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The Darwish Resistance: The Clash Between Somali Clanship And State System
 

The Darwish Resistance: The Clash Between Somali Clanship And State System

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Darwish nationalism endured in a period when Somali society was widely dispersed and lacked the necessary organisations to form a single political unit, and at a time when colonial powers such as ...

Darwish nationalism endured in a period when Somali society was widely dispersed and lacked the necessary organisations to form a single political unit, and at a time when colonial powers such as Britain, Italy, and France were expanding their hegemony over the country. As the clan was and still is the most important political unit in the traditional system, Somalis rejected the replacement of their traditional system with that of a state system as offered to them by Sayid Maxamed. Somalis preferred to live in clanism rather than a system that they did not know. I will discuss in this paper the conflict of the Darwish state and Somali clans.

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    The Darwish Resistance: The Clash Between Somali Clanship And State System The Darwish Resistance: The Clash Between Somali Clanship And State System Document Transcript

    • Abdisalam M. Issa-Salwe Thames Valley University, London The Darwish Resistance: The Clash Between Somali Clanship and State System Paper Presented at the 5th International Congress of Somali Studies December 1993
    • 1 INTRODUCTION Sayid Maxamed was the Somali nationalist hero and father of modern Somali nationalism as he the man who is attributed who inspired at the end of the nineteenth century realised, partly, the creation of the Somali state half a century later. He envisaged the Somali state as being a unified political unit and nurturing a political ideology surmounting clanism. Both attributes were part of the modern Somali nationalism when it reawakened in early 1940s. The Darwish structure can be considered a state as the three salient features of state are defined as territory, population living in that defined territory and a government who is sovereign to rule the country and the people. Though fluid, all these characteristics can be found in the Darwish. This became clear when Italy and Britain, signed a treaty (the Ilig Treaty) with the Darwish on 5th March 1895[1] The treaty stipulated that the Mullah should rule the territory between the Majeerteen Sultanate in the north and the Sultanate of Hobyo (Obbia) in northeastern Somaliland. The agreement also granted the Darwish watering and grazing rights for their livestock within British Somaliland.[2] Darwish nationalism endured in a period when Somali society was widely dispersed and lacked the necessary organisations to form a single political unit, and at a time when colonial powers such as Britain, Italy, and France were expanding their hegemony over the country. As the clan was and still is the most important political unit in the traditional system, Somalis rejected the replacement of their traditional system with that of a state system as offered to them by Sayid Maxamed. Somalis preferred to live in clanism rather than a system that they did not know. I will discuss in this paper the conflict of the Darwish state and Somali clans. THE INCEPTION OF DARWISH MOVEMENT[3] 2 At the end of the nineteenth century, Islam reawakened in Eastern Africa, which was as result of the revival of Islam in the Muslim world. This tendency might have been triggered by the outcome of the effect of the Euro-Christian rule and colonization of the Muslim lands in Africa and Asia which consequently seems to have created a widespread reaction and the resurgence of a revivalist movement against the Euro- Christian hegemony, such as the Mahdist revolt in Sudan in 1880s and that of the Darwish movement led by Sayid Maxamed, in Somalia, during the same period. The resistance led by Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle was motivated by religious principles, as well as cultural. Islam served as the ideology of the Darwish movement. A darwiish is a Muslim believer who takes vows of poverty and a life of austerity in the service of Allah and his community. 2.1 A Brief Background to Sayid Maxamed Sayid Maxamed was born in the Sac-ma-deeqa valley, a small watering place between Wud-Wud and Buuhoodle, in the south of British Somaliland in 1856,[4] during a spring season well known as Gobaysane.[5] He was the eldest son of Sheekh Cabdulle and Timiro Seed[6]. His grandfather, Sheekh Xasan Nuur, of the Ogaadeen clan, had settled and married among the Dhulbahante in 1826. Two influences left an impression on the life of Sayid: The first influence was Islamic study, the other the might of pastoralism. At the age of seven he attended the Quran school. At eleven he learned the 114 suras' of the Quran by heart. Afterwards he became a teacher. After two years of teaching the Quran, he suddenly changed his mind, a change that took him to search for more religious learning for ten years. He travelled to many Islamic seats; he went to Mogadishu, Nairobi, Harar and Sudan. He went and learned from sheikhs who had Islamic knowledge. In his early thirties, he embarked towards Mecca, to charge his haj obligations.