Eliminating Female Genital Mutilation

Eliminating Female genital mutilation An interagency statement OHCHR, UNAIDS, UNDP, UNECA, UNESCO, UNFPA, UNHCR, UNICEF, UNIFEM, WHO

WHO Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Eliminating female genital mutilation: an interagency statement UNAIDS, UNDP, UNECA, UNESCO, UNFPA, UNHCHR, UNHCR, UNICEF, UNIFEM, WHO. 1.Circumcision, Female. 2.Clitoris - surgery. 3.Cultural characteristics. 4. International cooperation. I.World Health Organization. ISBN 978 92 4 159644 2 (NLM classification: WP 660) © World Health Organization 2008 All rights reserved. Publications of the World Health Organization can be obtained from WHO Press, World Health Organization, 20 Avenue Appia, 1211 Geneva 27, Switzerland (tel.: +41 22 791 3264; fax: +41 22 791 4857; e-mail: bookorders@who.int). Requests for permission to reproduce or translate WHO publications – whether for sale or for noncommercial distribution – should be addressed to WHO Press, at the above address (fax: +41 22 791 4806; e-mail: permissions@who.int). The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the World Health Organization concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Dotted lines on maps represent approximate border lines for which there may not yet be full agreement. The mention of specific companies or of certain manufacturers’ products does not imply that they are endorsed or recommended by the World Health Organization in preference to others of a similar nature that are not mentioned. Errors and omissions excepted, the names of proprietary products are distinguished by initial capital letters. All reasonable precautions have been taken by the World Health Organization to verify the information contained in this publication. However, the published material is being distributed without warranty of any kind, either expressed or implied. The responsibility for the interpretation and use of the material lies with the reader. In no event shall the World Health Organization be liable for damages arising from its use. Printed in

Contents Eliminating female genital mutilation: the imperative 1 Why this new statement? 3 Female genital mutilation—what it is and why it continues 4 Female genital mutilation is a violation of human rights 8 Female genital mutilation has harmful consequences 11 Taking action for the complete elimination of female genital mutilation 13 Conclusion 21 Annex 1: Note on terminology 22 Annex 2: Note on the classification of female genital mutilation 23 Annex 3: Countries where female genital mutilation has been documented 29 Annex 4: International and regional human rights treaties and consensus documents providing protection and containing safeguards against female genital mutilation 31 Annex 5: Health complications of female genital mutilation 33 References 36

1 Eliminating female genital mutilation Eliminating female genital mutilation: the imperative T he term \"female genital mutilation\" (also called \"female genital cutting\" and \"female genital mutilation/cutting\") refers to all procedures involving partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons. Between 100 and 140 million girls and women in the world are estimated to have undergone such procedures, and 3 million girls are estimated to be at risk of undergoing the procedures every year. Female genital mutilation has been reported to occur in all parts of the world, but it is most prevalent in: the western, eastern, and north-eastern regions of Africa, some countries in Asia and the Middle East and among certain immigrant communities in North America and Europe. Female genital mutilation has no known health benefits. On the contrary, it is known to be harmful to girls and women in many ways. First and foremost, it is painful and traumatic. The removal of or damage to healthy, normal genital tissue interferes with the natural functioning of the body and causes several immediate and long-term health consequences. For example, babies born to women who have undergone female genital mutilation suffer a higher rate of neonatal death compared with babies born to women who have not undergone the procedure. Communities that practise female genital mutilation report a variety of social and religious reasons for continuing with it. Seen from a human rights perspective, the practice reflects deep-rooted inequality between the sexes, and constitutes an extreme form of discrimination against women. Female genital mutilation is nearly always carried out on minors and is therefore a violation of the rights of the child. The practice also violates the rights to health, security and physical integrity of the person, the right to be free from torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, and the right to life when the procedure results in death. Decades of prevention work undertaken by local communities, governments, and national and international organizations have contributed to a reduction in the prevalence of female genital mutilation in some areas. Communities that have employed a process of collective decision- making have been able to abandon the practice. Indeed, if the practising communities decide themselves to abandon female genital mutilation, the practice can be eliminated very rapidly. Several governments have passed laws against the practice, and where these laws have been complemented by culturally-sensitive education and public awareness-raising activities, the practice has declined. National and international organizations have played a key role in advocating against the practice and generating data that confirm its harmful consequences. The African Union’s Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa, and its Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa constitute a major contribution to the promotion of gender equality and the elimination of female genital mutilation.

2 Eliminating female genital mutilation However, despite some successes, the overall rate of decline in the prevalence of female genital mutilation has been slow. It is therefore a global imperative to strengthen work for the elimination of this practice, which is essential for the achievement of many of the Millennium Development Goals. This Statement is a call to all States, international and national organizations, civil society and communities to uphold the rights of girls and women. It also call on those bodies and communities to develop, strengthen, and support specific and concrete actions directed towards ending female genital mutilation. On behalf of our respective agencies, we reaffirm our commitment to the elimination of female genital mutilation within a generation. Louise Arbour Thoraya A. Obaid High Commissioner Executive Director Office of the United Nations High Commissioner United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) for Human Rights (OHCHR) António Guterres Peter Piot High Commissioner for Refugees Executive Director United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) Kemal Dervis Ann M. Veneman Administrator Executive Director United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) Abdoulie Janneh Joanne Sandler Under Secretary-General and Executive Secretary Executive Director, a.i United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) Koïchiro Matsuura Margaret Chan Director-General Director-General United Nations Educational, Scientific World Health Organization (WHO) and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)

3 Eliminating female genital mutilation Why this new statement? In 1997, the World Health Organization (WHO), the of the human rights and legal dimensions of United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the the problem and provides current data on United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) issued the prevalence of female genital mutilation. It a Joint Statement on Female Genital Mutilation summarizes findings from research on the reasons (WHO, UNICEF, UNFPA, 1997) which described why the practice continues, highlighting that the the implications of the practice for public health practice is a social convention which can only be and human rights and declared support for its changed through coordinated collective action by abandonment. practising communities. It also summarizes recent research on its damaging effects on the health of women, girls and newborn babies. Drawing on Since then, much effort has been made to experience from interventions in many countries, counteract female genital mutilation, through the new statement describes the elements needed, research to generate further evidence on which for both working towards complete abandonment to base interventions, through working with of female genital mutilation, and caring for those communities, through advocacy and by passing who have suffered, and continue to suffer, from its laws. Progress has been made at both international consequences. and local levels. More United Nations agencies are involved; human rights treaty monitoring bodies Note on terminology and international resolutions have condemned the practice; legal frameworks have improved in many The term \"female genital mutilation\" is used in this countries; and political support for ending female Statement as it was in the 1997 Joint Statement. genital mutilation is growing. Most significantly, in The word \"mutilation\" emphasizes the gravity of some countries the prevalence of female genital the act. Some United Nations agencies use the mutilation has declined, and an increasing number term \"female genital mutilation/cutting\" wherein of women and men in practising communities are the additional term \"cutting\" is intended to declaring their support for its abandonment. reflect the importance of using non-judgemental terminology with practising communities. Both In spite of these positive signs, prevalence in many terms emphasize the fact that the practice is a areas remains high and there is an urgent need violation of girls’ and women’s human rights. to intensify, expand and improve efforts if female For further explanation on this terminology, see genital mutilation is to be eliminated within one Annex 1. generation. To reach this goal, both increased resources and coordination and cooperation are needed. This new Interagency Statement is written and signed by a wider group of United Nations agencies than the previous one, to support advocacy for the abandonment of female genital mutilation. It is based on new evidence and lessons learnt over the past decade. It highlights the wide recognition

4 Eliminating female genital mutilation Female genital mutilation—what it is and why it continues How widely it is practiced Female genital mutilation comprises all procedures involving partial or total removal of the external WHO estimates that between 100 and 140 million female genitalia or other injury to the female genital girls and women worldwide have been subjected organs for non-medical reasons (WHO, UNICEF, to one of the first three types of female genital UNFPA, 1997). mutilation (WHO, 2000a). Estimates based on the most recent prevalence data indicate that 91,5 The WHO/UNICEF/UNFPA Joint Statement million girls and women above 9 years old in Africa classified female genital mutilation into four types. are currently living with the consequences of female Experience with using this classification over the genital mutilation (Yoder and Khan, 2007). There past decade has brought to light some ambiguities. are an estimated 3 million girls in Africa at risk of The present classification therefore incorporates undergoing female genital mutilation every year modifications to accommodate concerns and (Yoder et al., 2004). shortcomings, while maintaining the four types (see Annex 2 for a detailed explanation and Types I, II and III female genital mutilation have been proposed sub-divisions of types). documented in 28 countries in Africa and in a few countries in Asia and the Middle East (see Annex 3). Classification Some forms of female genital mutilation have also been reported from other countries, including among Type I: Partial or total removal of the clitoris and/or certain ethnic groups in Central and South America. the prepuce (clitoridectomy). Growing migration has increased the number of girls Type II: Partial or total removal of the clitoris and and women living outside their country of origin who the labia minora, with or without excision of the have undergone female genital mutilation (Yoder et labia majora (excision). al., 2004) or who may be at risk of being subjected to Type III: Narrowing of the vaginal orifice with the practice. creation of a covering seal by cutting and appositioning the labia minora and/or the labia The prevalence of female genital mutilation has been majora, with or without excision of the clitoris estimated from large-scale, national surveys asking (infibulation). women aged 15–49 years if they have themselves been cut. The prevalence varies considerably, both Type IV: All other harmful procedures to the between and within regions and countries (see female genitalia for non-medical purposes, for Figure 1 and Annex 3), with ethnicity as the most example: pricking, piercing, incising, scraping and decisive factor. In seven countries the national cauterization. prevalence is almost universal, (more than 85%); four countries have high prevalence (60–85%); Female genital mutilation is mostly carried out medium prevalence (30–40%) is found in seven on girls between the ages of 0 and 15 years. countries, and low prevalence, ranging from 0.6% However, occasionally, adult and married women to 28.2%, is found in the remaining nine countries. are also subjected to the procedure. The age at However, national averages (see Annex 3) hide the which female genital mutilation is performed varies often marked variation in prevalence in different with local traditions and circumstances, but is parts of most countries (see Figure 1). decreasing in some countries (UNICEF, 2005a).

