International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei



                              目錄 ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


      4.

           The Phenomeno...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei




4.
     Chronology on Immigrants...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei




                 簡介
            ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei

Introduction

      In the age of g...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei

Objectives of the Workshop

    1. ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei

緣起


                              ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei




二、   主辦單位



     Asia Pacific M...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei




  活動流程
                    Progr...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


Program
Date May 13, 2005 –May 15,...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


                  Speakers :
     ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei

                  Resources Person:...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


活動流程
   2005          5     13    ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


15:30-15:45


15:45-17:45        W...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei




 會議論文
                       Pap...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei



                               In...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei




                                ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


Industrial Organization of Cross-B...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


       I Ve a , r l e o aec s ok o...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


      As well as searching for gir...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


      The formation of a coordinat...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


     Table 2            Cost break...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


      Since the entry-level skills...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei

lose the customer. So, to survive i...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei

mediating agency, the scale of inte...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei



                 The Problems of ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei

     It is understandable that with...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei

      This mail order-brides’ hnm n...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei

     Those who decided to divorce a...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei

       LBH-APIK, local NGOs and the...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei




                                ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei




                                ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei




                                ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei




                                ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei




                                ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei




                                ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei




                                ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei



                           The Br...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


The Philippine government took adv...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


Supposedly, there should be a Serv...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


 things, is impossible eas “ iwlv ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


-     Providing board and lodging ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


This is not the only case of Mr. H...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


It seems the CLA and its local bur...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei
      humane and that the broker had...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei
Paying Lip service
Both the Taiwanes...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei
c m nlI t fs p c,ts h gvrm n ’ epni ...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


                     Migrant Women...
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei


      According to <Graph 1> and <...
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final
Upcoming SlideShare
Loading in …5
×

亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final

9,405 views
9,232 views

Published on

Published in: Economy & Finance
0 Comments
0 Likes
Statistics
Notes
  • Be the first to comment

  • Be the first to like this

No Downloads
Views
Total views
9,405
On SlideShare
0
From Embeds
0
Number of Embeds
15
Actions
Shares
0
Downloads
34
Comments
0
Likes
0
Embeds 0
No embeds

