralizetheir adversary.8 During World War II, amphetaminesmen alert and were provided in ration kits of Americantroops.9Imperial Japanese forces in World War II.10 During theKorean War, American servicemen stationed in Koreaand Japan invented the “speedball,” an injectablemixture of amphetamine and heroin.11 U.S. troops inVietnam preferred marijuana, but when subject to asudden marijuana ban, they turned to heroin. Disciplinelamented 2 years after the marijuana crackdown, “Ifit would get them to give up the hard stuff, I wouldbuy all the marijuana and hashish in the Delta as apresent.”12 While conventional forces struggled (and continueto struggle) with drug use among the ranks, warfaretoday occurs in a different context, meaning that drug 2
  • 10. consumption by combatants has differing effectsthat military leaders and policymakers must takeinto account. Contemporary wars feature new actorsemploying differing tactics than conventional militariesand doing so for a variety of different goals. - formed” as we enter a “new era, not of peaceful com- petition between trading blocks, but of warfare between ethnic and religious groups” waged “not by armies but by groups whom we today call terrorists, guerrillas, bandits, and robbers.” Barbara Ehrenriech, too, points to a “new kind of war,” one “less disciplined and more spontaneous than the old,” and “one often fought by ill-clad bands more resembling gangs than armies.” In ones centrally about “identity politics,” fought in a con- text of globalization by “a disparate range of different types of groups such as paramilitary units, local war- lords, criminal gangs, police forces, mercenary groups, and also regular armies including breakaway units of regular armies.”13These are rich environments for the presence ofwidespread drug use. This monograph examines theDEGREES OF DRUG USE IN CONTEMPORARYCONFLICTS Intoxication among combatants continues to be aand unrestrained degrees (see Table 1). Regardless of the 3
  • 11. to constrain it. Taking mind altering substances maybe aware of danger and competent enough to defendclear mind would seem to be more advantageous thanbeing strung out. However, much like drug use byordinary citizens in peace time, “gains generally loomlarger than risks [because] gains tend to be immediate”remote.14 Individual fears and concerns are oftenmitigated by the atmosphere of organized violence—the gain of cheating death outweighs the possibilityof impairment, illness, or injury in the minds of manycombatants who consume drugs. via intoxication or addiction. Acute: Bosnia, Colombia, Congo, Peru, Philippines, Russia (Chechen rebels), Rwanda. motivation for atrocities against civilians. ranks. Unrestrained: Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Uganda. who may conduct violent operations to support their habits. Table 1. Degrees of Drug Use by Combatants. 4
  • 12. Additionally, while there are numerous externalpressures that constrain an individual’s desire to usedrugs in peacetime, such constraints are not alwayspresent during war. These constraints include socialnorms, legal controls, expense, and availability,along with individual fears of addiction, toxicity, andconcerns about the lack of knowledge about a drugand supervision of its use. Social norms, legal controls,expense, and availability are often mitigated by thenature of contemporary wars which tears down eachof these by focusing attacks on the institutions andpeople who comprise them. In fact, some appeals that lead an individual toabuse drugs during peacetime are heightened duringwar. Peer pressure and “turning on” a friend to a drugare more acutely felt in wartime when an individualgroup cohesion occurs when individuals experienceand survive danger with their fellow comrades. Druguse allows an individual to “prove himself” to hiscontext. Although key restraints are removed and appealsincreased, drug use and abuse in wartime still dependon the law of supply and demand. However, supplyand demand are distorted due to the type of consumer(a person engaged in armed violence) and the areaswarring groups to participate in certain key nodes,there are distinctions in supply and demand at theways contemporary wars are now being waged. 5
  • 13. DRUG DEMAND AMONG COMBATANTSmain reasons—stimulation, reward, recruitment,and relaxation—and comprise a type of “combatantdemand.”15and to ignore the possibilities of injury and death.situations of organized violence. Afghan soldiers whoworked with Soviet forces against the mujahedin wereprovided hashish in their rations; “When you get highon hashish, you become completely revolutionary andattack the enemy—fear simply disappears.”16 Drugs areoften used to fend off the boredom that accompaniesDrugs have been offered as rewards for conductinghazardous or unpalatable operations against civilians.whereby warring groups take a territory and celebrateby looting medical buildings for drugs and thenfollowing up with orgies of rape, torture, and murderof local residents.17 Recruitment is also aided by theuse of drugs and the type of devastation that occursfor a combatant leader, the provision of drugs can swayan individual’s decision to join the ranks of a warringgroup. The stress of combat can also increase the desirealleviate the stress felt by a combatant and help him tothe level of violence has altered the drug habits among 6
  • 14. Pathet Lao were forbidden by social custom to smokeopium, but after the American bombing campaignagainst their strongholds, many took up the habit tocalm their nerves.18 Since the overwhelming number of today’s wars arecivil wars, they are largely fought by nonprofessionalarmed groups like insurgent organizations, militias,and paramilitaries. Unlike members of professionalmilitaries, these groups are not prescribed andadministered drugs by a centralized governmentbureaucracy or monitored by medical professionals.This has become problematic since these groups aremainly comprised of civilians who are not trained toweapons like their professional military counterparts.engage in close combat encounters and often the ex-treme tension of hand-to-hand combat. Drugs providea means to cope with the physical stress and mentalanxiety that are a part of such violent encounters. Inessence, drugs can compensate for the lack of trainingand mental discipline that are part of the compositionof professional military forces and are a resource thatcan increase the probability of winning for militarilyweaker groups. The widespread presence of civilians on thewho cultivate drug crops, inhabit valuable agriculturalspace, or live near transportation routes come to beseen as legitimate targets by opposing groups. Actingagainst these civilians by nonprofessional and poorly 7