5 Eliminating female genital mutilation Figure 1. Prevalence of female genital mutilation in Africa and Yemen (women aged 15–49) The map shows the areas where FGM is practised, and since that can vary markedly in different parts of any country, no national boundaries are shown. Data at the sub-national level are not available for Zambia. Due to a discrepancy between the regional divisions used by DHS and the one adopted by DevInfo, it was not possible to include data at the sub-national level for Yemen. Less than 10% 10.1% – 25% 25.1% – 50% 50.1% – 75% 75.1% or more Sources: MICS, DHS and other national surveys, 1997–2006 missing data or FGM not widely practiced Map developed by UNICEF, 2007 The type of procedure performed also varies, Where female genital mutilation is widely practised, mainly with ethnicity. Current estimates indicate it is supported by both men and women, usually that around 90% of female genital mutilation cases without question, and anyone departing from the include Types I or II and cases where girls’ genitals norm may face condemnation, harassment, and were \"nicked\" but no flesh removed (Type IV), and ostracism. As such, female genital mutilation is about 10% are Type III (Yoder and Khan, 2007). a social convention governed by rewards and punishments which are a powerful force for Why the practice continues continuing the practice. In view of this conventional nature of female genital mutilation, it is difficult In every society in which it is practised, female for families to abandon the practice without genital mutilation is a manifestation of gender support from the wider community. In fact, it is inequality that is deeply entrenched in social, often practised even when it is known to inflict economic and political structures. Like the now- harm upon girls because the perceived social abandoned foot-binding in China and the practice of benefits of the practice are deemed higher than its dowry and child marriage, female genital mutilation disadvantages (UNICEF, 2005a). represents society’s control over women. Such practices have the effect of perpetuating normative Members of the extended family are usually gender roles that are unequal and harm women. involved in decision-making about female genital Analysis of international health data shows a close mutilation, although women are usually responsible link between women’s ability to exercise control for the practical arrangements for the ceremony. over their lives and their belief that female genital Female genital mutilation is considered necessary mutilation should be ended (UNICEF, 2005b).

6 Eliminating female genital mutilation to raise a girl properly and to prepare her for thereby ensuring marital fidelity and preventing adulthood and marriage (Yoder et al., 1999; sexual behaviour that is considered deviant and Ahmadu, 2000; Hernlund, 2003; Dellenborg, immoral (Ahmadu, 2000; Hernlund, 2000, 2003; 2004). In some societies, the practice is embedded Abusharaf, 2001; Gruenbaum, 2006). Female in coming-of-age rituals, sometimes for entry into genital mutilation is also considered to make girls women’s secret societies, which are considered \"clean\" and beautiful. Removal of genital parts necessary for girls to become adult and responsible is thought of as eliminating \"masculine\" parts members of the society (Ahmadu, 2000; Hernlund, such as the clitoris (Talle, 1993; Ahmadu, 2000; 2003; Behrendt, 2005; Johnson, 2007). Girls Johansen, 2007), or in the case of infibulation, to themselves may desire to undergo the procedure achieve smoothness considered to be beautiful as a result of social pressure from peers and (Talle, 1993; Gruenbaum, 2006). A belief because of fear of stigmatization and rejection by sometimes expressed by women is that female their communities if they do not follow the tradition. genital mutilation enhances men’s sexual pleasure Also, in some places, girls who undergo the (Almroth-Berggren et al., 2001). procedure are given rewards such as celebrations, public recognition and gifts (Behrendt, 2005; In many communities, the practice may also UNICEF, 2005a). Thus, in cultures where it is be upheld by beliefs associated with religion widely practised, female genital mutilation has (Budiharsana, 2004; Dellenborg, 2004; become an important part of the cultural identity Gruenbaum, 2006; Clarence-Smith, 2007; Abdi, of girls and women and may also impart a sense of 2007; Johnson, 2007). Even though the practice pride, a coming of age and a feeling of community can be found among Christians, Jews and Muslims, membership. none of the holy texts of any of these religions prescribes female genital mutilation and the There is often an expectation that men will marry practice pre-dates both Christianity and Islam only women who have undergone the practice. (WHO, 1996a; WHO and UNFPA, 2006). The role The desire for a proper marriage, which is often of religious leaders varies. Those who support the essential for economic and social security as well practice tend either to consider it a religious act, as for fulfilling local ideals of womanhood and or to see efforts aimed at eliminating the practice femininity, may account for the persistence of the as a threat to culture and religion. Other religious practice. leaders support and participate in efforts to eliminate the practice. When religious leaders are unclear or avoid the issue, they may be perceived Some of the other justifications offered for as being in favour of female genital mutilation. female genital mutilation are also linked to girls’ marriageability and are consistent with the characteristics considered necessary for a The practice of female genital mutilation is often woman to become a \"proper\" wife. It is often upheld by local structures of power and authority believed that the practice ensures and preserves such as traditional leaders, religious leaders, a girl’s or woman’s virginity (Talle, 1993, 2007; circumcisers, elders, and even some medical Berggren et al., 2006; Gruenbaum, 2006). In some personnel. Indeed, there is evidence of an increase communities, it is thought to restrain sexual desire, in the performance of female genital mutilation by

7 Eliminating female genital mutilation medical personnel (see box \"Health professionals in adult women (Berggren et al., 2006). In periods must never perform female genital mutilation\", of change, female genital mutilation can give rise page 12). In many societies, older women who to discussions and disagreement, and there are have themselves been mutilated often become cases in which some family members, against gatekeepers of the practice, seeing it as essential the will of others, have organized the procedure to the identity of women and girls. This is probably (Draege, 2007). Furthermore, both individuals one reason why women, and more often older and communities can change ideas and opinions women, are more likely to support the practice, several times (Nypan, 1991; Shell-Duncan and and tend to see efforts to combat the practice as Hernlund, 2006). Decision-making is complex and, an attack on their identity and culture (Toubia and to ensure that families who wish to abandon the Sharief, 2003; Draege, 2007; Johnson, 2007). It practice can make and sustain their decision so should be noted that some of these actors also play that the rights of girls are upheld, a wide group of a key role in efforts to eliminate the practice. people have to come to agreement about ending the practice (see section on \"Taking action for the complete elimination of female genital mutilation\", Female genital mutilation is sometimes adopted page 13). by new groups and in new areas after migration and displacement (Abusharaf, 2005, 2007). Other communities have been influenced to adopt the practice by neighbouring groups (Leonard, 2000; Dellenborg, 2004) and sometimes in religious or traditional revival movements (Nypan, 1991). Preservation of ethnic identity to mark a distinction from other, non-practising groups might also be important, particularly in periods of intensive social change. For example, female genital mutilation is practised by immigrant communities living in countries that have no tradition of the practice (Dembour, 2001; Johansen, 2002, 2007; Johnson, 2007). Female genital mutilation is also occasionally performed on women and their children from non-practising groups when they marry into groups in which female genital mutilation is widely practised (Shell-Duncan and Hernlund, 2006). Decisions to perform female genital mutilation on girls involve a wide group of people who may have different opinions and varying degrees of influence (Shell-Duncan and Hernlund, 2006; Draege, 2007). This is even true for the practice of reinfibulation

8 Eliminating female genital mutilation Female genital mutilation is a violation of human rights Female genital mutilation of any type has been The Committee on the Elimination of All Forms recognized as a harmful practice and a violation of Discrimination against Women, the Committee of the human rights of girls and women. Human on the Rights of the Child and the Human Rights rights—civil, cultural, economic, political and Committee have been active in condemning the social—are codified in several international practice and recommending measures to combat and regional treaties. The legal regime is it, including the criminalization of the practice. complemented by a series of political consensus The Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of documents, such as those resulting from the United Discrimination against Women issued its General Nations world conferences and summits, which Recommendation on Female Circumcision (General reaffirm human rights and call upon governments Recommendation No 14) that calls upon states to strive for their full respect, protection and to take appropriate and effective measures with fulfilment. a view to eradicating the practice and requests them to provide information about measures being taken to eliminate female genital mutilation in Many of the United Nations human rights treaty their reports to the Committee (Committee on the monitoring bodies have addressed female genital Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against mutilation in their concluding observations on Women, 1990). how States are meeting their treaty obligations. International and regional sources of human rights Strong support for the protection of the rights of women and girls to abandon female genital mutilation is found in international and regional human rights treaties and consensus documents. These include, among others: International treaties • Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment • Covenant on Civil and Political Rights • Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights • Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) • Convention on the Rights of the Child • Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees Regional treaties • African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the Banjul Charter) and its Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa • African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child • European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms Consensus documents • Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action of the Fourth World Conference on Women • General Assembly Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women • Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) • UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity • United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), Commission on the Status of Women. Resolution on Ending Female Genital Mutilation. E/CN.6/2007/L.3/Rev.1. (See Annex 4 for full details of treaties and consensus documents).