No notes for slide

亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 Final

  1. 1. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 目錄 Contents I. Introduction ……………. …………………. …………………. 8 4 II. …………………. …………………. ……9 14 Program……………. III. Papers Workshop I 1. International Marriages: Cross-Border Marriage Business in Taiwan and Vietnam by Chang, Shu-Ming………………16 25 2. The Problems of the Brokers on Migrants and Marital Immigrants in Taiwan, by Hairiah………………………………………26 30 3. Vietnamese Brides: A Brief Profile, by AAV………………31 37 4. The Broker System in Taiwan, A Bane to Filipino Migrant Workers, by APMM…………………………………………………38 47 Workshop II 1. Migrant Women in Korea through International Matchmaking by Kim, Min Jeong…………………………………………48 62 2. Preventing Violence against Immigrant Women by Tsai, Shun-Jou…………………………………………63 64 3. Proactive Approaches to Preventing Violence against Immigrant Women in Taiwan, by Hsia, Hsiao-Chuan…………………65 79 1
  2. 2. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 4. The Phenomenon of Domestic Violence among New Immigrant Women:Personal Experience but Institutional reflection, by Pan, Shu-Man……………………………………………80~86 Workshop III — 1. “ u” a s“ hi Lvs O rL w ,T e ” i —How Taiwan Law Discriminates re against the Newly-Arrived Female Immigrants by Bruce Liao………………………………………………87~104 2. A a s o Mi at re ’ o c iTia nl i f g nWokr P lyn a n ys r si w by Ku, Yu-Ling……………………………………………105~110 3. Immigrant Workers: Facts and Figures by Sutthida Malikaew……………………………………111~116 4. A Critical Perspective on International Instruments and National L w o Fl i Wo e Mi at ad m i at Rgt a s n ip o m n g n ’n I m g n ’ i s in rs r s h, by Lualhati S. Roque………………………………………117~131 IV. Introduction of Participant Organizations……………132~148 V. Appendices 1. Rights of Migrants and Immigrants………………………150~154 2. Universal Declaration of Human Rights…………………155~158 3. Bi i o A R I s rpsd m ndments to Immigration and r f g f H LM’Pooe A e en Entry and Exit Law………………………………………159~163 2
  3. 3. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 4. Chronology on Immigrants in Taiwan…………………164~170 5. Chronology on Migrant workers in Taiwan……………171~182 6. Participants………………………………………………183~188 3
  4. 4. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 簡介 Introduction 4
  5. 5. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei Introduction In the age of globalization, people including women are forced to leave their family behind as migrant workers or foreign brides. In Taiwan, according to the official data, there are now estimated over 300,000 Taiwanese who are married to foreign spouses who are usually women, so-cld “ r g bi s.I 20 Tiaee ae f e n r e” n 03 a ns l oi d w citizens who married to foreign spouses increased to over 30 percent of total registered married population. Put it another way, one out of three marriages was international marriage. Most foreign brides come from Mainland China and Southeast Asia. In the meantime, there are now estimated about 300,000 migrant workers from Southeast Asia. Female migrant workers are working as contract workers working in domestic helpers, nannies, caretakers. Both the foreign brides and the migrant workers have become significant groups in Taiwan in the past decade. While in South Korea, the Korea National Statistical Office reports that one out of every 12 marriages in the past years was international marriage and that more and more women come from other Asian countries to marry South Korean men. However these female migrant workers and marriage immigrants are usually t a d s pr h i t s r avl dvl e cute,shs “ a re bi s r t a “a a”n h e e t e ee pd on i a t e m il-odr r e” ee i e li y o rs o d i t w s r sc tsWe eee e r ott th soss fhs fr g bi s n h et n oii . ’ r i d e r h t pue o t e oe n r e e e ee v cv p s a e e i d s p w n nt n m r t nsrat t sri a t if ie’ ed. e a i l at o i oe h e n o e c l h r a ls nes Fm l my hg a vs ve l e m i e migrant workers who work in house have to face the threat of abuse or sexual assault. The absence and injustice of laws should ensure to protect their rights add to the miseries of foreign brides and female migrant workers. In Taiwan, foreign brides from Ma l d h a a’gt e i i t w r al ss y g ya Migrant workers i a C i cnt epr s o o ok te tt i 6 ers. nn n m sn a an who work in house do not apply to the Labor Standard Law and are abused or exploited easily by brokers or bosses. Thus, it is not only important but also necessary to gather together different women groups to discuss, get approach the issue of foreign brides and female migrant workers, and have international solidarity among Asian NGOs. The workshop is expected to examine the common issues and problems faced by foreign brides and female migrant workers in Asian region. This workshop also aims to strengthen relationship of different NGOs working on the issues of female immigrants and migrants and to conduct different levels of coordination and cooperation through research and regional advocacy work 5
  6. 6. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei Objectives of the Workshop 1. To have a common understanding on the issues and problems faced by foreign brides and female migrant workers in some countries in Asia 2. To develop regional and international awareness and support on the human rights of foreign brides and female migrant workers 3. To share experiences, analysis and strategies in dealing with the issues faced by foreign brides and female migrant workers and coordinate actions at the regional level 4. To promote international solidarity among female migrants and immigrants of different nationalities in the region. 6
  7. 7. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 緣起 13 , , 1.75 3% 1970 76 1 93 12 121,804 215,818 337,622 93 8 308,231 一、 活動目的 1. 認識亞洲國家跨國勞工與婚姻移民的婦女人權處境,如照顧政策比較,提 供國內相關部門重要參考 2. 發展對跨國勞工與婚姻移民人權的跨國理解與支持,促進亞洲區域不同國 家間爭取跨國勞工與婚姻移民權益相關組織的國際連結 3. 深化民間外交網絡,促進各國從事跨國勞工與婚姻移民服務工作的NGO 實務經驗分享,並規劃亞洲區域層次的相關合作行動 7
  8. 8. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 二、 主辦單位 Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants(APMM) Organizers Awakening Foundation Graduate Institute for Social Transformation Studies, Shih-Hsin University Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants 三、 協辦單位 In Coordination With The Alliance for Human Rights Legislation for Immigrants and Migrants Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants APMM 發展研究所夏曉鹃副教授 四、 贊助單位 Evangelisches Missionswerk (EMW) Sponsors Ministry of Foreign Affairs Taiwan Foundation for Democracy Evangelisches Missionswerk (EMW) 8
  9. 9. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 活動流程 Program 9
  10. 10. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei Program Date May 13, 2005 –May 15, 2005 Venue Chien Tan Overseas Youth Activity Center, located at #16, Sec.4,Chung-Shan N. Rd., Taipei Taiwan. Day1 5/13 09:00-09:30 Registration 09:30-09:40 Opening 09:40-10:00 Keynote speech Dr. Lucie Cheng Founding Chair, Graduate Institute for Social Transformation 10:10-12:00 Workshop I The Problems of the Brokers on Migrants and Marital Immigrants in Taiwan Moderator : Lan, Pei-Chia Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, National Taiwan University Speakers : Aurelio Estrata Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants Pham Kieu Oanh Action Aid International Vietnam Chang, Shu-Ming MA, Graduate Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Tamkang University Hairiah Director of Yayasan Lembaga Bantuan Hukum Perempuan Indonesia Untuk Keadilan 12:00-13:30 Lunch 13:30-15:30 Workshop II Action to Prevent Violence against Female migrants and Immigrants Moderator : Sr. Stephana, Wei Wei Director of Rerum Novarum Center 10
  11. 11. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei Speakers : Emerenciana de Jesus Secretary General of Gabriela, Philippine Kim Min Jeong WEHOME, Korea Pan, Shu-Man Associate Professor, Department of Adult & Continuing Education National Taiwan Normal University Tsai, Shun-Jou Manager of The Resources Center of Foreign and Mainland China Spouses of Pingtung County Hsia, Hsiao-Chuan Associate Professor, Graduate Institute for Social Transformation Studies, Shih-Hsin University 15:30-15:45 Coffee Break 15:45-17:45 Workshop III International & National Instruments on Female Migrants and Immigrants Institutions and Laws Moderator : Huang, Chang-Ling Chairperson of Awakening Foundation Associate Professor, Department of Politics National Taiwan University Speakers : Sutthida Malikaew Action Network for Migrant Labour, Thailand Lualhati S. Roque Executive Director of International Migrant Resource Center Ku,Yu-Ling Secretary General Taiwan International Workers' Association Liao, Yuan-Hao Assistant Professor, Department of Law, National Chengchi University 18:30-21:30 Dinner Day2 5/14 09:00-09:30 Registration 09:30-11:30 Plenary Discussions 11
  12. 12. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei Resources Person: Irene Fernandez Executive Director of Tenagenita 11:30-12:00 Statements and Actions 12:10-12:30 Press Conference 12:30-13:30 Lunch 14:00-17:30 Visit Local Community and NGOs 18:30-21:30 Dinner & Asian Culture Night Day3 5/15 09:00-09:30 Registration Dsus n bten er eti s f G ’ad oe m n i s os e e r e n t e o N Os n G vr et ci w p s av n 09:30-12:00 12:00-14:00 Farewell Party 12
  13. 13. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 活動流程 2005 5 13 -2005 5 15 16 ( ) 09:00-09:30 09:30-09:40 09:40-10:00 10:10-12:00 Workshop I : : Aurelio Estrada Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants Pham Kieu Oanh Action Aid International Vietnam Hairiah Director of Yayasan Lembaga Bantuan Hukum Perempuan Indonesia Untuk Keadilan 12:00-13:30 13:30-15:30 Workshop II : : Emerenciana de Jesus Secretary General of Gabriela, Philippine Kim Min Jeong WEHOME, Korea 13
  14. 14. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 15:30-15:45 15:45-17:45 Workshop III : : Sutthida Malikaew Action Network for Migrant Labour, Thailand Lualhati S. Roque Executive Director of International Migrant Resource Center 18:30-21:30 ( ) 09:00-09:30 09:30-11:30 11:30-12:00 12:10-12:30 12:30-13:30 14:00-17:30 18:30-21:30 & ( ) 09:00-09:30 09:30-12:00 12:00-14:00 14
  15. 15. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 會議論文 Papers 15