  • 15. narcotics.sophisticated weaponry facilitates the ease of its use;shooting a gun, planting a mine, or aiming a mortarIn contrast to the high tech weapons of professionaleasy-to-use weapons provide very little restraint ondrug use and intoxication by irregular or untrainedforces. In addition, the emergence of wartime drug marketsis assisted by the presence of criminals and addicts inthe ranks of irregular forces. Besieged governmentshave not been averse to letting criminals “earn theirinsurgents and terrorists, who are considered byhave spent time in prison among drug dealers andand dealers to his cause during his time in a Jordanianprison.19DRUG SUPPLY IN CONTEMPORARYCONFLICTS The demand for drugs by combatants must bejuxtaposed with the availability of drugs to combatants. 8
  • 16. Typically, the supply for drugs in today’s wars falls intoat least one of four categories: traditional, transshipped,looted, and manufactured. These categories are notsources. Traditional drugs are those that are part of thelong-standing cultural practices of the societies of whicha warring group is a part and are naturally producedexample, the drug khat is part of the social landscapeof east African societies, and its use is incorporated bycombatants in Somalia and Sudan. Traditional drugshonorably or to become impervious to injury and deathin combat. This has been commonplace in Liberia’s civilwine donned dresses and wigs, believing that bulletswould be confused and misidentify their true targets. Other drugs which are consumed are those thatare available due to the presence of a transit routesince it has made a variety of drugs available to newtransshipment points. Coca, for example, is not grownin Africa, yet cocaine is routinely used by combatantsfor securing routes is not uncommon; Revolutionaryconsumed crack cocaine and “brown-brown” (heroin)that were transshipped through their territories.20 Drugs can also be attained by looting them frompharmacies, clinics, and hospitals. These are prescrip-tion drugs manufactured by pharmaceutical companies 9
  • 17. for ailments unrelated to combat. Nonetheless, they(and carnival) related purposes. Drugs looted frompharmacies were used as rewards and motivatorsfor those Hutus who committed atrocities againstTutsis during the Rwanda genocide in 1994.21 In(stimulant), Benzhexol (relaxant), Benzodizeapines(a stimulant when abused), and Valium looted fromclinics, pharmacies, and hospitals in the immediateaftermath of the fall of Baghdad have been abused.22prescribed by physicians to treat legitimate disordersand “home manufactured” drugs like amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS), methamphetamine in particular.use has been found in insurgent hideouts. Numerouspipes and needles.23random autopsies of insurgents discovered high levelsof narcotics use.24TYPES OF DRUGS USED IN CONTEMPORARYCONFLICTS When the ways supplies of drugs are madeavailable are placed together with the reasons they are The drugs 25that are used by members of a single combatant groupwill often combine various drugs. For example, in 10
  • 18. Colombia, many combatants smoke basuco which iscocaine paste combined with marijuana and tobacco.26In some instances, transshipped drugs are alsoadopted into the ceremonial practices of a warringgroup to increase the “high” that is experienced bybecame regularly ingested by participants in its civilwar.27 Several drugs like heroin, marijuana, and ATSare used for a number of purposes and are availablein a number of different contexts. Hallucinogens likemushrooms, while a part of traditional uses, are alsoused by certain troops who do not participate in localpractices but merely take advantage of their nearbywhere combatants have been known to consume drugs,drugs known to be consumed by belligerents. Traditional Transshipped Looted ManufacturedStimulant Marijuana, Cocaine, ATS Pharmaceuticals ATS, “basuco” Hashish, Khat, Mushrooms, CocaReward Khat Heroin, Pharmaceuticals ATS CocaineRecruitment Marijuana, Khat Heroin, Pharmaceuticals Unknown CocaineRelaxant Marijuana, Heroin, Pharmaceuticals Prescribed Hashish Opium, Medications for Marijuana Professional Militaries 11
  • 19. Bosnia Transshipped-Reward Heroin Looted-Stimulant PharmaceuticalsColombia Manufactured-Stimulant Basuco Traditional-Relaxant BasucoHaiti Transshipped-Stimulant CocaineIraq Manufactured-Stimulant (AQI) Methamphetamine Looted-Recruitment (Sunni insurgents) PharmaceuticalsLiberia Transshipped-Stimulant Cocaine Transshipped-Recruitment Cocaine Traditional-Relaxant MarijuanaPeru Traditional-Stimulant Coca, base cocainePhilippines Traditional-Stimulant HeroinRussia Transshipped-Reward HeroinRwanda Looted-Stimulant, Pharmaceuticals Looted RewardSierra Leone Transshipped-Stimulant, Cocaine, Heroin Transshipped-RecruitmentSomalia Traditional-Stimulant, Khat Traditional-Reward, Traditional-RecruitmentUganda Traditional-Stimulant, Khat Traditional-Reward, Traditional-Recruitment Table 3. Known Drug Use by CombatantsEFFECTS OF DRUG USE ON THE BATTLEFIELD The law of supply and demand for narcotics inwartime also affects the way contemporary wars arevaried. The acute and unrestrained degrees of drug 12
  • 20. drugs used for recruitment and rewards. Each degree,however, is associated with the use of child soldiers,breakdown of social controls, and the commission ofatrocities, as well as decreased command and control.The Use of Child Soldiers. Roughly 300,000 children are believed to be invol-warring groups as a form of recruitment and retention.28combat via drug addiction is not known, there areregular reports that child soldiers are drugged in orderto impair their judgment and lower their inhibitions.The experience of one former child soldier from SierraLeone is representative: “Before battles, I was givenwhite powder which was mixed with rice. It mademe brave; it made me think I could do anything.”29members of rebel groups in Uganda and Sierra Leoneparticipated in drug use, terrorist mutilations, andritualistic murder.30was abducted, taken to Baghdad, drugged with pillsagainst her will, dressed in a suicide belt, and sent to 31 In Uganda, some 10,000 childrenhave been pressed into service of the Lord’s ResistanceArmy, drugged, and forced to kill their relatives sothey cannot run away and return home.32Increased Unpredictability among IrregularFighters. Regardless of the type of drugs and reasons for use,widespread drug intoxication among forces has meant 13