9 Eliminating female genital mutilation Human rights violated by female right to freedom from torture or cruel, inhuman genital mutilation or degrading treatment or punishment as well as the rights identified below. As it interferes with Female genital mutilation violates a series of well- healthy genital tissue in the absence of medical established human rights principles, norms and necessity and can lead to severe consequences standards, including the principles of equality and for a woman’s physical and mental health, female non-discrimination on the basis of sex, the right to genital mutilation is a violation of a person’s right life when the procedure results in death, and the to the highest attainable standard of health. The rights of the child Because of children’s vulnerability and their need for care and support, human rights law grants them special protection. One of the guiding principles of the Convention on the Rights of the Child is the primary consideration of \"the best interests of the child\". Parents who take the decision to submit their daughters to female genital mutilation perceive that the benefits to be gained from this procedure outweigh the risks involved. However, this perception cannot justify a permanent and potentially life-changing practice that constitutes a violation of girls’ fundamental human rights. The Convention on the Rights of the Child refers to the evolving capacity of children to make decisions regarding matters that affect them. However, for female genital mutilation, even in cases where there is an apparent agreement or desire by girls to undergo the procedure, in reality it is the result of social pressure and community expectations and stems from the girls’ aspiration to be accepted as full members of the community. That is why a girl’s decision to undergo female genital mutilation cannot be called free, informed or free of coercion. Legal instruments for the protection of children’s rights specifically call for the abolition of traditional practices prejudicial to their health and lives. The Convention on the Rights of the Child makes explicit reference to harmful traditional practices and the Committee on the Rights of the Child, as well as other United Nations Human Rights Treaty Monitoring Bodies, have frequently raised female genital mutilation as a violation of human rights, calling upon State Parties to take all effective and appropriate measures to abolish the practice.

10 Eliminating female genital mutilation Female genital mutilation has been recognized as The right to participate in cultural life and freedom discrimination based on sex because it is rooted in of religion are protected by international law. gender inequalities and power imbalances between However, international law stipulates that freedom men and women and inhibits women’s full and to manifest one’s religion or beliefs might be equal enjoyment of their human rights. It is a form subject to limitations necessary to protect the of violence against girls and women, with physical fundamental rights and freedoms of others. and psychological consequences. Female genital Therefore, social and cultural claims cannot mutilation deprives girls and women from making be evoked to justify female genital mutilation an independent decision about an intervention that (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, has a lasting effect on their bodies and infringes on Article 18.3; UNESCO, 2001, Article 4). their autonomy and control over their lives.

11 Eliminating female genital mutilation Female genital mutilation has harmful consequences Female genital mutilation is associated with a A striking new finding from the study is that genital series of health risks and consequences. Almost mutilation of mothers has negative effects on all those who have undergone female genital their newborn babies. Most seriously, death rates mutilation experience pain and bleeding as a among babies during and immediately after birth consequence of the procedure. The intervention were higher for those born to mothers who had itself is traumatic as girls are usually physically undergone genital mutilation compared to those held down during the procedure (Chalmers who had not: 15% higher for those whose mothers and Hashi, 2000; Talle, 2007). Those who are had Type I, 32% higher for those with Type II infibulated often have their legs bound together and 55% higher for those with Type III genital for several days or weeks thereafter (Talle, 1993). mutilation. It was estimated that, at the study sites, Other physical and psychological health problems an additional one to two babies per 100 deliveries occur with varying frequency. Generally, the risks die as a result of female genital mutilation. and complications associated with Types I, II and III are similar, but they tend to be significantly The consequences of genital mutilation for most more severe and prevalent the more extensive women who deliver outside the hospital setting the procedure. Immediate consequences, such are expected to be even more severe (WHO Study as infections, are usually only documented when Group on Female Genital Mutilation and Obstetric women seek hospital treatment. Therefore, the Outcome, 2006). The high incidence of post- true extent of immediate complications is unknown partum haemorrhage, a life-threatening condition, (Obermeyer, 2005). Long-term consequences can is of particular concern where health services are include chronic pain, infections, decreased sexual weak or women cannot easily access them. enjoyment, and psychological consequences, such as post-traumatic stress disorder. (See Annex 5 for Note details of the main health risks and consequences). In contrast to female genital mutilation, male circumcision has significant health benefits that outweigh the very low risk of complications when Dangers for childbirth performed by adequately-equipped and well- Findings from a WHO multi-country study in which trained providers in hygienic settings Circumcision more than 28,000 women participated, confirm has been shown to lower men’s risk for HIV that women who had undergone genital mutilation acquisition by about 60% (Auvert et al., 2005; had significantly increased risks for adverse Bailey et al., 2007; Gray et al., 2007) and is now events during childbirth. Higher incidences of recognized as an additional intervention to reduce caesarean section and post-partum haemorrhage infection in men in settings where there is a high were found in the women with Type I, II and III prevalence of HIV (UNAIDS, 2007). genital mutilation compared to those who had not undergone genital mutilation, and the risk increased with the severity of the procedure (WHO Study Group on Female Genital Mutilation and Obstetric Outcome, 2006).

12 Eliminating female genital mutilation Health professionals must never perform female genital mutilation \"It is the mission of the physician to safeguard the health of the people.\" World Medical Association Declaration of Helsinki, 1964 Trained health professionals who perform female genital mutilation are violating girls’ and women’s right to life, right to physical integrity, and right to health. They are also violating the fundamental medical ethic to \"Do no harm\". Yet, medical professionals have performed and continue to perform female genital mutilation (UNICEF, 2005a). Studies have found that, in some countries, one-third or more of women had their daughter subjected to the practice by a trained health professional (Satti et al., 2006). Evidence also shows that the trend is increasing in a number of countries (Yoder et al., 2004). In addition, female genital mutilation in the form of reinfibulation has been documented as being performed as a routine procedure after childbirth in some countries (Almroth-Berggren et al., 2001; Berggren et al., 2004, 2006). Among groups that have immigrated to Europe and North America, reports indicate that reinfibulation is occasionally performed even where it is prohibited by law (Vangen et al., 2004). A range of factors can motivate medical professionals to perform female genital mutilation, including prospects of economic gain, pressure and a sense of duty to serve community requests (Berggren et al., 2004; Christoffersen-Deb, 2005). In countries where groups that practise female genital mutilation have emigrated, some medical personnel misuse the principles of human rights and perform reinfibulation in the name of upholding what they perceive is the patient’s culture and the right of the patient to choose medical procedures, even in cases where the patient did not request it (Vangen et al., 2004; Thierfelder et al., 2005; Johansen, 2006a). Some medical professionals, nongovernmental organizations, government officials and others consider medicalization as a harm-reduction strategy and support the notion that when the procedure is performed by a trained health professional, some of the immediate risks may be reduced (Shell-Duncan, 2001; Christoffersen-Deb, 2005). However, even when carried out by trained professionals, the procedure is not necessarily less severe, or conditions sanitary. Moreover, there is no evidence that medicalization reduces the documented obstetric or other long-term complications associated with female genital mutilation. Some have argued that medicalization is a useful or necessary first step towards total abandonment, but there is no documented evidence to support this. There are serious risks associated with medicalization of female genital mutilation. Its performance by medical personnel may wrongly legitimize the practice as medically sound or beneficial for girls and women’s health. It can also further institutionalize the procedure as medical personnel often hold power, authority, and respect in society (Budiharsana, 2004). Medical licensing authorities and professional associations have joined the United Nations organizations in condemning actions to medicalize female genital mutilation. The International Federation of Gynecol- ogy and Obstetrics (FIGO) passed a resolution in 1994 at its General Assembly opposing the performance of female genital mutilation by obstetricians and gynaecologists, including a recommendation to \"oppose any attempt to medicalize the procedure or to allow its performance, under any circumstances, in health establishments or by health professionals\" (International Federation of Gynecology and Obstet- rics, 1994).

13 Eliminating female genital mutilation Taking action for the complete elimination of female genital mutilation • Sustained: As behaviour change is complex, Action taken at international, regional and national levels over the past decade or more has begun to sustained action is essential to have a lasting bear fruit. Increasing numbers of women and men impact. Although change may occur rapidly, the from practising groups have declared support for process leading to change can be slow and long. • Community-led: Programmes that are led discontinuing the practice and, in some areas, the prevalence of female genital mutilation has by communities are, by nature, participatory decreased. The reduction in prevalence is not, and generally guide communities to define however, as substantial as hoped for. Therefore, the problems and solutions themselves. it is vital that the work against female genital Programmes that have demonstrated success mutilation be intensified to more effectively in promoting abandonment of female genital counteract the underlying reasons behind mutilation on a large scale build on human continuation of the practice. rights and gender equality and are non- judgmental and non-coercive. They focus on encouraging a collective choice to abandon Bringing an end to female genital mutilation female genital mutilation. requires a broad-based, long-term commitment. Experience over the past two or three decades has shown that there are no quick or easy solutions. A process of positive social The elimination of female genital mutilation change at community level requires a strong foundation that can support New insights from social science theory and the successful behaviour change and address the analysis of programme experiences indicate that core values and enforcement mechanisms that abandonment of female genital mutilation on a support the practice (WHO, 1999; UNICEF, 2005a; large scale results from a process of positive social Population Reference Bureau, 2006; Donor change (Mackie, 2000; Yount, 2002; Hayford, Working Group, 2007). Even though there have 2005; Shell-Duncan and Hernlund, 2006). The been few systematic evaluations of the many conventional nature of the practice requires a programmes being run by nongovernmental significant number of families within a community organizations, governments and others, there to make a collective, coordinated choice to are reviews that provide some overall lessons abandon the practice so that no single girl or family (WHO, 1999; Population Reference Bureau, 2001, is disadvantaged by the decision (UNICEF, 2005b). 2006; UNICEF, 2005a, 2005b; UNFPA, 2007c). The decision to abandon must be collective and Key among these lessons is that actions and explicit so that each family will have the confidence interventions must be: that others are also abandoning the practice. The • Multisectoral: Concerted action from many decision must be widespread within the practising sides and at different levels is needed, from community in order to be sustained. In effect, it will local to global and involving sectors such bring into place a new social norm that ensures the as education, finance, justice, and women’s marriageability of daughters and the social status affairs as well as the health sector; and many of families that do not cut their girls; a social norm different kinds of actors must be engaged, that does not harm girls or violate their rights. from community groups and nongovernmental organizations including health professional groups and human rights groups to governments and international agencies.