  16. 16. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei International Marriages: Cross-Border Marriage Business in Taiwan and Vietnam Chang, Shu-Ming Scale of the International Marriage Market in Taiwan The number of migrant partners from Southeast Asia entering Taiwan has increased steadily from the 1990s (see Table 1). Although the numbers in the table include male migrant partners, they make up less than 10% of the total. This dvl m n ge hn i hn wt Tia’m s eoo ii et etn ot at ee p et os ad n ad i a n as cnm cn s n i S u es o hws vm h Asia since the late 1980s. We contend that globalized capital investment from Taiwan indirectly catalyzed the development of the international marriage market. Table 1: Residence Visas Issued for Migrant Partners unit: person Country Thailand Malaysia Philippines Indonesia Singapore Vietnam Subtotal and Year Myanmar 1994 870 55 1,183 2,247 14 530 12,784 1995 1,301 86 1,757 2,409 52 1,969 16,754 1996 1,973 73 2,085 2,950 18 4,113 20,561 1997 2,211 96 2,128 2,464 50 9,060 24,960 1998 1,173 102 544 2,331 85 4,644 19,407 1999 1,184 106 603 3,643 12 6,790 25,384 2000 1,259 65 487 4,381 3 12,327 34,291 Total 9,971 583 8,787 20,425 234 39,433 154,141 Source: Bureau of Consular Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of China. Tia’ m s cp a i et et nVe a bgni t er 19s T e a n as ail n s n i inm ea n h a y 90. h ws t vm t el Taiwan Business Organization Vietnam has about 2,000 members, most being small- and medium-sized enterprises. Such mass investment inevitably brings social influences to bear on hosting countries, and cross-border marriage is one such impact. Table 1 shows that brides from Vietnam have become the single largest group among source countries in Southeast Asia. 16
  17. 17. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei Taiwanese Grooms Taiwan Government Organized Taiwanese Individual Taiwanese Agencies (T1) agent (T2) Taiwanese agencies in Vietnam (T3) Industrial Organization of Cross-Border Marriages Vietnamese Agencies: Big matchmakers (V1) Vietnam Government Small matchmakers (V2) Ancillary services: documentations (V3) Vietnamese Brides 17 Figure 1:
  18. 18. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei Industrial Organization of Cross-Border Marriages In their role as intermediaries between overseas brides and Taiwanese grooms, agencies have increasingly dominated the cross-border marriage market in the past decade. With the prospect of high earning from arranged marriage activities, the number of agents has grown, creating a vast industry. Figure 1, derived from our fieldwork observations, shows cross-border marriage industrial organization. The arrows in the figure represent the relationships between players at different layers in the hierarchy. Single headed arrows indicate a relationship in which only the player higher in the hierarchy is able to choose business partners but not vice versa; double headed arrows signify that both players have equal freedom to choose partners. Top of the structure in the figure is governments in Taiwan and Vietnam which monitor all activities of the players in the migration process. Unlike their response to international labor migration, however, the two governments do not play an active role in promoting or inhibiting cross-border marriages. The officials we interviewed from both sides all claimed that people must be free to choose whom to marry, and that government should not interfere in the process. Governments do, however, continue to pay attention to the problems of illegal trafficking. Many different kinds of intermediaries provide international migration services to prospective brides and grooms. It involves agencies geographically located in Taiwan (T1, T2 in figure 1) and Vietnam (T3, V1, V2, V3). In Taiwan there are two types of matchmaking agencies: the organized agency (T1) and the individual agent (T2). Organized agencies arrange marriages for Taiwanese men with girls from Vietnam. These agencies normally have branches overseas (T3). Some organized agencies actually specialize in the business of international labor recruitment but, in order to more fully utilize agency personnel, they also undertake cross-border arranged marriage business. Individual agents are mostly Taiwanese married to Vietnamese, and understand the cross-border marriage procedures. They seek potential customers in the countryside, and then approach organized agencies in Taiwan (T1) or in Vietnam (T3) to complete the contract. In Vietnam the government officially bans matchmaking agencies, and from time to time the newspapers report crackdowns on Taiwanese operators. However, without the help of Vietnamese agents scattered throughout the country, the whole industry would have been unable to develop; actors in this industry need to maintain secrecy in order to avoid legal problems. 18
  19. 19. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei I Ve a , r l e o aec s ok o ec t f apt tlslr– n inm t e a r fgni w r t r h h i lo n a‘ l ’ the t he ys e a en e i ee future brides. The first layer comprises Taiwanese agencies in Vietnam (T3), of which there are two types: branches set up by Taiwanese organized agencies, or Taiwanese agents who have married Vietnamese and lived in Vietnam for a long time. The latter type normally have other jobs and, with the help of their social networks, assist organized agencies in introducing girls for arranged marriages. In return, they receive a portion of the profit, fixed by contract. Both types of agents have to cooperate with local Vietnamese partners –often cld b m t m kr ( 1 – second layer of industry organization. Because of ae ‘i a h ae ’V ) the l gc s language affinity with Taiwanese, most big matchmakers are ethnic Chinese. Researches have found that common-language communication is very important for Taiwanese overseas investment in Southeast Asia. These big matchmakers play a strategic role in the cross-border marriages. Their language advantage enables them to convey important information to Taiwanese agencies, and interpret for Taiwanese males if necessary. In addition, big matchmakers are in charge of many miscellaneous details, including the arrangement of meetings, wedding banquets, and accommodation. T ee im t m krt i l hv m n ‘ a m t m kr t hl t m hs b a h ae y c l ae ay s l a h ae ’ e h . gc s p ay ml c so p e Big matchmakers normally do not have direct contact with future brides. Instead, small matchmakers (V2) can be seen as acting as sales representatives for the big matchmakers. They go to the countryside to search for girls who might wish to marry foreigners. These girls are not most ethnic Chinese, raising the question as to why the matchmakers do not like to introduce ethnic Chinese girls. One informant explained this, saying that if a girl can speak Mandarin, she might demand too much money or property from her future partner, thus scaring away customers and spoiling deals. In addition, the lack of a language barrier may impinge upon the profits of intermediaries because the prospective couples might avoid the agents and make their own arrangements. Once selected, rural girls are brought to TPHCM to meet their future partners. Vietnamese government prohibitions on these activities mean that meetings are kept low profile. When the prospective grooms arrive in Vietnam, the big matchmakers let the small matchmakers know where and when to meet, and the future brides are then brought, group by group, to the meetings. To avoid any difficulties from the police, meeting times and places are varied. 19
  20. 20. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei As well as searching for girls, big matchmakers oversee a group of people who prepare the requisite bureaucratic documentation (V3). This is not an easy job, requiring reading and writing skills in both Vietnamese and Chinese, the ability to understand and manage the process of obtaining and completing the relevant documents, and dealing with bureacrats in TECO as well as those in the judicial, police and health departments. This work is delegated to professionals because Taiwanese grooms do not have the ability, and big matchmakers do not have the time to do it. Two organizational structures predominate in the arranged marriage business – vertically integrated and horizontally coordinated. In gathering data, we found that if the business is a vertically integrated agency, future brides generally all come from one place; in horizontally coordinated businesses, girls are from different places of origin. The first of these business types –the vertically integrated agency –typically involves Taiwanese organized agencies establishing branches in Vietnam. Each agency tends to have their own big matchmaker who acts exclusively for them. In turn, the small matchmakers and documentation professionals work exclusively for their larger counterparts. To keep profits within the company, the agencies cooperate with their exclusive matchmakers and effectively internalize the operation. This organizational structure is maintained to generate greater profit, to ensure that the work is uninterrupted, and to achieve economies of scale. The second business structure seen –the horizontally coordinated structure –is more complicated, as the relationships between different actors are not uni-directional. In Taiwan, individual agents can work with either organized agencies, or with individual agents in Vietnam. If success is achieved through the Taiwanese organized agency, an agent need only present the future groom to the organized agency to receive commission. If cooperating with other individual agents in Vietnam, the Taiwanese agent must bring the future grooms to Vietnam, and then leave them with the Vietnamese agent. In Vietnam, the individual agents, like individual agents in Taiwan, can cooperate with any agency or matchmaker without forming an exclusive relationship. In other words, all of the actors cooperate on an equal basis. 20
  21. 21. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei The formation of a coordinated structure relies on the skills, capital and ability of the participants in the industry. The profit-sharing between these parties is based on a piece wage. In this structure, downstream actors must compete with each other to get ‘re ’ T em r ft ebi sas a m t m krcn of ,t get t odr . h oe u r r e s u d m l a h ae a f r h r e h lc e e ar e likelihood of successful coordination with big matchmakers. For individual agents unable to afford to internalize all the procedural tasks, cooperation with others can provide the necessary skills without requiring investment capital. Competition in the Cross-Border Marriage Market According to neoclassical economics theory, if an industry has excess profit, it will attract firms to enter the market, and gradually the excess profit will be taken up until none remains. This description aptly describes the Vietnam-Taiwan marriage market. Since most cross-border brides are from southern Vietnam, most agencies are also located there. In Hanoi there are only a few prospective brides, and, according to one Taiwanese official in Hanoi, there are only two agents who visit the office to prepare interview documents for Vietnamese girls. At present there is no agency in central Vietnam. Degrees of competition will affect the market price of cross-border marriage. The usual price charged to a customer in Taiwan is between NT$250,000 approximately US$7,800 and NT$350,000 approximately US$10,900 , depending on the services provided. Table 2 lists the cost breakdown of an arranged marriage. The costs we list in the table were identified during our fieldwork, and are the maximum costs associated with an arranged marriage. A successful operation will bring an agency from US$1,780 to US$4,800 in profit. Given the often very low Vietnamese incomes, such a high profit industry is attracting more and more people.1 1 One informant, a big matchmaker, is only 28 years old. Within a few years, she has successfully introduced more than 200 hundred couples, and now owns two houses and an imported car – Toyota Camry. a 21