  • 21. individual’s state of intoxication. For example, U.S.high and thus less likely to be stopped by standardshots to the torso.33head shots, that body shots were not good enough,”while another compared it to “‘Night of the LivingDead’, people who should have been dead were stillalive.”34use; depending on the type and regularity of the drugingested, drug abuse can lead to long-term behavioralchanges that complicate warfare. Several effects ofrepeated hard drug use include increased confusion,agitation, paranoia, and hallucinations. Continuedhigh-level use of hard narcotics like cocaine, heroin,and ATS can alter the brain chemistry of an individualand actually increase the sense of fear felt by aincreased fear only leads to less control and episodesof greater violence. When ex-prisoners, former drugagainst strategic installations have been supersededby criminal activities that support individual interestsand motivations. Widespread drug abuse by irregular troops creates aever greater doses to achieve intoxication or to avoidwithdrawal symptoms, leaders cannot necessarilyreduce command and control problems by restricting 14
  • 22. drug use. To do so would invite more unpredictabilityand continued coordination problems. As one Afghansoldier, while working with the Soviets, stated: “If thecommanders refused to come up with hashish, theywould face the wrath of armed soldiers.”35Breakdown of Social Controls and Commissionof Atrocities. With the lack of government authority extendedover all sections of a country in a civil war, no legalconstraints on drug use by rebel forces exist. In theabsence of formal legal controls, informal social controlstypically play a major role in regulating psychoactivedrug use.36 However, in many of today’s wars, thosewho exercise social control on drug use are oftenvictims themselves. For example, Since ancient times, drugs have probably been part of the “conditioning” of African warriors in very strict ritu- al settings. Even today, although the social control exer- cised through the activity by the shamans, witches, and other initiates over the use of psychoactive substances has, in many instances, disappeared, these substances are still in widespread use, as was observed, for exam- the grigri, the power to make warriors invisible, leave them unaffected by bullets, and so on, is attributed to certain substances.37 Social control can also be exercised by families andtraditional leaders, but they too are often targeted byfreer to abuse drugs and act in unrestrained ways.social controls. Warring groups will generate addictionaway from familiar social patterns. 15
  • 23. Giving drugs to individuals coincides with the tacticsemployed by irregular forces. A common approachis to “tease out someone else’s latent prejudices andgangs of thugs and criminals and the unemployed,arm them, stoke them with drugs and drink, and loosethem upon defenseless civilians.”38 Carnival also has astrategic purpose for combatant leaders because it caninduce such terror among the local population that theyrecruitment tools for combatant leaders; rebel leadersoffensive against supporters and troops of LiberianPresident Samuel Doe by naming it “Operation PayYourself.”39 As a result, campaigns often involve“immiseration and violent population displacementas an essential precondition for asset realization” thatis key to maintaining a warring group’s cohesion andviability.40Decreased Command and Control among the Ranks. Commanding and controlling intoxicated forces isthemselves over petty drug stakes. Factions ofSendero Luminoso in Peru routinely deserted whendrug supplies were low and would “re-enlist” whencocaine was made available.41 Some groups withinviolent organizations will go on the prowl for notonly drugs, but booty to trade for drugs. Over time,drug use among irregular forces generally degradescombat effectiveness and leads to internal division and 16
  • 24. regular heroin users who are provided with doses inexchange for protecting routes through their territory.In fact, their leader, who was killed by Russian specialforces, was betrayed by an informer in exchange for adose of heroin.42 When drug supplies run low, regular drug userswhich can still lead to the outbreak of violence. Forexample, forensic evidence shows that some of themilitants who seized over 1,000 hostages in a southernRussian school in 2004 were long-time heroin addictswho were in a state of withdrawal shortly beforethe violent outcome which claimed more than 300lives.43 Withdrawal can last from a few days in thecases of cocaine and heroin, to a few months in thecase of methamphetamine, thus varying the lengthand severity of unpredictable behavior. A commonwithdrawal effect experienced by long-time drugusers is anhedonia, or the inability to feel pleasure.44This lack of pleasure sensation causes a disagreeablefeeling that can last for weeks, leading many to takeup the drug habit again. The anhedonia symptoms ofmethamphetamine users in society try to alleviate theeffect of the methamphetamine “crash” by buffering theeffects with other drugs such as cocaine or heroin.45CHALLENGES FOR CONVENTIONALMILITARIES The increasing number of civilians comprisingbelligerent groups, when combined with the typesand availability of drugs, means that the presence ofintoxicated combatants is likely to be an abiding featureof war in the near term. While drug use by individuals 17