14 Eliminating female genital mutilation Programmes that include \"empowering\" education, methods, such as computer-based applications and discussion and debate, public pledges and mobile phone messages. organized diffusion have been shown to bring about the necessary consensus and coordination for the Educational activities must be sensitive to local sustained abandonment of female genital mutilation cultural and religious concerns or run the risk at community level. The activities encourage that the information provided will be regarded as communities to raise problems and define solutions morally offensive and result in negative reactions themselves regarding a variety of concerns, in communities. Information provided should be including sensitive ones such as female genital based on evidence, but at the same time build on mutilation, without feeling coerced or judged. local perceptions and knowledge. Community- Different methods can be used to create a space for based educational activities can also build on open and reflective dialogue, including intercultural and expand their work with the mass media such dialogue that investigates cultural variations within as drama, video and local radio. \"Champions\" and between communities as well as aspects of against female genital mutilation, such as public cultural change. Such methods have shown to be personalities, can also be used to relay information particularly effective when they raise and stimulate and messages about female genital mutilation discussion on human rights principles. Programmes (Population Reference Bureau, 2006). using these elements and principles have demonstrated a significant reduction in prevalence As female genital mutilation is a manifestation seven years after the original programmatic of gender inequality, a special focus on women’s intervention (Ndiaye et al., in press). empowerment is important (see box below). However, educational activities must reach all Empowering education helps people to examine groups in the community with the same basic their own beliefs and values related to the practice information to avoid misunderstandings and to in a dynamic and open way, that is not experienced inspire inter-group dialogue. The format must be or seen as threatening. Educational sessions will adapted so as to suit the realities of each specific be empowering if they serve not only to impart group. It is also important to include young people new knowledge but also to provide a forum for - both girls and boys - as they are often more participants to exchange experiences, and help open to change, and can themselves be important them reveal and share complex inner feelings change agents. and examine conflicting attitudes towards female genital mutilation in the community Empowering Schools can offer a forum for learning and education can be undertaken through various discussion about female genital mutilation if they forms of training, including literacy training, can create an environment of confidence, trust analytical skills and problem-solving as well as and openness. Artists and others who provide through the provision of information on human positive role models can be brought into schools, rights, religion, general health and sexual and and materials can be developed for teachers and reproductive health. Classes and workshops integrated into school curricula and teacher training can include the use of traditional means of on subjects such as science, biology and hygiene communication such as theatre, poetry, story as well as those in which religious, gender and telling, music and dance, as well as more modern other social issues are addressed (UNICEF, 2005b).

15 Eliminating female genital mutilation Nevertheless, schools may not always be the ideal value of women in the community, thus fostering setting for learning about sensitive and intimate their active contribution to decision-making and issues and, as many girls and boys are not enrolled enhancing their ability to discontinue the practice. in school, other outreach activities for young people Intergenerational dialogue is another example in are needed. As it is advisable to reach all groups which communication between groups that rarely of the community with the same basic information, discuss such issues on an egalitarian basis is all forms and spaces of learning, including encouraged (GTZ, 2005). Most importantly, such intergenerational dialogue should be explored when public discussions can stimulate discussions in designing initiatives to address female genital the private, family setting where decisions about mutilation. genital mutilation of girl children are made by parents and other family members (Draege, 2007). To reach the collective, coordinated choice necessary for sustained abandonment of female The collective, coordinated choice by a practicing genital mutilation, communities must have group to abandon female genital mutilation should be made visible or explicit through a public pledge the opportunity to discuss and reflect on new knowledge in public. Such public dialogue so that it can be trusted by all concerned. Indeed, provides opportunities to increase awareness many of the approaches adopted by community- and understanding by the community as a whole based initiatives lead towards a public declaration on women’s human rights and on national and of social change (WHO, 1999; Population international legal instruments on female genital Reference Bureau, 2001, 2006). This creates the mutilation. This dialogue and debate among confidence needed by individuals who intend to women, men and community leaders often focuses stop the practice to actually do so and is therefore on women’s rights, health, and female genital a key step in the process of real and sustained mutilation, and brings about recognition of the change in communities. Empowerment of women As female genital mutilation is a manifestation of gender inequality, the empowerment of women is of key importance to the elimination of the practice. Addressing this through education and debate brings to the fore the human rights of girls and women and the differential treatment of boys and girls with regard to their roles in society in general, and specifically with respect to female genital mutilation. This can serve to influence gender relations and thus accelerate progress in abandonment of the practice (WHO, 2000b; Population Reference Bureau, 2001, 2006; UNICEF, 2005b; UNFPA, 2007a). Programmes which foster women’s economic empowerment are likely to contribute to progress as they can provide incentives to change the patterns of traditional behaviour to which a woman is bound as a dependent member of the household, or where women are loosing traditional access to economic gain and its associated power. Gainful employment empowers women in various spheres of their lives, influencing sexual and reproductive health choices, education and healthy behaviour (UNFPA, 2007a).

16 Eliminating female genital mutilation Different mechanisms have been used to make passing information and engaging in discussion public the pledge to abandon the practice. In some with influential members of other communities that contexts, public pledges have taken the form of are part of the same social network. Through a strategy of organized diffusion, communities that written declarations, publicly posted, which are signed by those who have decided to abandon are abandoning the practice engage others to do female genital mutilation. In West Africa, pledges the same, thereby increasing the consensus and are typically made in the form of inter-village sustainability of the new social norm that rejects declarations involving as many as 100 villages female genital mutilation. at a time. These are festive occasions that bring together individuals who have participated in National-level actions the educational sessions, religious, traditional and government leaders and a large number of Social change within communities can be hindered other community members. Often, people from or enhanced by activities at national level and communities that have not been directly involved across national boundaries. As at community in promoting abandonment are invited as a way level, activities at national level should promote of spreading the abandonment movement. Media a process of social change that leads to a shared are typically present and serve to disseminate decision to end female genital mutilation. Activities information about the fact that communities are must engage traditional, religious and government abandoning the practice and to explain the reasons leaders, parliamentarians and civil society why. organizations. Among some populations where female genital Promoting the decision to abandon female mutilation is traditionally accompanied by a genital mutilation includes national activities that \"coming of age\" ritual, alternative rituals that bring the practice into the public discussion and reinforce the traditional positive values but without debate. The media can play a crucial role both in female genital mutilation, have been pursued. bringing correct information to households and Such approaches have added new elements in the in informing people about positive social change rituals, including education on human rights and that may be taking place in communities. This is sexual and reproductive health issues. Alternative particularly important when discussion of female rites have been found to be effective to the extent genital mutilation is considered taboo. Information that they foster a process of social change by activities should target local needs and concerns engaging the community at large, as well as girls, as well as provide information on a wide range of in activities that lead to changing beliefs about issues, such as human rights including child and female genital mutilation (Chege et al., 2001). women’s rights, facts on female sexual organs and functions and consequences of female genital mutilation, as well as the ways in which individuals As with individual families, it is difficult for one and communities can combat the practice. community to abandon the practice if those around it continue. Activities at community level therefore must include an explicit strategy for spreading Activities must include the review and reform of the decision to abandon the practice throughout laws and policies as well as sectoral measures the practising population. This is typically done by especially within the health, education, social and

17 Eliminating female genital mutilation legal protection systems. A number of countries as well as a patient’s human rights, in line with have enacted specific laws or applied existing international human rights and ethical standards. legal provisions for prohibiting the practice (see Medical practitioners who engage in the practice box below). The effectiveness of any law depends, should be subject to disciplinary proceedings and however, on the extent to which it is linked to the have their medical licenses withdrawn. broader process of social change. Legal measures are important to make explicit the government’s Health service providers must be trained to identify disapproval of female genital mutilation, to support problems resulting from female genital mutilation those who have abandoned the practice or wish to and to treat them. This includes procedures to treat do so, and to act as a deterrent. However, imposing immediate complications, and to manage various sanctions alone runs the risk of driving the practice long-term complications including defibulation. underground and having a very limited impact Defibulation should be offered as soon as possible on behaviour (UNICEF, 2005b). Legal measures (not only during childbirth) since it may reduce should be accompanied by information and other several health complications of infibulation, as measures that promote increased public support well as providing impetus for change. Evidence for ending the practice. suggests that improved birth care procedures according to WHO guidelines (WHO, 2001a, The amendment, adoption and enforcement 2001b, 2001c) can contribute to reducing the risks of laws should be done in consultation with associated with female genital mutilation for both community and religious leaders and other civil the mother and the child during childbirth. society representatives. Mechanisms should be established to review and assess the enforcement Responsibility of actors of the laws regularly (UNFPA, 2006, 2007c). The responsibility for action lies with many players, some of whom are mentioned below; but the Ending female genital mutilation and treatment and accountability ultimately rests with the government care of its adverse health consequences should of a country, to prevent female genital mutilation, be an integral part of relevant health programmes to promote its abandonment, to respond to its and services, such as safe motherhood and child consequences, and to hold those who perpetrate survival programmes, sexual health counselling, it criminally responsible for inflicting harm on girls psycho-social counselling, prevention and and women. treatment of reproductive tract infections and sexually transmitted infections including HIV and AIDS, prevention and management of gender- Governments have legal obligations to respect, based violence, youth health programmes and protect and promote human rights, and can programmes targeting traditional birth attendants be held accountable for failing to fulfil these (who may also be traditional circumcisers). obligations. Accordingly, governments need to take appropriate legislative, judicial, administrative, budgetary, economic and other measures to the Medical ethics standards must make it clear that maximum extent of their available resources. the practice of female genital mutilation upon These measures include ensuring that all domestic children or women violates professional standards