  22. 22. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei Table 2 Cost breakdown of Arranged Marriage Item Fee US$ NT$ Moe peet t bi ’f i,aqe ny r n d o r e a l bnut se ds m y 2,500 80,000 Small hotel accommodation 750 24,000 Marriage Certificate 150 4,800 (Fee charged by Vietnamese government) Passport 15 480 (fee charged by Vietnamese government) Proof of birth and single status of Taiwanese client 24 768 (Fee charged by Foreign Affairs Department, TPHCM) Translation of documents into Chinese 60 1,920 Documents issued by Foreign Affairs Department, 4 128 TPHCM Health inspection 52 1,664 Interview and Visa application 50 1,600 (Fee charged by TECO) Subtotal 3,605 115,360 Return Airfare to Vietnam 900 30,000 Bi ’oe r e n-way airfare to Taiwan ds 300 10,000 Miscellaneous 1,000 32,000 TOTAL 5,805 187,360 S uc: E Oi H M,G oe y ye nzjhn hysi ag ( o cso or T C n C “ ur u uj uii u zuih i ” N te fr e n i e xn i Taiwan citizens on marriage with Vietnamese girls) (HCM: TECO, September 1998). With increasing numbers of businesses entering the market, individual profit share will fall, and eventually no new businesses will be established. We have already seen the result of this competitive environment. A Vietnamese big matchmaker complained (January 2001) that the price for their service has dropped to US$4,500, excluding airfare of bride and groom and accommodation and jewelry for the future bride. Two years ago, the price was as high as US$6,000. At the same time, the price in Taiwan was about US$13,600; it is now US$10,000. 22
  23. 23. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei Since the entry-level skills for matchmaking are not high, anyone with sufficient social networks to link prospective brides and grooms is able to enter the market. In addition to the effect of price reduction, competition also produces many market rumors. We heard a number of negative rumors about Vietnamese brides. For example, on one occasion while dining with a large group of matchmakers, we were told that some girls introduced by other agencies are not virgins, or had been prostitutes, or that agents had forced them to marry. Such statements are hard to verify. As one agent sget “ asa rm r t th o e aec suet aaku” T i k do ugs d t t l u os h t t r gni s o tc s. h i f e h’ l a eh e t sn rumor seems to have become a weapon of market competition. Complete Commodification of Marriage The competitive market has led to price reductions, thus driving agencies to develop new strategies to accommodate the new environment, which in turn further commodifies arranged marriage. O esc sa g i t bodnoe sc l e ok t attract more potential n uh t t y s o rae n’ oi nt rs o re saw customers. Such social transformations are undertaken to generate greater profits. A number of researchers have shown that social networks play a vital role in mediating between agencies and rural males in Taiwan. Our own fieldwork data concurs. Most organized agencies have an office in the area where most of their customers live. In the case of individual agents, the home doubles as an office, and the customers live in the neighborhood. To win the trust of customers agencies have to build up their r u t n T e ga n e hthya al t f d‘odg l frhicet ad e ti . hy ur t t t r b o i go is o t r ln ,n p ao ae a e e e n r’ e is t ta oe gny de i d “ t ft e r e er so a y r sae f m t h ( n aec avrs ) i h u r bi r e t m r o ecpsr h as te f e u d gt r oe marriage, we guarantee to arrange another free trip to Vietnam and pay all wedding cs ” F rcs m r f d g at s oty aetw o hsdn bs eswt ot . o ut e , i i s o s nn rt r u w h gn h a oe ui s i n h acquaintances, relatives or friends can reduce uncertainties associated with the transaction. As one customer replied when asked why he chose a particular gn “ aet I, heard someone mediate Vietnamese brides to my friends, so I went to him. I did not want to find unknown agent because I often heard some people were cheated, and they l t l o m ny i ot a y g g l o ao f oe wt u m r i a i” st h rn r. Social networks are equally important in Vietnam. Recruiting different kinds of future brides is necessary for the success of businesses. Having more brides means of i m r “od”o hoe rm Whn Tiaee ro ihsat f ai f r g oe gos t cos f . e a a ns gom s ein o m k g en o w t n a decision within the short time available, being able to present a diversity of possible brides is advantageous for the agency. In addition, a number of relatives or friends – with differing opinions –may accompany the groom, so a wide range of choices is required. If an agency cannot offer a customer sufficient choice in one week, it will 23
  24. 24. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei lose the customer. So, to survive in this competitive market, agencies need more girls, with more diversified backgrounds, and different physical attributes. To achieve this diversity, small matchmakers make an effort to build as wide a network as possible. They search rural areas for potential brides, gradually centralizing all future migrant partners in TPHCM. Ascn i pr n si i t s a e i‘nw h’We i t vnsyt t eod m ot tk ln h m r ts ko -w o. m g ee a h a l i k h a ‘’nt ht o ko , u w oyuko ’T isi ivr bs i a ueur i is o w a yu nw bt h o nw . h k ls e ai n br c t t sl yc a ac country. To obtain legal documents, a professional has to understand the regulations thoroughly, be able to translate the documents, and crucially, keep an eye on the efficiency of the bureac t F rnt c,h m i proe f gom s eod it ur s o i a et a ups o a ro ’scn v i a. sn en s to Vietnam is to sign the marriage documents in the judicial department of the future bi ’ p c o hueo r ir i . f rh v i t gom r un t Tia r e l e f oshl e sao A t t s it h ro e rs o a n ds a d g t t n e i s, e t w and awaits the bri ’a i l o ee oe inm s s a m t m kro u t t d s rv . w vr n Ve a ee m l a h ae t d sh e ra H , t lc l a “ a ro py m r t hs n h ap ct n h de nt aeo o e bc] e i gom as oeo at t plao, e os o hv t cm [ak hr f e e ii e t s nt m rae ou et . nt r i m t m kr os dt t w hv n o i h a i dcm n ” A o e b a h ae bat h “ e ae o g e rg s hgc ea problem to do it in AadBpoi e it gom pyI o e w rsbi s a n rv c” fh ro s a.n t r od, r e m y n e h b hasten the bureaucratic process, or help over-ride legalities. This money is referred to a ‘ f em ny.nsm css h coe t gbr ur s a ie dcm n i s c f oe’I o e ae t opr i ue c t f si ou et n oe e an a a lf d s order to pass the necessary health inspection. According to TECO TPHCM statistics (to the end of 1998), about 8% of Taiwanese grooms were physically handicapped and 0.7% were mentally handicapped. One matchmaker acted for two mentally handicapped Taiwanese, bribing the doctors to get a certificate of health. As he said, “ r, hv t ko t [ueur s w l adt nct t r h t et g e fs I ae o nw h br c t e, n h a h h i ti o i it e a a] l e c eg m v cf em ny. ui t i e ietpli l a pi saa s cr p o, e of e oe” D r g h n r tn o ta cm a n gi t or t n h n e tm t ic g n ui would not operate in this way. In general, the more connections with government officials a professional has, the faster the application process and the shorter the waiting time for Taiwanese grooms. Concluding Remarks and Prospects Most Taiwanese intermarriage with foreign brides can be regarded as a kind of ethnic marriage, for most of the brides are ethnic Chinese either from China or Indonesia. However, Vietnamese brides seem not belong to the category of ethnic marriage. The institutional theory of international migration suggests that the established institutions aimed at facilitating migration constitutes an important part of social infrastructure that lasts over time and increase the movements of population (Massey et al 1993). The case we study here shows clearly that were there no mediating mechanism offered by profit-oriented agency, there would be no such mass personal movement. Even in the situation of ethnic marriages, without the help of 24
  25. 25. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei mediating agency, the scale of intermarriage would not be as big as the present one. The analysis of the cross-border mediating agency improves our understanding of the m cai o ‘ m oie’ t nt nl a i e. ehn m fc m d i i e aoam ra s s o fd n r i rg In this article, we have attempted to place the issue of international marriage in a institutionalized profit-oriented social context, w i i dsr e a ‘ e h h s ec bd s t c i h cm oict n poes T e s rn pi w s t m aue t sa o t o m d i i rcs . h t t g o t a o esr h cl f h f ao ’ ai n e e e international marriage market in Taiwan. Socio-demographic change in Taiwan has created a market for profit-pursuing marriage agents. Agents scattered in different social spheres have gradually linked to form an immense industry. Two different industrial organization types have emerged in the matchmaking process to meet different market constraints. As the cross-border marriage market matures, more and more people enter the market, and competitive price, good quality and delivery on time become the necessary conditions for success. In this competitive process, brides become more and more commodified to conform to the new situation. They are required to aceteue pi st b ‘odeog’om r adt b m re ot cp r cd r e,o e go nuh t a y n o e a i u d c r rd when there is demand. The social networks of individuals are gradually transformed by agents in pursuit of profit. If cross-border migration is still dominated by agencies and resembles a commodity transaction process, it is inevitably subject to market supply and demand f t sTia’dm gah adsc -economic stratification is unlikely to change a o . a n e or i n oi cr ws pc o dramatically in the future, so the trend to marry foreign brides will continue, giving intermediaries a niche to make money from matchmaking. However, the human rights of the women involved, in Vietnam and in Taiwan, are being ignored by both government and society. About 16.5% of our in-depth interview respondents acknowledged that they were not satisfied with their marriage, and 10% of these respondents had even seriously considered divorce. The figure might not seem high, but if the percentage is converted into absolute numbers, more than 15,000 families might have problems. In addition, women trafficking to Taiwan is utilizing the marriage channel to import girls to sell into prostitution.2 The intermediary institutions seem have led the family union migration to commodification, or even worse, women trafficking. A report on May 5, 2001 said that three Vietnamese girls had been imprisoned in a hut by a trafficking organization which 2 intended to sell them into prostitution. Taiwanese men masquerading as grooms had been used to get these girls into Taiwan (China Times Daily, 2001/5/5). 25