  • 25. in war occurs for a variety of reasons and complicatesfar reaching in an era of globalization. Combatantscommit massive human rights abuses against rivalgroups, creating immense human suffering that affectsregional stability. For example, carnival activities inYugoslavia sent waves of refugees throughout Europeand eventually led to a Western military response tothe immense humanitarian catastrophe unfolding inthe heart of Europe.46actors together for purposes that range from develop-ment projects to security and stabilization operations,from peacekeeping to humanitarian missions, theyare more likely to come into contact with intoxicatedcombatants. While some individuals are seduced by theavailability of drugs to join a warring group, those whoare coerced to join through drugging further denigratehuman rights standards and serve to undermine theestablishment of civil society. It is likely that Western militaries will continueto deal with the effects of the presence of drugs ondefense establishments to reconsider their currentapproaches. One way such reconsideration may occuris under the new imperatives to come to grips with thedynamics of asymmetric warfare and the nuances ofconducting counterinsurgency operations. The use ofdrugged combatants by nonstate groups lends itselfto asymmetric approaches to counter the superiorWith patterns of contemporary war composed ofmostly civil wars fought by nonprofessional armedgroups with less sophisticated weaponry, few potential 18
  • 26. adversaries of the West will wage a conventional hightech war because doing so presents enormous traininggroups can produce.47 Drug use, with its effects oncombatant behavior, can narrow the gap by exploitingthe Western legal and ethical regimes under whichtroops must operate. Enemies may consider the West’shumanitarian sensitivity to enemy casualties as anadvantage: they “may purposely put their own peoplein jeopardy, if doing so complicates or adversely affectsthe West’s use of its military power.”48 Increasingly,opponents of Western military forces have sought toseemingly irrational ways to members of professionalconventional forces, yet the standard response todealt with by lethal force. This tactic is problematiccontexts where professional militaries are deployedand operate. In the years since the end of the Cold War,Western militaries have engaged in peacekeeping,stability and security missions, and nation-buildingactivities that were all characterized in the United StatesSuch operations have lower thresholds of violence andmore restrictive rules of engagement. In the face ofmore constrained uses of force by intervening forces,militaries engaging drugged forces at different pointsalong the spectrum of war are still a missing piece ofany professional military’s doctrine. The need for doctrine is especially acute when warsinclude children who are recruited through addiction;professional military leaders with forces involved 19
  • 27. the possibility of facing not only drugged adversaries,but drugged child soldiers. With the potential ofusing lethal force against drugged children, Westernmilitaries are just beginning to recognize the effects onan individual service member in the aftermath of sucha confrontation. However, formal doctrine to guidethe practices and conduct of professional soldiers whoencounter such situations is lacking. For example,there is a lack of specialized training to teach frontlineconventional soldiers how to deal with drugged childsoldiers. This was the conclusion reached by the Centerfor Emerging Threats and Opportunities, which held afor these situations.49 Although the problems of combat-ing recognized by professional militaries, the contribu-tion of drugged combatants to the complexity of manyestablishments of Western governments. However, other pressing challenges are presentedby the presence of intoxicated combatants for pro-fessional militaries that are being overlooked. Tablewarring parties has been reached, and violencecontinues in various scopes and degrees. Abeyantbelligerents or an intervening force to maintain peace 20
  • 28. the high likelihood of violence returning if third partyagreements among the belligerents to end hostilities orexist in situations where one belligerent has defeated Minimal Acute Unrestrained Drug Use Drug Use Drug UseOngoing Iraq Colombia, Peru, Uganda PhilippinesAbeyant Haiti Bosnia, Congo, Liberia, Sierra Russia, Rwanda Leone, SomaliaSettled ------ ------ ------ among Combatants. As Table 4 demonstrates, there are no settleddrugs by warring groups. This is not to suggest a directpolitical settlements. Nonetheless, if drugged combatants do not directlychallenge for Western militaries to overcome sincesuch protraction creates conditions for drug use amongtheir forces as well. The longer duration of armedprofessional militaries when deployed far from home.hardships among troops that can be soothed by drug 21
  • 29. protraction creates an atmosphere for the greaterdemand for drugs among irregular and professionalforces. Professional militaries of developed states generallypossess better resources to diagnose and address thehave access to prescription medication administeredby experts.50 However, such access to professionalsand tightly controlled prescription drugs alongwith monitoring possible drug abuse do not makeprofessional forces immune from drug abuse. Withto turn to illegal drugs also grows among troops ofWestern militaries. The rate of illicit drug use increasedamong U.S. military members in 2005, to an estimated5 percent, nearly double the rate measured in 1998.51Dr. Thomas R. Kosten, a psychiatrist at the Veteransdrug use to the stress of working in a war zone. “Thetreatment that they take for it is the same treatmentthat they took after Vietnam,” Dr. Kosten said. “Theyturn to alcohol and drugs.”52in recruitment that present opportunities for druguse to become problematic. As two simultaneousU.S. military and with more service members optingout of continued service, recruitment becomes a higherrecruitment standards during protracted wars risksbringing the drug habits of society into the ranks of theprofessional military. 22
  • 30. Army also has increased the number of recruits who re- some kind of waiver for a misdemeanor offense, drug, alcohol incident, or medical problem, compared with 12 percent for 2004 and 15 percent for 2005 when the Army missed its recruiting goal. (emphasis added)53of moral waivers has increased and has led to acceptingmany more recruits who have had contact with lawenforcement and the courts due to drug offenses. When peacekeeping forces have been sent to con-to dangerous, provoking, or humiliating situations andhave limited possibilities to express the resulting angerand frustration due to restrictive rules of engagementthat encourage neutrality. Self-medication with alcoholand drugs to calm down or to “take the edge off” havenot been uncommon.54 In Cambodia, the favorite drinkamong the United Nations (UN) personnel at partieswas the “Space Shuttle,” made “by distilling a poundof marijuana over a 6-week period with increasinglycognac. We drink it with rounds of Coke.”55 Command and control problems due to drug usecan also affect professional militaries. For example, thecompromise in command and control due to drug useclaimed that 75 men from his company, 60 percent of itsstrength, regularly took cocaine, ecstasy, or marijuana. 23