18 Eliminating female genital mutilation Laws for the elimination of female genital mutilation Constitutional recognition of the rights of girls and women Constitutional measures to uphold the rights of women and girls, such as equality, non-discrimination and protection from violence, are critical and can shape the response of governments to eliminating female genital mutilation. Examples applicable to female genital mutilation include: \"women’s protection from harmful practices\"; prohibition of customs or traditions that are \"against the dignity, welfare or interest of women or which undermine their status\", and abolition of \"traditional practices\" injurious to people’s health and well-being. Such constitutional protections can provide guidance for drafting laws and policies and for implementing them. They can also require the revision or abolition of laws and policies that are not compatible with these principles. Criminal laws In some countries, the existing general provisions of criminal codes have been, or can be, applied to female genital mutilation. These may include: \"intentional wounds or strikes\", \"assault occasioning griev- ous harm\", \"attacks on corporal and mental integrity\" or \"violent acts that result in mutilation or permanent disability\". Some governments have enacted laws that specifically prohibit the practice of female genital mutilation, many of which specify the categories of people who are potentially liable under the law. Accordingly, traditional practitioners, medical personnel, parents, guardians and persons who fail to report a potential or already committed crime can be subject to prosecution. The type of penalty also varies and includes imprisonment, fines or, in the case of medical personnel, the confiscation of professional licenses. The penalty may differ according to the form of the mutilation, and often increases when this crime is committed against minors or results in death. Child protection laws A number of countries have declared the applicability of child protection laws to female genital mutilation, while others have enacted and applied specific provisions for the elimination of harmful practices, including female genital mutilation. Child protection laws provide for state intervention in cases in which the State has reason to believe that child abuse has occurred or may occur. They may enable authorities to remove a girl from her family or the country if there is reason to believe that she will be subjected to female genital mutilation. These laws focus on ensuring the best interests of the child. Civil laws and remedies In countries with adequate mechanisms for adjudicating civil claims and enforcing judgements, female genital mutilation can be recognized as an injury that gives rise to a civil lawsuit for damages or other redress. Girls and women who have undergone female genital mutilation can seek redress from practitioners and/or others who participate in such an act. Other laws may be available and utilized to prevent the procedure from occurring in the first place, such as child protection laws. Asylum and immigration regulations It has been widely recognized that gender-based violence, including female genital mutilation, can amount to persecution within the meaning of the refugee definition of the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol. Regional resolutions and specific national regulations require that women and girls who are at risk of undergoing female genital mutilation in other countries are granted refugee status or complemen- tary forms of protection. Furthermore, in some cases, immigration authorities are required to provide information to immigrants about the harmful effect of female genital mutilation and the legal consequences of the practice. Some of these regulations contain instructions that such information should be provided in a sensitive and culturally appropriate manner.

19 Eliminating female genital mutilation legislation is compatible with the international and within the community and influence the attitudes regional human rights treaties they have ratified. and behaviour of their fellow community members Governments are also responsible for drawing (UNFPA, 2005, 2007b). up plans of actions and strategies to ensure that health facilities are available and accessible to Experience shows that it is especially important to girls and women for their sexual and reproductive ensure that the governments and nongovernmental health needs. They should organize public organizations work in cooperation with the awareness campaigns and education initiatives and local practising communities in formulating ensure that sufficient resources are allocated for and implementing programmes. This is true in prevention and response. Several ministries should countries of origin as well as in countries where cooperate in such efforts, including ministries of female genital mutilation is practised by immigrant health, finance, education and information, social communities. services and women’s affairs. Inclusion of leaders, both religious and secular, in Parliamentarians have a critical role to play in interventions is important to secure a supportive bringing the issue of female genital mutilation into environment for change. This is true at the level of policy debates as do the legal and judicial sectors the community as well as at national level. Such in setting and enforcing norms. leaders who are at the forefront in advocating the abandonment of female genital mutilation play an Professional organizations, such as medical important role in both providing arguments against associations and nursing councils, can promote the practice and generating social support for ethical guidelines in medical training and in change. practice. Associations for teachers, lawyers, social workers and others can also contribute towards Health care providers can play a key role in eliminating female genital mutilation within preventing female genital mutilation and in their respective fields through activities such as supporting and informing patients and communities lobbying, advocacy and conducting appropriate about the benefits of eliminating it. This can be training activities. done by providing women with information about their own sexual and reproductive health, making National and international nongovernmental it easier for them to understand natural body organizations have been key actors in functions and the harmful consequences of female designing and implementing programmes for genital mutilation. Health care providers can also the abandonment of female genital mutilation. play an important role in community outreach, such The most successful programmes have been as through school programmes and public health community-based with strong support from and education programmes. involvement of the government and development cooperation agencies (WHO, 1999). Faith-based Traditional circumcisers are also key actors and inter-faith based organizations have also as their role will have to change. They might been important actors using established networks be resistant to such change as it can threaten and structures to deliver advocacy messages their position, and use their influence within the community to continue to promote the practice

20 Eliminating female genital mutilation or undermine efforts for abandonment. On the female genital mutilation. This requires both other hand, if they decide to abandon the practice financial resources and considerable capacity they can be very forceful in convincing others to building. abandon it also. Training must be comprehensive both in the Although female genital mutilation has traditionally range of people trained and in the range of been seen by many men as a \"women’s issue\", topics covered. In some places, three- to four- men are important for change. In some settings week courses have been held for programme they support the practice; however, research has implementers, health care providers and others shown that some men are concerned by the effects to give them the information and skills required to of female genital mutilation and would prefer plan, implement and evaluate a community-based to marry women who have not undergone the intervention. procedure (Almroth et al., 2001; Herieka and Dhar, 2003; Draege, 2007). Young men in particular are As effective programme design and more likely to oppose the practice (Herieka and implementation must be based on sound data, Dhar, 2003; Draege, 2007). continuous monitoring is required to document trends in prevalence and changes in the type and The United Nations plays a crucial role in justifications for the practice. There is international providing international standards and promoting agreement on the use of five indicators in surveys and undertaking research, in collaboration with on female genital mutilation: prevalence by academic and development partners, to ensure that age cohorts 15–49 years; status of daughters standards are grounded in sound evidence. United (as declared by mothers aged 15–49 years); Nations agencies are particularly well placed to percentage of \"closed\" (infibulation, sealing) and promote cooperation and coordination among all open (excision) female genital mutilation; the actors. Several United Nations bodies are tasked performer of female genital mutilation; and support with monitoring the implementation of international of, or opposition to, female genital mutilation by legal commitments to protect and promote human women and men aged 15–49 years (UNICEF, rights for all without discrimination on any basis. 2005b). Consistency in the use of indicators enables comparative analysis at national and The role of development cooperation agencies international levels across different surveys. in supporting international and national initiatives Evaluation, including base- and end-line studies by providing technical and financial support is also as well as process evaluation, is essential for essential to achieve the common goal of ending measuring feasibility and effectiveness (Askew, female genital mutilation. 2005). Capacity building, research, Research continues to be needed on aspects that monitoring and evaluation will contribute to the elimination and prevention of female genital mutilation and better care for Lessons from the past decade show that strong girls and women who have been subjected to and competent organizations are required to the practice. Topics that require further study sustain programmes for the abandonment of

21 Eliminating female genital mutilation Conclusion include: the dynamics of social and cultural change that lead to the abandonment of the This Interagency Statement expresses the common practice, the prevalence of immediate health commitment of these organizations to continue complications, girls’ experiences of the practice, working towards the elimination of female genital psychological consequences of female genital mutilation. Female genital mutilation is a dangerous mutilation, care procedures for girls and women practice, and a critical human rights issue. and birth care procedures that might reduce the harmful consequences of female genital mutilation Progress has been achieved on a number of for mothers and their babies, the impact of fronts: female genital mutilation is internationally legal measures to prevent the practice, and its recognized as a violation of human rights; a global medicalization. goal to end the practice has been set by the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on Children (UN General Assembly, 2002); policies and legislation to prohibit the practice have been put in place in many countries; and, most importantly, there are indications that processes of social change leading to abandonment of the practice are under way in a number of countries. We now have more knowledge about the practice itself and the reasons for its continuation, as well as experience with interventions that can more effectively lead to its abandonment. Application of this knowledge through a common, coordinated approach that promotes positive social change at community, national and international levels could lead to female genital mutilation being abandoned within a generation, with some of the main achievements obtained by 2015, in line with the Millennium Development Goals. The United Nations agencies confirm their commitment to support governments, communities and the women and girls concerned to achieve the abandonment of female genital mutilation within a generation.