  26. 26. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei The Problems of the Brokers on Migrants and Marital Immigrants in Taiwan3 Hairiah A. Background The province of West Kalimantan is divided into ten kabupaten (residencies), i.e. Ketapang, Kapuas Hulu, Sanggau, Pontianak, Sambas, Landak, Sintang, Bengkayang, Melawi, Sekadau, and two Kotamadya (independent residencies), i.e. Pontianak and Singkawang (Badan Pusat Statistik, 2000, p.4). The area of the province of West Kalimantan is 146,807 square kilometers, and larger than the islands of Java, Madura, Bali, and Lombok combined together. The significant natural feature of the province is the Kapuas river which stretches for 1,140 kilometers. Locals use this river as the main medium of transport in the province. Another significant characteristic of West Kalimantan is that the area is 400 kilometers from Sarawak, East Malaysia and it takes only six to eight hours driving from Pontianak to reach Kuching, the capital city of Sarawak (Badan Pusat Statistik, 2000, p.5). It is argued that the geographical proximity of Pontianak to Malaysia, which results in lower travel expenses, is one major reason that makes Pontianak a key source of domestic labour for Malaysia and a transit area for migrant workers who wanted to enter East Malaysia or Brunei Darussalam. Based on the life census 2000, the population of West Kalimantan was 3.94 million which is divided into three major ethnic groupings, Malayan, Dayak, and Chinese (BPS, 2000, p.65). The Chinese, especially, are concentrated in several areas, i.e. Singkawang, Sambas, Kabupaten Pontianak, and Kota Pontianak. In the labour sector, according to Central Board of Statistics of West Kalimantan only 28,363 or less than 2% of its total workforce (1,693,461) attained university level education. The majority of the workforce is dominated by those in the not yet complete primary school educational category 506,754 (30%) and primary school category 469,422 (28%). Furthermore, the level of illiteracy in West Kalimantan is 12,41% of its total residents, particularly those who are in the >10 years old age category. 3 Hairiah, Director of The Legal Aid Foundation-Association of Indonesian Women for Justice, West Kalimantan. Indonesia.The paper is presented in International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, May 13 to May 15 at Chien Tan Overseas Youth Activity Center, located at #16 Sec.4,Chung-Shan N. Rd. Taipei Taiwan 26
  27. 27. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei It is understandable that with such low quality of human resources, 60% of the labour force works in the agricultural sector (Badan Pusat Statistik, 2000, p.79). The second biggest economic activity in Pontianak is trade, which then followed by service and industry (Badan Pusat Statistik, 2000, p.79). It is clear from the data above that the principal economic activities in Pontianak are dominated by the informal sectors, such as agriculture and service. To improve the economic condition, some women decided to leave their villages and work as migrant workers in Malaysia. Particularly, for Chinese women, marrying foreign men (Singaporean, Malaysian, and Taiwanese) is considered as a more viable ot n Svr ‘uh f t shtocdt s w m nt l v t ihm sobcm p o. ee lps’a o t fr h e o e o e e h r o e t eo e i a cr a ee ae migrant workers or foreign brides, are: 1. Poverty Poverty arguably is the main reason for these women to migrate to another country in order to find a better life. West Kalimantan is the fourth poorest province in Indonesia. According to Badan Pusat Statistik 2003, 15,81% of urban residents and 14,42% of rural residents are categorized as poor. 2. Unemployment The high level of unemployment (8,80% at national level) was another significant f t t tpse’noei w m nt m ga . The National Census 2003 showed a o h ‘uhd Idns n o e o i t cr a a re that, in West Kalimantan, the level of workforce participation was only 60,94% in urban areas and 74,70% in rural areas. Consequently, the level of unemployment in urban areas was considerably higher (15,69%) than in rural areas (6,66%). The availability of informal sectors in rural areas- where specific skills and education are not necessary- arguably is the main factor that differs the employment situation between urban and rural areas. B. The opportunity to marry foreign men In order to better their lives, marrying foreign men- particularly Taiwanese- is considered by some Chinese women as a better option than working as migrant workers. This international marriage phenomenon began in the 1980s, when The Taiwan Trading B a v id WetK l at ad Snkw n.T e B a ’ m m e sw a or it d se s am n n n i a ag h or s e br a n ia g d s opportunity to strengthen the relations between Chinese Taiwan and Chinese origins in Singkawang through marriage. As a result, the number of international marriage btenSnkw n’ C i s w m n ad Tiaeem n s n i n yi r sd e e i a ag h ee o e n a ns e i ic t n e e w g sn w g fa l c a ee ya I Idns ,hs w m na cld“m iodr r e”fr a aee vr er n noei t e o e r ae y . ae el a re i s o Ti ns l -b d w m n“re Snkw n C i s w m nt be their future brides. Bong Cin Nen, a e odr i a ag h ee o e o ”g n catholic priest from Singkawang, estimated that during 21 years (1980-2001), there were about 20,000 marriages between Singkawang Chinese women and Taiwanese men (Equator 23 Januari 2002). 27
  28. 28. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei This mail order-brides’ hnm nnw i a ub w ss r da m ast peo eo h h r al a t t s en o cgy ae seg e t C i s e n ’e t n, o hs eo e n x e e poib sc r t nt n h h ee t i r aosnw a bcm a et m l rfal et rh en h c li ry te o for some people. These people who work as brokers take advantage of low level of education among Chinese women in Singkawang, their unawareness of their legal rights, and the increasing of consumptive lifestyles in Chinese community. Those brokers are also benefited by gender inequality, particularly, the strong patriarchy culture in Chinese community which values daughter less than son. All those factors have been m n u t b boe t otn a n ’e i i so m rae. ai le y rkr o b ipr t pr s o fr a i s p ad s a es m sn rg They travelled to poor and remote villages seeking young women who lived in poverty. The brokers offered and persuaded these women to marry foreign men as means to better their lives. On many cases, these brokers employed local people who acted as match makers and wedding organizers between Indonesian brides and Taiwanese men. The future brides were required to give their total agreement to ee t n pooe b t boe i l i ad g ert bi ’r lhoo g a vr h g rpsd y h rkr n u n di ya o r e e crnl i l yi e s cd g n s ds a oc ae Iw sh cm o pate nt s i ut ’o t boe adh / r gn t g.t a t o m n r i i h ‘ dsy frh rkr n ih aet o e cc in r e se s forge the paperwork; in fact many of these women were much younger than the prec bdl a ae f 8 O t o e hn,h bi ’ pr tp yda i icn sr e e l g o 1. n h t r ad t r e a n l e s n i t i g eh e ds es a g fa role in influencing her decision to accept the wedding proposal, especially if the daughter rejected the initial proposal. Usually, the latter occurred because the daughter thought that the age discrepancy between herself and the groom was too much. In such a case, some parents forced their daughters to accept the wedding proposal without further objection. Often these young women succumbed to this parental pressure in order to fulfil the perceived family obligation, the traditional female role of dutiful daughter and also to achieve their own personal expectation for a better life. As soon as the parents gave their permission, brokers processed all the necessary paperwork and the wedding preparations. The groom spent about 60-70 millions rupiah, including the travel epne f m T ia t Idns . T ebi ’ pr t uul r e e aot -6 xess r o a n o noei w a h r e a n say e i d bu 4 ds es l cv millions rupiah from the groom. After completing all the necessary ceremonies and paperwork, the bride was taken to Taiwan. C. Problems In such a case, it is obvious that a daughter is perceived by her parents as a means t btrf i ’ eoo i cnio.I cn b a ud t tt s yug ad o ee a l s cnm c od i t my t n t a e r e h h e on n g ae inexperience brides moved to Taiwan without sufficient information about the country and their legal rights. Consequently, whenever these women faced hardship in their m rae ad i i Tia,hy ol d nt n btcethi‘ t . o e r e a i s n len a nt cu o o i u acp t rf e S m ba r rg f w e d hg e a’ v brides opted to return to Indonesia and left their children in Taiwan. 28
  29. 29. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei Those who decided to divorce and separate from their Taiwanese husbands often did so because they had been physically, psychologically, and sexually abused by the husbands. As soon as the women arrived in Indonesia, some of them applied for divorce. A cri t Snkw n’c icutf m 19 t 20,hr w r 10‘ a odr cod g o i a ag i l or r 97 o 03 t e e 7 m i re n g sv ,o e e l bi sw od ocdt iaui Tiaee ubnsU fr ntya e d oc g r e’ h i r h r bs e a ns hsad. not a l f r i r n d ve e v w u e, t v i the husbands, these women were unable to obtain the custody rights for their children. According to Indonesia civil laws, a child of an International marriage between an Idns nw m nadafr g m naot t hsad nt nlyut se e noei o a n a oe n a dp h ubn’ aoat n l h/ i se sii i h reaches the age of 17 when she/he can choose which nationality she/he wanted (UU no.62, Tahun 1958). It is clear that the international marriage between an Indonesian woman and a Taiwanese man, in some cases, has placed the woman in unfortunate situations. In an ae p t po ct w m n r h in an international marriage, in 1997 The Chinese tm to rt th o e’ i t t ee sgs Forum, together with local priests, required that the couple produce a letter of permission from both the prospective parents/guardians prior to the wedding. D. The efforts As one of the organizations t tw rs frw m n r h i Idns , ha ok o o e’ i t n noei s gs a particularly in West Kalimantan, LBH-APIK provided legal assistance for women victims of international marriage. LBH-APIK also designed and organized public education through media by providing all the necessary information and legal consequences for Indonesian women who choose to marry foreign men. At the higher level, LBH-APIK together with some local NGOs and local government have tried to formulate the Regional Action Plan. This plan is based on the National Action Plan on the issues of human trafficking, especially the trafficking of women and children. According to Presidential Decree, no.88, 2002, definition of women and children trafficking is; “ lfr s f cos ne ae b pre a r o t fci Alom o at n udr kn y e t t s fr f k gthat have one or i t p ro ai n more of the elements of recruiting, transporting between regions and countries, transferring, sending, receiving and temporary placement or placement at their destination of women and children. It includes using threats, verbal and physical abuse, abduction, fraud, deception, misuse of vulnerability (eg. If someone has no alternative, is isolated, addicted to drugs, trapped in debts), giving or receiving payments or profits in cases involving women and children who are used for prostitution and sexual exploitation (including pedophilia), legal or illegal migrant workers, child adoptions, fishing platform work, mail order brides, domestic helpers, begging, pornography, drug dealing, selling of body organs, as well as other forms of exploitati ” on 29