  • 31. “There’s guys who have to have two or three lines ofcoke before they can operate,” he said.56arrested several soldiers for exchanging their weaponsin Germany for $4,700 worth of cocaine which was 57 Conscript armies are exceptionally vulnerable todrug use for many of the same reasons that irregularforces are—their members are not full-time, regularlytrained military professionals. As a result, draftees andconscripts have sought drugs as a way to cope withan unfamiliar atmosphere and can behave similarlyto irregular troops. Drugged conscripts have been adanger to their own forces; a soldier stationed nearthe Russian border with Georgia shot and killed eightmushrooms.58 Widespread drug problems amongconscripts in the Red Army during the Afghanistancampaign resulted in serious discipline problems likedesertion and the stealing of weapons, ammunition,and gas to trade for hashish and heroin. Afghanforces captured many Russian soldiers while theywere drugged or seeking to trade their weapons and 59 The breakdown of command and control inprofessional militaries due to drug use can lead tocommitting atrocities as well. For example, U.S. troopswere reportedly abusing alcohol, cough syrup, andpainkillers as a way to cope with their dangerousduties.60 The addiction rate of returning troops has been ofconstant concern to average citizens as well as elites.In November 1971, New York reported nearly 10,000heroin-addicted Vietnam veterans which, as discussed 24
  • 32. in this monograph, was the result of the U.S. military’sclamp down on widespread marijuana use by troops.61Drug use was so severe among American troops inthe later stages of the Vietnam War that more soldierswounds.62 Heroin use among Vietnam veteranscreated societal fears of rising crime and disorder.Timethat “the specter of weapons-trained, addicted combatveterans joining the deadly struggle for drugs [in thestreets of America] is ominous. . . . [T]he Capone eraof the ‘20s may look like a Sunday school picnic bycomparison.”63 The Nixon administration began tofear that the result could precipitate a stronger call foran American pullout from Southeast Asia.64 The SovietUnion also faced similar fears when draftees returnedfrom Afghanistan with heroin habits.65RESPONSES TO DRUG USE BY COMBATANTS The far reaching effects of drug use by combatantson human rights, governance, and regional securityhave stimulated the desire by many actors in thecountries have been left unprepared to face druggedcombatants due to a lack of doctrine or policy. Leaders of professional militaries are beginning torecognize the characteristics and effects of druggedSayyaf Group in the Philippines as one that employs“ad hoc strategies and activities that are determinedby the mood swings of individual leaders, many 25
  • 33. camaraderie. Discipline is haphazard, and some areaddicted to drugs. Still, about 140 hostages have beentaken during their last 2 years of violent kidnappingsprees.”66 While recognizing the challenges of drugis needed is broader and deeper recognition of thedimensions of combat supply and demand of drugs in Although militaries from developed countries arebeginning to acknowledge the strategic and tacticaleffects of drugged combatants, little has changed in theway military and political leaders have conceptualizedcounterinsurgency operations, does not include thetopic of drug intoxicated combatants, even though U.S.forces continue to face them in ongoing operations.considered to be more criminal than military in itsCreveld described in The Transformation of War, “Oftencrime will be disguised as war whereas in other cases,war itself will be treated as if waging it were a crime.”67In other words, not only will the actions of combatantsresemble criminal acts, but the combatants themselveswill share more in common with criminals than withprofessional armies. This is clearly the case in acts likecarnival and the inclusion of former convicts in theranks of some military forces. Such an environment speaks to the need forgreater interagency cooperation among agencies ofthe Department of Defense (DoD), Department ofJustice, Department of Treasury, and the Departmentof Homeland Security to monitor and assess the ways 26
  • 34. drugs are being used by irregular forces so that newstrategies can be added to the plans of conventionalforces who may intervene in such operationalenvironments. Joint coordination among militaryand civilian agencies like the Federal Bureau ofInvestigation, the Drug Enforcement Administration,cooperation routinely happens with counternarcoticsoperations; an example is the Joint Interagency Tasktrace combatant supply and demand will be needed.This will prepare militaries for encounters with drugintoxicated combatants by developing early warningsignals in order to adjust their tactics in particularto supporting long-term strategies to bring drugwho among the population is involved in the drugtrade and the methods used to transport the productcan contribute to tactics designed to sap the economicand social base of an insurgency. Practices likecommunity mapping, used by big city police forces likeBoston to chart who is dealing and consuming drugs,should be integrated into military operations thatoccur in environments where drugged combatants areknown to be active. Interagency cooperation amongintelligence agencies, as well as routine contact withpolice forces and other agencies on the ground like theUN and nongovernment organizations (NGOs), canfurther both counternarcotics and counterinsurgencyoperations. A networked series of institutions would be neededto fully tackle monitoring efforts. The UN has an 27