22 Eliminating female genital mutilation Annex 1: Note on terminology The terminology used for this procedure has less judgemental terminology for practising undergone various changes. During the first years communities, the expression \"female genital in which the practice was discussed outside mutilation/cutting\" is used by UNICEF and UNFPA. practising groups, it was generally referred to as For the purpose of this Interagency Statement and \"female circumcision\". This term, however, draws in view of its significance as an advocacy tool, all a parallel with male circumcision and, as a result, United Nations agencies have agreed to use the creates confusion between these two distinct single term \"female genital mutilation\". practices. The expression \"female genital mutilation\" gained growing support from the late 1970s. The word mutilation establishes a clear linguistic distinction from male circumcision, and emphasizes the gravity and harm of the act. Use of the word \"mutilation\" reinforces the fact that the practice is a violation of girls’ and women’s rights, and thereby helps to promote national and international advocacy for its abandonment. In 1990, this term was adopted at the third conference of the Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. In 1991, WHO recommended that the United Nations adopt this term. It has subsequently been widely used in United Nations documents and elsewhere and is the term employed by WHO. From the late 1990s the terms \"female genital cutting\" and \"female genital mutilation/cutting\" were increasingly used, both in research and by some agencies. The preference for this term was partly due to dissatisfaction with the negative association attached to the term \"mutilation\", and some evidence that the use of that word was estranging practising communities and perhaps hindering the process of social change for the elimination of female genital mutilation. To capture the significance of the term \"mutilation\" at the policy level and, at the same time, to use

23 Eliminating female genital mutilation Annex 2: Note on the classification of female genital mutilation A classification of female genital mutilation was severe and associated with increased risk. In some first drawn up at a technical consultation in forms of Type II, however, only the labia minora are 1995 (WHO, 1996b). An agreed classification cut and not the clitoris (Type IIa), in which case is useful for purposes such as research on certain risks such as for haemorrhage may be less, the consequences of different forms of female whereas other risks such as genital infections or genital mutilation, estimates of prevalence and scarification may be the same or greater. Similarly, trends in change, gynaecological examination Type III is predominantly associated with more and management of health consequences, and severe health risks than Type II, such as birth for legal cases. A common typology can ensure complications. A significant factor in infertility, the comparability of data sets. Nevertheless, however, is the anatomical extent of the cutting, i.e. classification naturally entails simplification whether it includes the labia majora rather than the and hence cannot reflect the vast variations in enclosure itself. Hence, Type II that includes cutting actual practice. As some researchers had pointed the labia majora (Type IIc) is associated with a out limitations in the 1995 classification, WHO greater risk for infertility than Type IIIa infibulation convened a number of consultations with technical made with the labia minora only (Almroth et al., experts and others working to end female genital 2005b). As the clitoris is a highly sensitive sexual mutilation to review the typology and evaluate organ, Type I including the removal of the clitoris possible alternatives. It was concluded that the may reduce sexual sensitivity more than Type III in available evidence is insufficient to warrant a new which the clitoris is left intact under the infibulation classification; however, the wording of the current (Nour et al., 2006). typology was slightly modified, and sub-divisions created, to capture more closely the variety of The severity and prevalence of psychological procedures. (including psychosexual) risks may also vary with characteristics other than the physical extent of tissue removal, such as age and social situation Clarifications and comments (McCaffrey, 1995). Although the extent of genital tissue cutting generally increases from Type I to III, there are Challenges for classification exceptions. Severity and risk are closely related to the anatomical extent of the cutting, including both The questionnaire used currently in the the type and amount of tissue that is cut, which Demographic and Health Surveys does not may vary between the types. For example, Type differentiate between Types I and II, but only I usually includes removal of the clitoris (Type Ib) between whether a girl or woman has been cut, and Type II both the clitoris and the labia minora whether tissue has been removed and whether (Type IIb)1. In this case, Type II would be more tissue has been sewn closed. Most studies on types, including the Demographic and Health Surveys, rely on self-reports from women. Studies \"Clitoris\" is used here to refer to the clitoral glans, i.e. the 1 that include clinical assessment have documented external part of the clitoris; it does not include the clitoral body large variations in the level of agreement between or the crura, which are situated directly beneath the soft tissue and not visible from outside. The clitoral prepuce (hood) is the self-reported descriptions and clinically observed fold of skin that surrounds and protects the clitoral glans.

24 Eliminating female genital mutilation WHO modified typology, 2007 WHO typology, 1995 Type I: Partial or total removal of the clitoris and/or Type I: Excision of the prepuce, with or without the prepuce (clitoridectomy). excision of part or the entire clitoris. When it is important to distinguish between the major variations of Type I mutilation, the following subdivisions are proposed: Type Ia, removal of the clitoral hood or prepuce only; Type Ib, removal of the clitoris with the prepuce. Type II: Partial or total removal of the clitoris and the Type II: Excision of the clitoris with partial or total labia minora, with or without excision of the labia excision of the labia minora. majora (excision). When it is important to distinguish between the major variations that have been documented, the following subdivisions are proposed: Type IIa, removal of the labia minora only; Type IIb, partial or total removal of the clitoris and the labia minora; Type IIc, partial or total removal of the clitoris, the labia minora and the labia majora. Note also that, in French, the term \"excision\" is often used as a general term covering all types of female genital mutilation. Type III: Narrowing of the vaginal orifice with creation Type III: Excision of part or all of the external of a covering seal by cutting and appositioning the genitalia and stitching/narrowing of the vaginal labia minora and/or the labia majora, with or without opening (infibulation). excision of the clitoris (infibulation). When it is important to distinguish between variations in infibulations, the following subdivisions are proposed: Type IIIa: removal and apposition of the labia minora; Type IIIb: removal and apposition of the labia majora. Type IV: Unclassified: All other harmful procedures Type IV: Unclassified: pricking, piercing or incising to the female genitalia for non-medical purposes, for of the clitoris and/or labia; stretching of the clitoris example, pricking, piercing, incising, scraping and and/or labia; cauterization by burning of the cauterization. clitoris and surrounding tissue; scraping of tissue surrounding the vaginal orifice (angurya cuts) or cutting of the vagina (gishiri cuts); introduction of corrosive substances or herbs into the vagina to cause bleeding or for the purpose of tightening or narrowing it; and any other procedure that falls under the broad definition of female genital mutilation.

25 Eliminating female genital mutilation types of female genital mutilation (Morison what appears to be Type II might sometimes be an et al., 2001; Msuya et al., 2002; Snow et al., opened Type III. Furthermore, scarring after Type 2002; Klouman et al., 2005; Elmusharaf et al., II can lead to closure of the vaginal orifice, and 2006a). The commonest discrepancy is that a therefore the result will mimic Type III. As such, it large percentage of women in areas where Type will be defined as Type III, although this was not III is traditionally practised declare that they the intended outcome. have undergone Type I or II, even though clinical assessment indicates Type III (Elmusharaf et Comments on the modifications al., 2006a). In addition, the reliability of clinical to the 1995 definition of Type III observation can be limited by natural anatomical variations and difficulty in estimating the amount of The key characteristic of Type III is the cutting clitoral tissue under an infibulation. and apposition—and hence adhesion—of the labia minora or majora, leading to narrowing of the vaginal orifice. This is usually accompanied by Comments on the modifications partial or total removal of the clitoris. The words to the 1995 definition of Type I \"Narrowing of the vaginal orifice with creation of a The reference to the clitoral prepuce is moved covering seal by cutting and appositioning the labia to the end of the sentence. The reason for this minora and/or the labia majora\" replace the 1995 change is the common tendency to describe Type formulation of \"stitching/narrowing of the vaginal I as removal of the prepuce, whereas this has not opening\". The new formulation makes it clear that been documented as a traditional form of female it is generally not the vagina itself that is narrowed genital mutilation. However, in some countries, or stitched, but rather that it is partly covered by medicalized female genital mutilation can include a seal of skin created by the scar tissue from the removal of the prepuce only (Type Ia) (Thabet adhesion of the labia. This skin tissue also covers and Thabet, 2003), but this form appears to be the clitoris and urethra. The term \"apposition\" is relatively rare (Satti et al., 2006). Almost all known used in preference to \"stitching\" because stitching forms of female genital mutilation that remove (with thorns or sutures) is only one of the ways to tissue from the clitoris also cut all or part of the create adhesion. Other common techniques include clitoral glans itself. tying the legs together or the use of herbal pastes. New studies have found significant variations in Comments on the modifications Type III, particularly a major distinction between to the 1995 definition of Type II infibulation of the labia minora and of the labia Removal of the clitoris and labia minora is the majora (Satti et al., 2006). For research on certain commonest form documented for Type II, but there health complications, and to document tendencies are documented variations. Sometimes, tissue of change, it may be important to distinguish from the labia majora is also removed (Almroth et between these two types of infibulation (Almroth et al., 2005b; Bjälkander and Almroth, 2007), and in al., 2005b; Elmusharaf et al., 2006a). Labia minora other cases only the labia minora are cut, without infibulation may include what in some countries removal of the clitoris. It should be noted that is described as \"sealing\". As mentioned under the