  30. 30. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei LBH-APIK, local NGOs and the local government have worked together to prevent and stop trafficking, particularly women and children trafficking. Regarding trafficking issues, we realize that our main problem is the unavailability of comprehensive and specific legal mechanisms and also lack of coordination and network mechanisms among the stakeholders. Therefore, our main responsibility is to build solid network mechanisms where each element of society is responsible and actively involved in preventing and ending women and children trafficking. E. Hopes A person is free to marry someone she/he wishes regardless of her/his nationality. The most important thing is the availability of accessible and accurate information about both parties, i.e. identities, legal consequences, prior to marriage. The problem arises when one of or both parties are unable or prevented from accessing accurate information. This may lead to various kinds of exploitative treatments as we have seen in some cases regarding mail order brides. I believe that it is our main responsibility to increase public awareness on the issue o pb cear h , i ec aa sw m n ad o e’r h , ee l,n m i f ul l li t v l e gi t o e,n w m n i t gnr l ad a i g gs on n sgs ay l odr r e peo eo, a i l l T ah v sc oj re bi ’ hnm nn prc a y o ci e uh b ctive, we need to form ds tu r . e e solid national and international network mechanisms. I believe that the availability of sl ntokm cai swlhl u i i poi w m n r h adcnio. o d e r ehn m i e s n m rv g o e’ i t n od i iw s lp n s gs tn Therefore, in this international workshop, I hope to learn and share experiences with other friends and I hope that this will widen my horizon and enrich my spirit. 30
  31. 31. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 31
  32. 32. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 32
  33. 33. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 33
  34. 34. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 34
  35. 35. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 35
  36. 36. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 36
  37. 37. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei 37
  38. 38. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei The Broker System in Taiwan, A Bane to Filipino Migrant Workers Aurelio Estrata Paper of Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants (APMM) for the Workshop on Female Immigrants and Migrants May 13-15, 2005 Taipei, Taiwan Taiwan is one unique place in the world in that it legalizes the extortion of exorbitant fees for blue-collar foreign workers by Taiwanese brokers. At the same time, in practice its government provides such brokers with unlimited powers over the migrants and more often than not shields them away from any wrongdoing. Aside from the brokers, migrant workers need also to pay placement fees for recruiting agencies in their home countries. Labor exporting countries like the Philippines accept this reality without questions or make its own policies called Memorandum Circulars suited to particular places like Taiwan. Historically, the Philippine government has revised its own regulations twice since 1998 on how much should the placement and broker fees should be in the island. These policies, however, make sure that its economic interests in its Labor Export Policy are not diminished. The Philippine government also earns a lot from the fees that the migrants are paying to certain government agencies. At the same time, it has in its possession a P2 million bond and escrow from each Philippine agency allowed to deploy workers to Taiwan, which it can use for whatever purpose it desires. It also needs the remittances of the Filipino workers to prop up its bankrupt economy. E obtn B o esF e xri t rkr’ es a In 1998, the Philippine government pegged a uniform salary exclusive of documentation and processing costs.4This was hardly followed in practice as both placement agencies in the Philippines and brokers in Taiwan set their own recruiting fees without issuing any official on what they collected. Or these same entities disguised these overcharging through the issuance of fraudulent loans. The collection of exorbitant fees created much outrage from both migrant workers and advocates alike cm n m syf m R m nC t l C uc N Os T i l t pti s n g oi g ot r l o o a a o c hr G ’ h e o et n i i hi h . sd io g n campaigns and esearches meant to expose and oppose such practices. In the year 2000 at the urgings of a priest named Fr. Marco Brioschi of the Catholic Bsos of ec o t P ipi s C C ) p cpl o m s o frh Ps r i p C ne ne fh h i n ’ B P E i oaC m i i o t at a h r e lp e ( s sn e ol Care of Migrants and Itinerant People (ECMI), an agreement supposedly to make placement/brokers fees more transparent was forged. This was signed between the Taiwanese brokers and Philippine placement agencies with Fr. Marco signing as witness on behalf of Bishop Arguelles of the CBCP. 4 MEMORANDUM CIRCULAR NO. 09 Series of 1998, POEA 38
  39. 39. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei The Philippine government took advantage of this by drafting another memorandum circular (MC) in the first quarter of 2001, which revised its 1998 MC. Through the Philippine Overseas Administration Office (POEA) it stated that its basis for the r io i a e cnu aoswt “ civil society/non-governmental organizations, the e s n s f r oslt n i the vi t ti h private industry sector and its counterparts in Taiwan, and upon recognition of the role of Taiwan manpower agencies (TMAs) by labor sending countries, including the Philippines, in facilitating and providing welfare services to foreign workers: 5” In effect, the Philippine government concurred with brokers and placement agencies in legalizing overcharging of its fees. Besides the pre-deployment fees to be collected as enunciated in the MC of 1998, on-site fees were added. A total of NT$52,000 were to be collected from factory and construction fees for registration and handling fees. For those working in homes this amounted to a total of NT$32,000. It was also made clear that the employers should shoulder the airfare of the migrants. This again changed in November 2001, when the POEA issued another MC to comply with the new rules of the Council of Labor Affairs on the matter, which is still being implemented.6 But besides the new fees, the new MC is silent on the payment of airfare, but in actual practice it is now shouldered by the migrants and is legalized through the addition of an addendum in the contract regarding this. In addition to this, it reechoed a new ruling by the CLA that board and lodging fee for those working in factories and construction may be charged to the migrants of up to NT$4,000 each. A t sm t et C Aiee dni t thr ia rkr f . aiao s th a ei ,h L s vn ey g h t es boe ’e Whttl w , e m e n ae se l it says, are only service and transportation fees. The Manila Economic and Cultural Office call it on-site handling fees. This was implemented in January 23, 2002 and charged for those who obtained their ROC visa after November 9, 2001. Those who came in before those date where charged a maximum of NT$1,000 a month.7 Collection of on-site handling fees should remain as follows: 1st year - NT 1,800/month 2nd year - 1,700/month 3rd year - 1,500/month If the worker will return to the same employer, service and handling fees will be NT1,500/month for the 4th, 5th and 6th year. If a different employer, the fees would be: 4th year - NT 1,800/month 5th year - 1,700/month 6th year 1,500/month8 - 5 MEMORANDUM CIRCULAR NO. 05 Series of 2001. POEA 6 MEMORANDUM CIRCULAR NO. 19 Series of 2001, POEA 7 What Foreign Workers in Taiwan Need to Know, pp. 23-25, Bureau of Employment and Vocational Training, July 2004 8 MECO Labor Center, Taipei 39
  40. 40. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei Supposedly, there should be a Services Contract agreed upon both by the Taiwan broker and foreign worker. The service fees can only be collected if there is an itemization of services with the corresponding fees agreed by both parties. In addition to these, foreign workers should sign a Fees and Salary Declaration of Taiwan Bound Workers form. This specifies all the fees to be paid in both sending and receiving countries and the amount of wages to be made in Taiwan. After the Philippine Overseas Administration Office (POEA) has verified this, this should be shown to TECO when applying for a visa. The Philippine Labor Representative in Taiwan again authenticates this.9 Processing Cost For Agency Hire in Philippines Placement Fee: (equivalent to one NTS15,840/ PHP26,769 month salary Processing Fees: POEA PHP200 OWWA Membership Contribution USD 25/PHP 1,275 OWWA/PhilHealth Medicare Premium PHP900 Documentation Costs Visa/Work Permit PHP3,600 Medical Examination PHP3,395 Miscellaneous (Passport, NBI Clearance, PHP1,000 notaries, pictures, PDOS, etc.) Airfare (USD150-200) PHP11,200 48,679++ TOTAL (XR: 1USD= 56.00PHP) Source: POEA http://www.poea.gov.ph/Country/taiwan.htm In addition to this even rehires that need to exit Taiwan after three years of work need to pay again the placement fee and all other necessary documentary costs including a new visa from TECO.10 When Filipino migrant organizations raised this issue in a dialogue with MECO on August 15, 2004, the Philippine officials present admitted that there is an existing agreement between the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) and the CLA regarding this.11 That is why it is not surprising that the Labor Representative, Reynaldo Gopez has time and again even endorsed the rights of brokers and suggested strengthening its powers. On November 29, 2004 Mr. Gopez stated that mandatory direct hiring, among other 9 What Foreign Workers in Taiwan Need to Know, pp. 25-26, Bureau of Employment and Vocational Training, July 2004 10 ME OL br er eti Et r . u a’as et t q of Gi Estrada, APMM in January 2003 C ao R pe n t e s eFG i o nw ro h uery s av h rs e 11 Present Situation of Blue Collar Foreign Workers in Taiwan, Gi Estrada, APMM, Undated, 2004 40