  • 35. law enforcement institutions like Europol. However,“fusion centers” are needed in each institution thatallow for the exchange of information and ideasamong different international, regional, and localinstitutions and across different agencies. Such fusioncenters would focus on how drug patterns are not justaffecting law enforcement, but patterns of organizedpolitical violence as well. Although militaries have resisted participating incounternarcotics operations, dealing with druggedcombatants is separate from interdiction and eradica-tion programs. Nesting operations targeted at redu-cing drug use in campaign plans from the beginning,while including new training to reconsider the militaryinstitutional apprehension of the military over time.Smuggling routes through transshipment countriesneed to be thought of by military planners as cruciallines of support for the enemy. Such routes are not justfor weapons, but are critical to the warmaking effort ofmany combatants. Hospitals, clinics, and pharmaciesshould be added to campaign lists as objectives that needto be secured in an intervention. These facilities are alsonow a warmaking resource for combatant groups andtheir looting has contributed to human rights abusesand combatant unpredictability. Attaching as muchimportance to these facilities as to weapons depots,Additional institutional measures should be put inplace before the next intervention in environmentsWhen militaries are likely to encounter drugged childsoldiers, programs for counseling individual membersshould be prepositioned in medical corps so that troops 28
  • 36. can receive immediate counseling. Once again, withaccurate intelligence and monitoring undertaken withinteragency cooperation, troops may be briefed well inadvance for such encounters. Institutions of professional military education,like war colleges, traditionally have been placeswhere the free exchange of ideas and wide rangingadaptations have been examined and discussed beforebackgrounds outside the military, today’s professionalmilitary education can generate greater synergy forthe development of strategies and tactics to combatdrugged adversaries of the 21st century. Establishingregular conferences and sponsoring research projectson drugged irregulars would also add to the body ofknowledge that may be used to develop new doctrine.Corps’ Center for Emerging Threats and Opportunitiesfor confronting child soldiers should at least beaddressed since, as argued, much of the recruitment ofchild soldiers is linked to providing them with drugs.have encountered drug intoxicated combatants wouldalso be useful; more focused after-action reviews andlessons learned activities on the actions of druggedadversaries would be useful in building an increasingknowledge base on the issue. In situations where nation-building and stabilityoperations are mandated, the main goal of governmentsdrug use by combatants should be to reduce the levelof violence through a reduction of the use of drugs.By lowering the demand for drug use, command andcontrol can be strengthened among irregular forces,thus increasing the likelihood of adherence to the 29
  • 37. parameters of any possible peace accord. Reducingdrug use also limits the potential for further atrocities.By focusing on reduced drug use, peace initiativesprograms should be integrated into demobilizationefforts, no matter the degree or types of drugs used bycombatants. While militaries may have their medicalproviding security for NGOs who do so may be enough.These programs should not be thought of as separatefrom demobilization to be run in its aftermath; theyshould happen concomitantly and include members ofsociety who form the basis of informal social controlson drug use. Village elders, mayors and the displacedunder traditional social norms offer that chance.High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) shouldbegin to put such considerations within their existingactivities in war torn countries. In many cases, thisis not possible, given the duration and magnitude ofcommunities may be able to assist in reconstructing therough outlines of these informal social controls. Onceagain, these programs need to become part of existingmilitary doctrine on counterinsurgency, peacekeeping,and stability operations. The tracking of the growing use of methampheta-mine among irregular forces must be made a top pri-ority. Since methamphetamine is so easy to manufac-traditional drug crop or close to a transshipment pointor smuggling route, meth is likely to be a feature in 30
  • 38. in countries with high levels of meth production or 68 This formsthe potential for greater supply and, as seen, war cangenerate the demand. Additionally, the withdrawalsymptoms of methamphetamine are particularlyacute and prolonged, resulting in unpredictable andpotentially higher levels of violence. Regular methusers in peacetime environments often seek outother drugs—like cocaine—to mitigate withdrawalsymptoms. Combatant demand for other drugs mayalso rise if the methamphetamine supply is interruptedleading to an outbreak in violence such as lootingpharmaceutical drugs. However, other lurking challenges are presentedby drugs for professional militaries that are beingoverlooked. As previously mentioned, protractedconditions that give rise to the temptation of troopscombat effectiveness of troops and undermining theoverall health of an individual service member, theresult can be the erosion of domestic support for a war.Unlike professional members of the military, draftees,and even reservists, are drawn directly from societyand do not reside in guarded bases and insulatedbarracks when they are not deployed. As previouslymentioned, citizens become especially concerned bythe drug habits of returning veterans. One reason forthis concern is that a greater proportion of the averagecitizenry have direct contact with conscripts andreservists than with full-time members of the armedforces. When drafted veterans and reservists returnfrom their tours, the effects of the war on them andon society at large are more noticeable to the averagecitizen. 31
  • 39. Unlike the Vietnam era, the U.S. military currentlyhas an all-volunteer force which is in large measureirregular forces and isolate their effects on society bynot relying on draftees.69 Also unlike Vietnam, DoD hasongoing programs that address combat stress, mentaltrauma, drug use, and addiction. Yet, due to continuingthe increased tempo of deployments, especially amongNational Guard and Reserve troops, the atmosphereexists for the creation of personal stress that can leadmany to abuse drugs.70rise among U.S. ground forces. U.S. Army studies showthat more than a third of combat-deployed troops seekmental health care when they return home.71 Anotherstudy showed that 31 percent of all veterans returningmental health and/or psychosocial problems, while20 percent had “substance abuse disorders.”72 Thethe Veterans Health Administration, 3,057 veterans ofdrug dependency from 2005-07, while only a total of277 veterans were diagnosed from 2002-04.73 While the effects of these numbers on the widersociety have yet to be felt, of most concern is that thesupport structure to handle such numbers is weak;A survey of 133 military mental health providersconducted from 2003-05 shows that 90 percent ofthe psychiatrists, psychologists, and social workersreported no formal training or supervision in fourpost-traumatic stress disorder therapies recommendedby the Pentagon and Department of Veterans Affairs.74Additionally, not all military installations offer in- 32