26 Eliminating female genital mutilation comments on Type II, this can be an accidental II and III, the following clarifications derived from adhesion resulting from a procedure intended as a available evidence are provided. Type II. In many cases of Type III, no clitoral tissue has been removed (Nour et al., 2006). Pricking, piercing, incising and scraping Reinfibulation is covered under this definition. Pricking, piercing and incision can be defined This is a procedure to recreate an infibulation, as procedures in which the skin is pierced with usually after childbirth in which defibulation was a sharp object; blood may be let, but no tissue necessary. The amount of re-closure varies. If is removed. Pricking has been described in reinfibulation is performed to recreate a \"virginal\" some countries either as a traditional form of appearance, it is often necessary not only to close female genital mutilation (Budiharsana, 2004) what has been opened but also to perform further or as a replacement for more severe forms of cutting to create new raw edges for more extensive female genital mutilation (Yoder et al., 2001; closure. Recent studies have also documented Njue and Askew, 2004). Incision of the genitals that, in some cases, women who were not of young girls and infants has been documented infibulated prior to childbirth underwent sutures (Budiharsana, 2004), as has scraping (Newland, that reduced their vaginal orifices after delivery 2006). (Almroth-Berggren et al., 2001; Berggren et al., 2004). WHO guidelines recommend permanent defibulation, including suturing the raw edges Discussion on whether pricking should be included separately to secure a permanent opening and to in the typology and defined as a type of female prevent adhesion formation, in order to avoid future genital mutilation has been extensive. Some complications associated with infibulation (WHO, researchers consider that it should be removed 2001a,b). from the typology, both because it is difficult to prove if there are no anatomical changes, and because it is considered significantly less harmful Comments on the modifications than other forms (Obiora, 1997; Shweder, 2003; to the 1995 definition of Type IV Catania and Hussen, 2005). Introduction of Type IV is a category that subsumes all other pricking has even some times been suggested harmful, or potentially harmful, practices that are as a replacement of more invasive procedures, performed on the genitalia of girls and women. as a form of harm-reduction (Shweder, 2003; Therefore, the modified typology begins with the Catania and Hussen, 2005). Others argue that it broad definition. The different practices listed should be retained, either to enable documentation are examples, and the list could be shortened or of changes from more severe procedures, or to lengthened with increasing knowledge. ensure that it cannot be used as a \"cover up\" for more extensive procedures, as there are strong indications that pricking described as a The reasons, context, consequences and risks of replacement often involves a change in terminology the various practices subsumed under Type IV vary rather than a change in the actual practice of enormously. As these practices are generally less cutting (WHO Somalia, 2002). When women who well known and studied than those under Types I,

27 Eliminating female genital mutilation claim to have undergone \"pricking\" have been cause pain or irritation in one part of the body in examined medically, they have been found to have order to relieve pain or inflammation in another. undergone a wide variety of practices, ranging The term \"cauterization\" is retained, but the from Type I to Type III. Hence the term can be used specification is removed to make the description to legitimize or cover up more invasive procedures more general, as there are little data on this (WHO Somalia, 2002; Elmusharaf et al., 2006a). practice. Because of these concerns, pricking is retained here within Type IV. Cutting into the external genital organs Stretching In the original formulation, reference was made Stretching or elongation of the clitoris and/or labia to gishiri cuts and angurya cuts, which are local minora, often referred to as elongation, has been terms used in parts of Nigeria. Gishiri cuts are documented in some areas, especially in southern generally made into the vaginal wall in cases of Africa. Generally, prepubescent girls are taught obstructed labour (Tahzib, 1983). The practice can how to stretch their labia by using products such have serious health risks, including fistula, bleeding as oils and herbs, over a period of some months. and pain. It differs from most types of female Some also elongate again after giving birth. The genital mutilation, as it is not routinely performed elongated labia are considered an enclosure on young girls but more as a traditional birthing for the vagina, and to enhance both female and practice. Angurya cuts are a form of traditional male sexual pleasure. Pain and laceration while surgery or scraping to remove the hymen and other pulling has been documented, but no long-term tissue surrounding the vaginal orifice. No studies consequences have been found. The practice were found on the prevalence or consequences of has been documented mainly in societies where this practice. In the modified definition, reference women enjoy a relatively high social status, mostly to these very local terms and practices has been in matrilineal societies. Labial stretching might removed and the description kept more general to be defined as a form of female genital mutilation cover various procedures. because it is a social convention, and hence there is social pressure on young girls to modify their Introduction of harmful genitalia, and because it creates permanent genital substances changes (Mwenda, 2006; Tamale, 2006; Bagnol and Esmeralda, in press). A number of practices of this type have been found in several countries, with a large variety of reasons and potential health hazards. Generally, Cauterization they are performed regularly by adult women on Cauterization is defined here as the destruction of themselves to clean the vagina before or after tissue by burning it with a hot iron. This has been sexual intercourse or to tighten and strengthen described as a remedy for several health problems, the vagina to enhance their own or their partner’s including bleeding, abscesses, sores, ulcers, and sexual pleasure. The consequences and health wounds, or for \"counter-irritation\" - that is, to risks depend on the substances used, as well as the frequency and technicalities of the procedures

28 Eliminating female genital mutilation (McClelland et al., 2006 Bagnol and Esmeralda, in press). Insertion of harmful substances can be defined as a form of genital mutilation, particularly when associated with health risks and high social pressure. Further considerations The definition of Type IV raises a number of unresolved questions. Types I−III, in which genital tissue is usually removed from minors, clearly violate several human rights and are targeted by most legislation on violence, bodily harm and child abuse. It is not always clear, however, what harmful genital practices should be defined as Type IV. Generally, the natural female genitalia, when not diseased, do not require surgical intervention or manipulation. The guiding principles for considering genital practices as female genital mutilation should be those of human rights, including the right to health, the rights of children and the right to nondiscrimination on the basis of sex. Some practices, such as genital cosmetic surgery and hymen repair, which are legally accepted in many countries and not generally considered to constitute female genital mutilation, actually fall under the definition used here. It has been considered important, however, to maintain a broad definition of female genital mutilation in order to avoid loopholes that might allow the practice to continue. The lack of clarity concerning Type IV should not curb the urgent need to eliminate the types of female genital mutilation that are most prominent and known—Types I−III—which have been performed on 100−140 million girls and women and risk being performed on more than 3 million girls every year.

29 Eliminating female genital mutilation Annex 3: Countries where female genital mutilation has been documented Listed below are countries in which female genital is derived from national survey data (the mutilation of Types I, II, III and \"nicking\" Type IV Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) published has been documented as a traditional practice. by Macro, or the Multiple Cluster Indicator Surveys For countries without an asterisk the prevalence (MICS), published by UNICEF). Country Year Estimated prevalence of female genital mutilation in girls and women 15 – 49 years (%) Benin 2001 16.8 Burkina Faso 2005 72.5 Cameroon 2004 1.4 Central African Republic 2005 25.7 Chad 2004 44.9 Côte d’Ivoire 2005 41.7 Djibouti 2006 93.1 Egypt 2005 95.8 Eritrea 2002 88.7 Ethiopia 2005 74.3 Gambia 2005 78.3 Ghana 2005 3.8 Guinea 2005 95.6 Guinea-Bissau 2005 44.5 Kenya 2003 32.2 Liberia* 45.0 Mali 2001 91.6 Mauritania 2001 71.3 Niger 2006 2.2 Nigeria 2003 19.0 Senegal 2005 28.2 Sierra Leone 2005 94.0 Somalia 2005 97.9 Sudan, northern 2000 90.0 (approximately 80% of total population in survey) Togo 2005 5.8 Uganda 2006 0.6 United Republic of Tanzania 2004 14.6 Yemen 1997 22.6 * The estimate is derived from a variety of local and sub-national studies (Yoder and Khan, 2007).

30 Eliminating female genital mutilation In some other countries, studies have documented female genital mutilation, but no national estimates have been made. These countries include: • India (Ghadially, 1992) • Indonesia (Budiharsana, 2004) • Iraq (Strobel and Van der Osten-Sacken, 2006) • Israel (Asali et al., 1995) • Malaysia (Isa et al., 1999) • United Arab Emirates (Kvello and Sayed, 2002) There are anecdotal reports on female genital mutilation from several other countries as well, including Colombia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Oman, Peru and Sri Lanka. Countries in which female genital mutilation is practised only by migrant populations are not included in these lists.

31 Eliminating female genital mutilation Annex 4: International and regional human rights treaties and consensus documents providing protection and containing safeguards against female genital mutilation International treaties • Human Rights Committee. General Comment No. 28, 2000. Equality of rights between men and • Universal Declaration of Human Rights, women. CCPR/C/21/rev.1/Add.10. adopted 10 December 1948. General Assembly • Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Resolution 217. UN Doc. A/810. Rights. General Comment No. 14, 2000. The • Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, right to the highest attainable standard of health. adopted 28 July 1951 (entry into force, 22 April UN Doc. E/C.12/2000/4. 1954). • Committee on the Rights of the Child. General • Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees, Comment No. 4, 2003. Adolescent health and adopted 31 January 1967 (entry into force, 4 development in the context of the Convention on October 1967). the Rights of the Child. CRC/GC/2003/4. • International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, adopted 16 December 1966 (entry into Regional treaties force, 23 March 1976). • International Covenant on Economic, Social and • European Convention for the Protection of Cultural Rights, adopted 16 December 1966 Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, (entry into force, 3 January 1976). adopted 4 November 1950 (entry into force, 3 • Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of September 1953). Discrimination against Women, adopted 18 • American Convention on Human Rights (entry December 1979 (entry into force, 3 September into force, 18 July 1978). 1981). • African Charter on Human and Peoples’ • Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Rights (Banjul Charter), adopted 27 June Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, 1981. Organization of African Unity. Doc. CAB/ adopted and opened for signature, ratification LEG/67/3/Rev. 5 (1981), reprinted in 21 I.L.M. 59 and accession by General Assembly resolution (1982) (entry into force, 21 October 1986). 39/46 of 10 December 1984 (entry into force, • African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the 26 June 1987). Child, adopted 11 July 1990. Organization of • Convention on the Rights of the Child, adopted African Unity. Doc. CAB/LEG/24.9/49 (entry into 20 November 1989. General Assembly force 29 November 1999). Resolution 44/25. UN GAOR 44th session, Supp. • Protocol to the African Charter on Human and No. 49. UN Doc. A/44/49 (entry into force, 2 Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in September 1990). Africa, adopted 11 July 2003, Assembly of the • Committee on the Elimination of All Forms African Union (entry into force 25 November of Discrimination against Women. General 2005). Recommendation No. 14, 1990, Female circumcision; General Recommendation No. 19, Consensus documents 1992, Violence against women; and General Recommendation No. 24, 1999, Women and • United Nations General Assembly, Declaration on health. the Elimination of Violence against Women, UN • Human Rights Committee. General Comment Doc. A/RES/48/104 (1993). No. 20, 1992. Prohibition of torture and cruel treatment or punishment.