  41. 41. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei things, is impossible eas “ iwlv leh r h o r ri etgni …” bcue t s i i a t i t fe u m n aec s 12 h l ot e gs ct e This is in reaction to a statement signed by many Filipino migrant organizations opposing the increasing costs of deployment to Taiwan.13 And very recently this year, the Labor representative stated again in Taiwan News that h “ ol r us Tia’ C uc o L brA f r (L )t m na Tia e w u e et a n oni f ao f i C A o adt a n dq ws l as ew manpower agencies to provide board and lodging to migrants who are awaiting transfer, o a i o e i l o d pt ” which in actuality is already happening. His main r r n l d n a r i u s14, e vv b se r snfrh i t t lsee rnb N OsadME O ak a gvre b e o o t s s h a hlr u y G ’ n a i a l ts C l e r oe d y ie n regulations. We will talk more about this later. In addition to Mr. Gopez, the Manila Regional Trial Court on Dec. 14, 2004 ruled that portions of the Migrant Workers Act, pertaining to illegal recruitment, are unconstitutional. 15 Migrante International quickly responded that, in effect, the decision would legalize overcharging of recruitment agencies including the non-issuance of official receipts for payments collected from Overseas Filipino Wokr ( F s U drt Mi at re A toe hri i eu a n t re O W’. ne h s ) e g n Wokr c vr a n s qi l t o r s, c gg ve illegal recruitment.16 Earnings of Philippine government from migrant workers in Taiwan Year 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 Deployed 87,360 84,186 51,145 38,311 46,371 45,186 45,059 workers Actual number 114,25 113,928 98,161 72,779 69,426 81,355 91,150 of workers 5 Earnings from P265.6m P256m P155.4m P116.6m P141m P137.4m P137m Government at US$6.8m US$6.3m US$3.1m US$2.2m US$2.6m US$2.5m US$2.4m P3,040 each migrant Remittances in US$93.2m US$93m US$80.1m US$59.3m US$56.7m US$66.4m US$74.4m US$ at based on based on based on based on based on based on US$816 each 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000 migrant calculation calculation calculation calculation calculation calculation Services rendered by the brokers and their responsibilities According to MECO, these include the following:17 - Providing transportation services to and from the airport - Providing transportation and food whenever there is medical examination 12 Kabayan, Taiwan News, November 29, 2004 13 Oppose Systematic Increase of Costs of Deployment to Taiwan! Joint Statement of Filipino Migrant Organizations in Taiwan, Nov. 20, 2004 14 Protecting workers' rights is Manila's mandate, says concerned national, Kabayan, Taiwan News, April 24, 2005 15 Manila Court Strikes Out Unfair Provisions of Migrant Workers Law, Arab News, January 2, 2005 16 Mai C ut eio A gr More Misery for OFWs, APMM News Digest, December, 2004 n a orD c i uu’ l sn s 17 Ang Pagtatrabaho ng mga Dayuhang Manggagawa sa Taiwan, http://www.poea.gov.ph/html/gabay_taiwan.html 41
  42. 42. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei - Providing board and lodging in case the worker is allowed to transfer to another employer - Getting the Alien Residence Certificate (ARC) of the worker - On site orientation - Providing assistance to the worker in case he/she is to be terminated by the employer - Providing assistance in terms of mediating between the worker and employer whenever there is friction between them based on the methods of settlement agreed upon by MECO-CLA. - Providing assistance in filing information/documents/cases to the authorities concerned in Taiwan like the tax bureau, police, labor, bureau, etc. - If it becomes necessary, to assist the worker in transacting business with the bank and of remitting money to his/her family. - The Taiwanese broker should always ensure the security of the worker and to get all the benefits that is due him/her and in the shortest time possible. - The reality One question needs to be raised though. Whose side does the broker really represent especially when there are disputes between the employer and worker? This was very clear in the case of Cecilia18 who was terminated by her employer, Asustec, and was sent directly to the airport. When the author helped to negotiate better terms for Cecilia i ME Os fc, e boe am tted that she was representing Asustec when asked n C ’of ehr rkr d i i by a Philippine government official. Cecilia was not even given food by the broker for t e t e w i se a s y g te boe’p c. h ei s h e h w st i ahr rkr l e rm l an sa In the first place, the interests of brokers and workers are totally at odds with each other. Brokers exist for profit and they would be more than happy to see a worker sent home as they could find another one as a replacement. Then what if the workers have conflicts with the brokers themselves? 1. Case 1 –Virtue Human Resources Co. In the case of Maricor et al who used to work as caretakers at the Hsin Yang Ming Hospital Nursing Home in Taoyuan, the broker named Dallas Huang of Virtue Human Resources Co., Ltd. was even given the right to take custody over the workers. The Taoyuan Labor Bureau gave this right to him even if the workers had a conflict with D ls vr vr a i o boe ’e adwt t e p yr o nn aa oe oe hr n f rkr f n i h m l e fr o-payment of l c gg se he o overtime pay. Mr. Huang took the female workers to a place, which they initially did not know. He then took the liberty of intimidating the workers by threatening them in several ways. What broke the workers will was his subtle way of intimidation. While drunk, he visited the workers one night at around midnight and was accompanied by a number of male persons. Immediately after, the caretakers signed the waiver he was forcing upon them on Dec. 11, 2004 and sent them home afterwards. 18 Family name not provided for the workers protection 42
  43. 43. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei This is not the only case of Mr. Huang. Another 5 female caretakers at the Fu Lin nursing home in Hsinchu County were successful in getting back wages for overtime and severance pay from their employer. However, all five were not able to get back the maximum amount of NT$50,000 overcharged them by the broker. The Hsinchu Labor Bureau did not uphold the enunciation of the CLA that The private employment service agencies shall not collect the fees other than those spl e i “t dr f Lcne F e ad OhrF e C lc d b Pi t t u t n S nad o i s e n t i ad a re e es o et y r a le ve E p y etev e gni ”f mt f e nr 19 m l m nSri A ec s r h o i es o c e o e rg . And MECO could not do anything about it except persuade the workers to file a case in the POEA and blacklist Mr. Huang. Initially, the broker offered to pay back only ¾ of the overcharged fee. MECO on the other hand tried to persuade the workers to accept it as the workers were told that Mr. Huang should not shoulder all the blame as the migrants had signed a side agreement in the Philippines that they had incurred a loan with their placement agency. Despite his being blacklisted by MECO, Mr. Huang continues to operate as a broker. Another case of overcharging is pending against him at the Chu En Fu Elder Care Center in Sanshia, Taipei. There was a deadlock in the settlement of the dispute between the employer/broker and the workers at the Taipei County Labor Bureau on May 5, 2005. And because of this, the case would have to go to court.20 This is despite an illegal act done by the employer by firing all the 4 complaining w re . ep et s adMrH ag otgt i t t envroe hre t okr D si h , n s ti . un’ u i l h h ee vr a d h s rh e a cg e brokers, the employer was able to hire two Indonesian caretakers the next day through t boe’as t c. h rkr s s ne e s ia 2. Case 2 –Asia Human Resource Management & Consult Co. Ltd. Another Wang, but with a different spelling and whose name is Grace overcharged 19 factory workers in Tai Fong Circuit Industry (TCI) in Sinfong, Hsinchu and two caretakers also in the same area. But compared to Dallas Huang, Grace of Asia Human Resource Management & Consult Co. Ltd. was more blatant in overcharging. All of these reflected in the pay slips of all the workers with the employers consent. The TCI workers paid NT$6,000 a month for 20 months, while the two caretakers paid NT$9,000 a month for 10 months.21 This payment was allegedly for a loan incurred in the Philippines with the placement agency. With the assistance of the Hsinchu Confederation of Trade Unions (HCTU), all if not most of the overcharged fees were given back to the workers. But again, the Hsinchu Labor Bureau turned a blind eye on the erring broker and never fined it or anything. 19 Rights and Obligations of Foreign Workers, http://www.evta.gov.tw/english/workers.files/ehome4.htm 20 Minutes of the settlement dispute at the Taipei County Labor Bureau, May 5,2005 This was never signed by the workers 21 APMM News Digest, December 2003 and June-July 2004 43
  44. 44. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei It seems the CLA and its local bureaus do not give a damn in penalizing Taiwanese brokers. In a dialogue with the CLA in Nov. 25, 2004, they stated that of the 500 complaints against such entities from January to October of 2004 for charging excessively only 15 or 3% had been fined. The CLA also admitted that it has never revoked the license of any broker company but has suspended some since the time that they have been in operation.22 E e t C Asof i anucm n o oe hri a b vn h L ’ fc l none et n vr a n r iased in favor of e ia s c gg e Taiwanese brokers. The CLA blames overcharging solely on placement agencies of sending countries or to employers who allegedly collects kickbacks from the brokers. These are very clearly enunciated in its report on protection of foreign workers: If the manpower agency involved is found guilty by its government, its license will be revoked according to Taiwan's Regulations on Approval and Management of Private Employment Service Institutions. By October 2002, 13 Thai, 39 Filipino and 1 Indonesia manpower agencies had their licenses revoked by Taiwan authorities. The practice of overcharging brokerage is caused in part by employers who receive kickbacks from manpower agencies. In order to solve this problem and ensure the rights of foreign workers, CLA has revised its Employment Service Act and other pertinent regulations that authorize the government to disapprove application for foreign labor or revoke a permit if the employer involved is found to receive kickbacks.23 3. Detention and Other Powers Brokers, however, have other powers or abusive practices that even police authorities condone. These include the following: a. Detention powers On two occasions known to APMM, Kan Ling, a broker for Ritek and other companies in Sinfong, Hsinchu had detained three Filipino workers. The first occurred on the night of March 7, 2004 when two Filipino workers in Ritek were involved in a brawl. They were promptly padlocked in two separate rooms of the ladies dorm. The next day, they were deported. When a Taiwanese working for the same company, called the police, he was merely told two things. Allegedly, hat the conditions in the detention center were 22 Statement of APMM, Taiwan s Council of Labor Affairs (CLA) Attitude will not solve the Runaway Problem among Foreign Workers 23 REPORT ON PROTECTION OF RIGHTS FOR FOREIGN WORKERS IN TAIWAN, III, 1. I and iv http://www.evta.gov.tw/english/workers.files/engtitle.htm 44