  • 40. patient treatment for drug abuse, forcing many veteransand Afghanistan conclude, the numbers of returningservice members will place additional stress on thisillegal narcotics abuse may rise sharply among thisgroup and stoke concerns among the public.75 In orderto reduce this potential, greater institutional support isneeded for the military to monitor, treat, and providelong-term care for active duty troops and veterans.RECOMMENDATIONS law enforcement, national intelligence, and defense agencies to monitor the use of drugs by government to share information on drug use in agencies that currently monitor worldwide patterns. among military forces to chart drug dealing and and include them in campaign planning. include pharmacies, clinics, and hospitals to protect their supply of drugs from potential looting. agencies of the federal government in institu- 33
  • 41. tions of professional military education to raise the awareness of the effects of drugged combat- methamphetamines by combatants. soldiering to gauge the level of drug use in grams as part of demobilization efforts in partic- which may possess expertise in reestablishing informal social controls on drug use in a given For coping with potential increases in substanceabuse in the armed services: expertise, and institutions to cope with potential increases in substance abuse disorders by patient care services for the treatment of drug abuse by veterans returning from Afghanistan nearby medical facilities in the community. and alcohol abuse given to new recruits.in the history of warfare. Yet widespread drug usein the nature and type of wars that are occurring— 34
  • 42. combatants are taking place in an international systemthat facilitates bringing people and goods into closercombatants will continue to be a feature of armedmany conventional militaries. Preparing now for thisthe best chance of success.ENDNOTES 1. See, for example, Svante Cornell, “Narcotics, RadicalismUzbekistan,” Terrorism and Political Violence, Winter 2005; Indra deSoysa, “The Resource Curse: Are Civil Wars Driven by Rapacity Greed andGrievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars, Boulder, CO: LynneRienner Publishers, 2000; David Keen, “The Economic Functionof Violence in Civil Wars,” Adelphi Paper 320University Press, 1998. 2. Ronald K. Siegel, Intoxication: The Universal Drive for MindAltering Substances, Rochester, VT: Park Street Press, 2005. See Beast and Man: The Roots of Human Nature,Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1978; Thomas Stephen Szasz,Ceremonial Chemistry, New York: Anchor Press, 1974.Activities,” Contribution to the Preparatory Work for the HaguePeace Conference, May 11-16, 1999 www.parl.gc.ca/37/1/parlbus/commbus/senate/com-e/ille-e/presentation-e/labrousse2-e.htm. 4. Alcohol was the preferred drug of choice among Europeantroops during the colonial era. As American and British forcesfaced each other over the independence of the colonies in 1776,both militaries included in their respective doctrines that men 35
  • 43. British routinely sought to destroy General Washington’s storesof rum as a way to affect American morale. See Ian Williams, Rum:A Social and Sociable History, New York: Nation Books, 2005. 5. The word “hashish” is apocryphally associated with thecorruption of the Arabic word for “assassin.” The assassins of the11th century were said to have been recruited after long smoking Botany of Desire, NewYork: Random House, 2001, pp. 172-173.opium were cheaper than alcohol and widely available in theUnited States at that time. See Paul Gahlinger, Illegal Drugs: AComplete Guide to Their History, Chemistry, Use, and Abuse, NewYork: Plume, 2001, p. 26. 7. W. Travis Hanes III and Frank Sanello, The Opium Wars,Naperville, IL: Source Books, 2002, p. 171. 8. Dominic Streatfeild, Cocaine: An Unauthorized Biography,attitudes toward narcotics more generally at the beginning ofthe 20th century, drug use by soldiers was viewed as harmingthe war effort and disruptive of good order among the troops.These attitudes were strengthened when some returning veteransin Europe and America sought out cocaine as a way to “cure”of their war wounds. In fact, drug addicted veterans in the UnitedStates often scrounged for junk metal to pay for drugs, earningthem the nickname “junk men” and then simply “junkies.” SeeGahlinger, p. 60. 9. Bruce Eisner, Ecstasy: The MDMA Story, Berkeley, CA:Ronin, 1994, p. 127.absorb the drug than amphetamine pills, but was more highlyacutely in Japan when returning soldiers arrived home, andmethamphetamine supplies stored for military use becameavailable to the public at the conclusion of the war. 36
  • 44. Recreational Drugs, New York: Berkeley Books, 1977. 12. Edward Brecher, Licit and Illicit Drugs, New York: Little,Brown & Co., 1972, p. 189. In addition, with the current “zerotolerance” of drug use and possession by the U.S. militaryhave resorted to unorthodox ways to achieve intoxication. Therehave been episodes of troops using over-the-counter cough and Remnants of War, New York: CornellUniversity Press, 2004, p. 86. Drug War Heresies,New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001, p. 85. 15. These descriptions do not match the clinical andpharmacological descriptions of the physiological andpsychological effects of these drugs. For example, althoughby combatants to relax, it is also used as a stimulant in terms ofmotivating an individual to engage in combat. The term “relaxant”the strict physiological effects. 16. “Afghan Soldiers Report Getting Hashish Rations,” St.Louis Dispatch Opium: A History 19. Jean-Charles Brissard, Zarqawi: The New Face of al-Qaeda,New York: Other Press, 2005, p. 49.Consumption in Post War Sierra Leone—An Exploration,” Oslo,Norway: Institute for Applied International Studies, pp. 43-44. 37