32 Eliminating female genital mutilation • World Conference on Human Rights, Vienna Declaration and Plan of Action, June 1993. UN Doc. DPI/ 1394-39399 (August 1993). • Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development, Cairo, Egypt, 5−13 September 1994. UN Doc. A/CONF.171/13/Rev. 1 (1995). • Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action of the Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing, China, 4−15 September 1995. UN Doc. A/CONF.177/20. • UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity, adopted 2 November 2001. • Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, adopted October 2005 (entry into force March 2007). • United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), Commission on the Status of Women. Resolution on the Ending of Female Genital Mutilation. March 2007. E/CN.6/2007/L.3/Rev.1.

33 Eliminating female genital mutilation Annex 5: Health complications of female genital mutilation Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV): Use of the Where available data allow, variations by type are specified. Generally speaking, risks increase with same surgical instrument without sterilization could increasing severity of the procedure. As there are increase the risk for transmission of HIV between limited data on the different practices included in girls who undergo female genital mutilation Type IV female genital mutilation, information on together.6 In one study an indirect association these forms is not included. was found,7 but no direct association has been documented,8 perhaps because of the rarity of mass genital cutting with the same instrument, and Immediate risks of health the low HIV prevalence among girls of the age at complications from Types I, II and III which the procedure is performed. Severe pain: Cutting the nerve ends and sensitive Death can be caused by haemorrhage or genital tissue causes extreme pain. Proper infections, including tetanus and shock.9 anaesthesia is rarely used and, when used, Psychological consequences: The pain, shock and not always effective. The healing period is also the use of physical force by those performing the painful. Type III female genital mutilation is a more procedure are mentioned as reasons why many extensive procedure of longer duration (15–20 women describe female genital mutilation as a minutes), hence the intensity and duration of pain traumatic event.10 are more extensive. The healing period is extended Unintended labia fusion: Several studies have and intensified accordingly. 1 found that, in some cases, what was intended Shock can be caused by pain and/or as a Type II female genital mutilation may, due to haemorrhage.2 labia adhesion, result in a Type III female genital Excessive bleeding (haemorrhage) and septic mutilation.11 shock have been documented.3 Repeated female genital mutilation appears to be Difficulty in passing urine, and also passing of quite frequent in Type III female genital mutilation, faeces, can occur due to swelling, oedema and usually due to unsuccessful healing.12 pain.4 Infections may spread after the use of contaminated instruments (e.g. use of same 6. Klouman et al., 2005; Morison et al., 2001 instruments in multiple genital mutilation 7. Yount and Abraham, 2007 operations), and during the healing period. 5 8. Morison et al., 2001; Okonofua et al., 2002; Klouman et al., 2005 1. Type I and II: El-Defrawi et al., 2001; Dare et al., 2004; Malm- 9. Mohamud, 1991 ström, 2007. Type III: Boddy, 1989; Dirie and Lindmark, 1992; Chalmers and Hashi, 2000; Gruenbaum, 2001; Johansen, 2002 10. Boddy, 1989; Johansen, 2002; Talle, 2007; Behrendt and Moritz, 2005; Malmström, 2007 2. Type I and II: Egwuatu and Agugua, 1981; Agugua and Egwuatu, 1982. Type III: Dirie and Lindmark, 1992; Almroth et 11. Egwuatu and Agugua, 1981; Agugua and Egwuatu, 1982; al., 2005a Dare et al., 2004; Behrent, 2005 3. Dirie and Lindmark, 1992; Jones et al., 1999; Chalmers and 12. Dirie and Lindmark, 1992; Chalmers and Hashi, 2000; Hashi, 2000; Dare et al., 2004; Yoder et al., 2004 Johansen, 2006b 4. Type I and II: El-Defrawi et al., 2001; Dare et al., 2004; Yoder et al., 2004. Type III: Dirie and Lindmark, 1992; Chalmers and Hashi, 2000; Yoder et al., 2004; Almroth et al., 2005a 5. Dirie and Lindmark, 1992; Chalmers and Hashi, 2000; Almroth et al., 2005a,b

34 Eliminating female genital mutilation Long-term health risks from may also increase the risk for HIV infection, as Types I, II and III (occurring at any genital herpes is a risk factor in the transmission of HIV. time during life) Quality of sexual life: Removal of, or damage Pain: Chronic pain can be due to trapped or to highly sensitive genital tissue, especially the unprotected nerve endings.13 clitoris, may affect sexual sensitivity and lead Infections: Dermoid cysts, abscesses and genital to sexual problems, such as decreased sexual ulcers can develop, with superficial loss of tissue.14 pleasure and pain during sex. Scar formation, Chronic pelvic infections can cause chronic back pain and traumatic memories associated with the and pelvic pain. 15 Urinary tract infections can procedure can also lead to such problems. 20 ascend to the kidneys, potentially resulting in Birth complications: The incidences of caesarean renal failure, septicaemia and death. An increased section and postpartum haemorrhage are risk for repeated urinary tract infections is well substantially increased, in addition to increased documented in both girls and adult women. 16 tearing and recourse to episiotomies. The risks Keloid: Excessive scar tissue may form at the site increase with the severity of the female genital of the cutting.17 mutilation.21 Obstetric fistula is a complication of Reproductive tract infections and sexually prolonged and obstructed labour, and hence may transmitted infections: An increased frequency be a secondary result of birth complications caused of certain genital infections, including bacterial by female genital mutilation.22 Studies investigating vaginosis has been documented. Some studies 18 a possible association between female genital have documented an increased risk for genital mutilation and obstetric fistulas are under way. herpes, but no association has been found with Danger to the newborn: Higher death rates other sexually transmitted infections. 19 and reduced Apgar scores have been found, the Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV): An severity increasing with the severity of female increased risk for bleeding during intercourse, genital mutilation.23 which is often the case when defibulation is Psychological consequences: Some studies have necessary (Type III), may increase the risk for HIV shown an increased likelihood of fear of sexual transmission. The increased prevalence of herpes intercourse, post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, in women subjected to female genital mutilation depression and memory loss.24 The cultural significance of the practice might not protect 13. Akotionga et al., 2001; Okonofua et al., 2002; Fernandez- Aguilaret and Noel, 2003 against psychological complications.25 14. Egwautu and Agugua 1981; Dirie and Lindmark, 1992; Chal- 20. Knight et al., 1999; Thabet and Thabet, 2003; El-Defrawi et mers and Hashi, 2000; Rouzi et al., 2001; Okonofua et al., 2002; al., 2001; Elnashar and Abdelhady, 2007; Johansen, 2007 Thabet and Thabet, 2003 21. Vangen et al., 2002; WHO Study Group on Female Genital 15. Rushwan, 1980; Klouman et al., 2005 Mutilation and Obstetric Outcome, 2006 16. Ismail, 1999; Knight et al., 1999; Almroth et al., 2005a 22. Tahzib, 1983; Rushwan, 2000 17. Jones et al., 1999; Okonofua et al., 2002 23. Vangen et al., 2002; WHO Study Group on Female Genital 18. Morison et al., 2001; Okonofua et al., 2002; Klouman et al., Mutilation and Obstetric Outcome, 2006 2005; Elmusharaf et al., 2006b 24. Whitehorn, 2002; Behrendt and Moritz, 2005; Lockhat, 2006 19. Morison et al., 2001; Okonofua et al., 2002; Klouman et al., 25. Behrendt and Moritz, 2005; Lockhat, 2006; Nour et al., 2005; Elmusharaf et al., 2006b 2006; Elnashar and Abdelhady, 2007

35 Eliminating female genital mutilation Additional risks for complications from Type III Later surgery: Infibulations must be opened (defibulation) later in life to enable penetration during sexual intercourse and for childbirth. In some countries it is usual to follow this by re-closure (reinfibulation), and hence the need for repeated defibulation later. Re-closure is also reportedly done on other occasions.26 Urinary and menstrual problems: Slow and painful menstruation and urination can result from the near-complete sealing off of the vagina and urethra.27 Haematocolpus may need surgical intervention.28 Dribbling of urine is common in infibulated women, probably due to both difficulties in emptying the bladder and stagnation of urine under the hood of scar tissue.29 Painful sexual intercourse: As the infibulation must be opened up either surgically or through penetrative sex, sexual intercourse is frequently painful during the first few weeks after sexual initiation.30 The male partner can also experience pain and complications.31 Infertility: The association between female genital mutilation and infertility is due mainly to cutting of the labia majora, as evidence suggests that the more tissue that is removed, the higher the risk for infection.32 26. Berggren, 2004, 2006; Nour et al., 2006 27. Akotionga et al., 2001; Knight et al., 1999; Almroth et al., 2005a; Nour et al., 2006 28. Dirie and Lindmark ,1992 29. Egwautu and Agugua, 1981; Agugua and Egwautu, 1982; Dirie and Lindmark, 1992 ; Ismail, 1999; Chalmers and Hashi, 2000; Njue and Askew, 2004 30. Talle, 1993; Akotionga et al., 2001; Gruenbaum, 2006; Nour et al., 2006 31. Dirie and Lindmark, 1992; Almroth et al., 2001 32. Almroth et al., 2005b

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Eliminating Female Genital Mutilation

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