  45. 45. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei humane and that the broker had the right to monitor and hold erring foreign workers who are to be deported.24 The second incident occurred in May 2004 when Willy Rodriguez was caught stealing the ATM card of his fellow worker then withdrawing money from the ATM machine. He was also detained by Kan Ling in the same dorm and was not allowed any visitors. APMM had to right MECO to intervene which they did. They told Kan Ling that the court only gave it custodial and not detention rights and that Willy should also be allowed visitors. b. Custodial and Deportation Powers Like previously stated in the case of Maricor, et al, the Taoyuan Labor Bureau gave custodial powers to their broker even if they had a dispute with each other. The same Labor Bureau also gave another broker the same power to a Filipina who complained of sexual harassment by her employer, even if supposedly in sexual and physical abuse cases, such migrants should be taken to other shelters not owned by brokers. Another power that brokers exercise is taking the workers to the airport that had been illegally terminated. This is in connivance with employers. Brokers are not held criminally liable for these even if such acts are unjust, against the will of the workers and cause a lot of stress on them. Then there is a rape case known to APMM that was allegedly committed by a legislator. When the victim, reported the alleged rape case, the broker immediately took custody over her. But she was told bluntly that she should not report this to the authorities as this might affect the chances of the legislator in the coming elections during that time. At the same time, the broker acted as the agent of the broker in negotiating a settlement with the victim, which she finally accepted for fear of physical retribution. Boe a oat s h i p m n r o t e p yr uj t o c sO at s rkr l c a t m l et s fh m l e ’ n s pli . r c a ss e ee e os u ie t e p yr hnchmen when workers complain. h m l e ’e e os A Taiwanese lawyer that we consulted had this to say. Detention of migrant workers is definitely an unlawful act and even a crime in Taiwan, in case they used practical force or threat to do that. He added that only government officials could lawfully use force to deport foreigners. And in conclusion, he said, no private pr n n y sc a or du at ry vr t r pr nlr dm ad oy e o ej s uh hr nos u oi oe o e s e oaf eo n bd s o e ht h’ s e integrity without specific statutory authorization. And as stated earlier, Mr. Gopez of MECO is requesting the CLA to mandate Taiwan manpower agencies to provide board and lodging to migrants who are awaiting transfer, or are involved in labor disputes. This is tantamount to feeding them to the lions especially when migrants are in the latter category. 24 Do Taiwanese Brokers Have Police Powers? APMM Statement 45
  46. 46. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei Paying Lip service Both the Taiwanese and Philippine governments are trumpeting that one way to solve the overcharging of brokerage fees is for promoting direct hiring programs. The CLA has stated that it had concluded bilateral agreements on two countries regarding this. These include Thailand and the Philippines. For the latter, there had been two memorandum of agreements made so far on this. B ti a i om ltk wt A MM’ T ia C od a rr et ,Mr G pz u n n n ra af liP h s a n ori t e n y w no c l . oe admitted that the special hiring program for Taiwan (SHTP) is a failure in that it has no teeth. The agreement is only optional and not mandatory. Indeed the figures attest to this. In 2002, the Philippine Overseas Employment Agency (POEA) admitted that only a total of 157 workers were deployed for 2 employers, namely, Dominican International School (Primary and Secondary Teachers-14) and Nanya Plastics Corporation (General/Factory Workers-143). A total of 46,371 Filipino workers were deployed to Taiwan that year. This means that only .003 % did not pass through agencies in 2002. The Philippine Labor Representative, however, seems not deterred by these miserable figures. He is banking on promoting the SHTP to those working at homes, that is if the employers would agree to it. On illegal repatriation, the CLA says that it has required that the employer and the worker in the presence of a local labor authority must sign an agreement of contract termination. And supposedly foreign workers in Taiwan are now furnished with an orientation packet that contains comprehensive information on how to prevent an e p yr r apw r gny rm fri a ar m n (f ot ct m nt n.t m l e o m no e aec f o o og g n ge eto cn ate i i )Is n e r r ao ’ 25 another matter though if these are being implemented. Conclusion The best solution for the abuses that the broker system foments is for its total abolition. This can be done through mandatory direct hiring instead of the illusionary one being practiced right now. According to a Philippine government official, two of the reasons why their nationals run away from their employers include excessive, illegal collections of fees by manpower agencies26 and that they were going to be arbitrarily repatriated. Another solution would be for the introduction of the standard employment contract so that all side agreements being forced upon the workers are considered void. The brokers and/or employers are forcing these on the workers. At the same time, the detention and custodial powers of the brokers should be taken away from them or even be considered 25 REPORT ON PROTECTION OF RIGHTS FOR FOREIGN WORKERS IN TAIWAN, http://www.evta.gov.tw/english/workers.files/engtitle.htm 26 Labor Council offers amnesty for runaways, Taipei Times, August 30, 2003 46
  47. 47. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei c m nlI t fs p c,ts h gvrm n ’ epni lyt pi a l as tt r i .n h it l e ii t oe et r os it o r ry s s i ia er a e n ss bi mi is nationals and not private firms solely motivated by profit. O cus is nt r ae ibt gvrm n hv t pli l i t i p m n f or t ao e m trf o oe et ae h o ta wl o m l et e’ h t h n s e ic l e these. The Philippine government would want to maintain the status quo as its economic benefits from exporting its own people are more valuable than in protecting the interests of its blue collar workers. This also holds true for the Taiwan government. It needs the brokers to keep in line the foreign workers who might want to assert their rights because of exploitation and abuse by their employers. This ensures a regular supply of docile and cheap labor. There is therefore a need to develop a strong migrant movement that should have strong ties with local and international advocacy and solidarity groups. It is only through the actions of this movement that will ensure that changes for the better would be possible in the foreseeable future. 47
  48. 48. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei Migrant Women in Korea through International Matchmaking Kim Min Jeong This paper aims on studying the development of migrant women who had international matchmaking with Korean males today, and mentioning the existence of detailed law system and parts to improve by studying the systematic consideration related to their humane reality within Korea. Also, I am going to simply introduce about the organization –WeHome currently working. 1. Present Status of Korea According to the data from National Statistical Office, there are total of 127,762 migrant women who married Korean men from 1990 to 2004. It shows that international matchmaking is increasing recently based on the fact that it was only 619 women who registered their matchmaking with Korean men in 1990, while it was 19,214 in 2003 and 25,594 in 2004. Among 25,594 women who registered for international matchmaking in 2004, there were 70.4% Chinese, 9.6% Vietnamese, 4.8% Japanese, 3.8% Philippine, and other citizenships according to the citizenship distribution entered Korea. The specific statistic data is <Figure 1>. As seen in <Figure 1>, matchmaking with female immigrant increased at 2000 after a specific period of decrease during Korean economic crisis at the end of 1990s. <Figure 1> Yearly change of migrant women spouses who married Korean men(number of persons) – National Statistical Office 05, 3 ,0 00 0 2 ,9 55 4 2 ,0 50 0 1 ,1 92 4 2 ,0 00 0 1 ,0 50 0 1 ,4 26 7 1 ,1 10 7 1 ,6 03 5 92 6 ,6 1 ,0 00 6 1 ,0 00 0 80 4 ,5 73 4 ,0 57 5 ,7 31 9 ,0 30 2 ,7 50 0 ,0 20 7 ,5 6 96 3 16 0 99999999992 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 01 2 3 4 48
  49. 49. International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei According to <Graph 1> and <Figure 2>, 70% of women spouses have Chinese citizenship, and most of them are Korean ethnics. The most significant part is that 10% of the married spouses in 2004 are Vietnamese women, and this number is related to the rapid increase of Korean businesses introducing Vietnamese women since 2000. C r n y bn t s rt ‘ a yVe a eev g s cnb fuda a ud ur t , aie w ie m r inm s i i ’ a e on l r n el s r tn r t rn lo the country. As a result of such situation, a wife with Vietnamese citizenship within Korea is no more an awkward in our surroundings. Such situation is considered relevant to the providing structure of Vietnam, but I suspect that this know-how of the providing structure is based on their experience in past of providing women to Taiwan. Such meditation businesses in Korea are sort of free businesses, and the secret maneuvers of how many businesses exist in Korea is not yet counted. There is a law currently in p reparation as persecution cases are rapidly increasing. <Graph 1> Citizenship distribution of foreign spouses of Korean men(number of persons) – National Statistical Office 05, 2001 2002 2003 2004 Total 10,006 11,017 19,214 25,594 persons Japan 976 959 1242 1224 China 7001 7,041 13,373 18,527 U.S.A. 265 267 323 344 Philippines 510 850 944 964 Vietnam 134 476 1,403 2,462 Thailand 185 330 346 326 Russia 157 241 297 318 Mongol 118 195 318 504 Others 660 658 968 925 49

×