  • 45. 22.Report of the UNODC Fact Finding Mission, New York: United 23. Interviews conducted with the author at the U.S. ArmyWar College on January 6, 2006. Interviewees wish to remainanonymous.Washington Times, November 22, 2005, p. 21. The production ofingredient, pseudophedrine, which is found in commercialdecongestants like Sudafed. Obtaining the needed amounts ofpharmacies or other places where the drug is available which,in turn, often necessitates burglary, robbery, or looting. See alsoRobert Looney, “The Business of Insurgency: The Expansion of The National Interest, Fall 2005.to the mix of narcotics to intensify the desired effects. basuco by Colombianguerrillas is that no one smokes paste except those involved incocaine production. Coca paste is a precursor to the production ofcocaine. 27. Jane’s Sentinel Security Assessment-West Africa, December2005. 28. Amnesty International, Child Soldiers: A Global Issue, July19, 2006, available at web.amnesty.org/pages/childsoldiers-background-eng. 29. Amnesty International, “War Children Tell Their Story,”Amnesty Magazine, November/December 2000, p. 3.Uganda and Sierra Leonean Rebel Fighting Forces,” Studies in , April 2005, p. 386. 38
  • 46. 31. Brian Bennett, “Stolen Away,” Time 32. Kasaija Phillip Apuuli, “The ICC Arrest Warrants forLord’s Resistance Army and the Prospects for Peace in NorthernUganda,” Journal of International Criminal Justice, 2006, p. 180. Los Angeles Times, January 13, 2005, p. 1. 34. Ibid. 35. St. Louis Dispatch, 1989. 37. Parliament of Canada, “Sub-Saharan Africa Facing theProblems of Drugs,” April 2001, available at www.parl.gc.ca/37/1/parlbus/commbus/senate/com-e/ille-e/presentation-e/labrousse1-e.htm. 38. Bill Berkeley, The Graves Are Not Yet Full: Race, Tribe, andPower in the Heart of Africa, New York: Basic Books, 2001, p. 140. 39. Stephen Ellis, The Mask of Anarchy: The Destruction of Liberiaand the Religious Dimension of an African Civil War, New York: NewYork University Press, p. 108. Greedand Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars, Boulder, CO: LynneRienner Publishers, 2000, p. 81. 41. Jeremy Weinstein, Inside Rebellion, New York: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2007, pp. 155-159.Raid,” International Herald Tribune, June 18, 2006, available at www.iht.com/articles/2006/06/18/news/chechnya.php. 43. Healthcare Customwire, “Beslan School Attackers WereDrug Addicts,” October 17, 2004. In addition, one of the effectsof heroin withdrawal is insomnia which may have contributed tostress and unpredictability of the Beslan hostage takers. 39
  • 47. 44. Little study has been done on the presence of anhedoniaamong combatant forces, but it may explain why individualto the desired drug (or to other drugs that may offer relief), andviolence may be associated with the positive feelings that the drugitself provides. www.stopaddiction.com/meth_history.html#. 47. Charles Dunlap, Jr., “PreliminaryObservations: Challengingthe U.S. Symmetrically and Asymmetrically, Carlisle Barracks, PA:Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, July 1998, p.5. 48. Ibid., p. 8. Child Soldiers: Implications for U.S. ForcesSeminar ReportOpportunities, September 23, 2002, available at www.ceto.quantico.usmc.mil. The lack of doctrine for confronting child soldiers is notunusual among Western militaries. The British and Canadianengagement in contexts that may or may not include the presenceof young combatants. San Diego Union TribuneSpur to Crime,” New York Times 52. Ibid.Goals,” Wall Street Journal, July 10, 2006. 40
  • 48. Nations Peacekeepers,” Military Medicine, October 1999. 55. Kenneth Cain, Heidi Postlewait, and Andrew Thomson,Emergency Sex and Other Desperate MeasuresBooks, 2004, p. 77. 56. David Leppard, “Soldiers in ‘Guns for Coke’ Scandal,” TheSunday Times, September 24, 2006, p. 1.Cocaine,” Washington Post, September 25, 2005, p. 18.Base,” Toronto Globe and Mail, November 30, 2002, p. 14. 59. Arthur Bonner, “Afghanistan’s Other Front: The World ofDrugs,” New York Times, November 2, 1985, p. 1. 60. “Stress Sent Soldiers to Drink and Drugs, Colleague CNN.com, available at www.cnn.com/2006/world/meast/08/08/iraq.mahmoudiya/index.html. 61. Booth, p. 272. 62. Gahlinger, p. 207. 63. “The New Public Enemy No 1,” Time, June 28, 1971, p. 20. 64. Ibid. 65. Stephen Handleman, Comrade Criminal, New Haven, CT:Yale University Press, 1995, p. 190.Phillipines,” available at www.pacom.mil/piupdates/abusayyafhist.shtml. The Transformation of War, New York:Free Press, 1991, p. 204. 41
  • 49. 68. See, for example, Richard Rawson and Beth Rutkowski, Foreign Policy, November/December2007, pp. 32-33. In addition to the potential to manufacturemethamphetamine for consumption by combatants, any excesscan be sold as a way to raise money for the group or for personalenrichment. This may lead to further command and controlthan dedicated to any distant political goal. See, for example, thedecline of the Hell’s Angels in America in Frank Owen, No SpeedLimit 69. For a more thorough discussion of the differences betweenvolunteer forces and conscripts and their effects on society at How Democracies Lose Small Wars, New York:Cambridge University Press, 2003, p. 74.Experts Predict,” New York Times, December 16, 2004, p. 1. 71. Gregg Zoroya, “Psychologist: Navy Faces Crisis,” USAToday, January 17, 2007, p. 10. Archives ofInternal Medicine, Vol. 167, p. 479.Addiction,” Military.com, November 26, 2007, available at www.military.com/features/0,15240,156956,00.html?ESRC+dod-b.nl. 74. Seal and Berenthal. 75. Yet fears about the potential abuse of drugs amongCanadian forces serving in Afghanistan have not materialized.of cheap and available narcotics in Afghanistan may risk higherincidence of drug abuse. See Stephanie Rubec, “Drug UseNightmare for Cdn Forces,” Toronto Sun, November 14, 2004.years, a rise in drug abuse has not occurred. This could be dueto the fact that Canadian participation has not been the same 42
  • 50. Canadians are not using as many reservists, while tours of dutyfor their professional full-time troops have not been as long.These two elements may mitigate much of the atmosphere thatstimulates a widespread desire to turn to drugs. On the otherforces in southern Afghanistan and, if recent history provesinstructive, the effects of this may yet to be felt by the Canadianmilitary establishment when veterans return and seek treatmentfor any mental health issues. 43

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