[7] While in Mecca, he met Sheikh Mohammed Salah (1853-1917), who changed the young Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan completely. The mystic Sheikh Mohammed Salah of Sudan was the founder of the Salahiya order,[8] which was spreading in the Arabian peninsula and across the Red Sea into East Africa. Two years later, in 1895, Sayid Maxamed returned to Somaliland with a mandate to be the Salahiya representative[9]. Islam has been associated with Muslim brotherhood (dariqa literally means quot;wayquot;) which expresses a mystical view of the Muslim faith. In the nineteenth century various religious organizations developed in Somalia to the extent that the quot;Somali profession of the Islamic faith was synonymous with membership of a sufi brotherhood.quot;[10] The Sufi order grew from the main order Qadiriya founded by Sheikh Abdul-Qadir Jilani in the twelfth century. However a few centuries later a quot;neo-sufismquot; movement was founded which could be categorized into three groups of Muslim fellowship: the resisters who believed in struggle, the moderates who usually went about their pedagogical teaching but occasionally created rebellion and lastly, the 2
    • conservatives who practised their mystic meditation without feeling their social environment and sometimes collaborating with the rulers of the country.[11] On his arrival in the port Berbera, Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan refused to pay the tax to the customs. The customs duties stunned the Sayid since he was entering his home land. The custom officer decided to arrest him but an interpreter explained the reason for the sheikh's refusal as insanity by saying quot;Sir, he mad mullah,quot;[12] a name that the colonialists labelled Sayid Maxamed in the later years. The arrival of the Sayid in the British Somaliland coincided with a new tax system introduced by the British Consul- General in the British Somaliland, Colonel J. Haya Sadler.[13] Before the arrival of Sayid Maxamed in British Somaliland and the other parts of Somali inhabited territory the influence of Andarawiya, which like the Salihiya, is an offshoot of Ahmadiya,[14] was limited. Sayid Maxamed established a base from which he campaigned and spread the Salahiya order by condemnation of the Qadiriya's moral laxity[15] in adapting to colonialism. In the view of many scholars, the Qadiriya leaders and settlement, which was well established along the Benaadir coast, became, tolerant to the colonial regime.[16] He condemned the use of alcohol and khat (or Catha edulis tender leaves of a mild narcotic tree grown in the East Africa and in Yemen). Sayid Maxamed's attempt to proselytise and convert urban Somali to the Salahiya order met with stiff resistance from the Berbera community. This caused a firm opposition from the Qadiriya who had established roots in the area. Therefore, the Qadiriya ulumos (sheikhs) were outraged by Sayid Maxamed's campaign, among them his former teacher, Sheikh Cabdullaahi Caruusi, Aw-Gaas Axmed, Sheikh Ibraahim Xirsi Guuled, Sheikh Kabiir Aw-Cumar[17] and Sheikh Madar.[18] His conflict with the known religious men caused him to lose the sympathy of Berbera people. [19] In turn the Berbera ulumos fought back to discredit Sayid Maxamed and his new order. To finish him, they informed the administration about his intentions.[20] The rift between the two orders lasted until the British administration sided with Qadiriya and closed down the Salahiya mosque at the end of 1897. This infuriated Sayid Maxamed who later moved with his small group of followers to his maternal home, among the Dhulbahante, in the south of British Somaliland. On his way to his maternal home, he passed near Daymoole, a few kilometres from Berbera, where there was a French catholic mission established in 1891. The mission, with two fathers, one brother and 69 boys in an orphanage looked after destitute children. He asked a little boy, quot;What is your name?quot;. The boy replied, quot;John Cabdullaahi.quot; Then the Sayid asked, quot;What clan you are?quot;. The boy answered to Sayid Maxamed, quot;I belong to the clan of the father.quot; This convinced Sayid Maxamed that the colonialists were christianising their children. That event remained in the memory of the young Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan and led him to focus his campaign against the idea of Christian colonization and against the Qadiriya's ineptitude and their tolerance of the colonial rulers. Sayid Maxamed made his first base in Qorya-weyn, a small watering place 29 miles west of Aynabo in British Somaliland. In Qorya-weyn he began campaigning for the Salahiya order, against the infidels and also against the Qadiriya order. 3 THE BEGINNING OF THE DARWISH STRUGGLE In Qorya-weyn, he started preaching Islam under the Salahiya banner. In spite of failing to convince the urbanized Berbera residents, he found fertile land in the pastoral society that was not influenced by urban life style. His appeal attracted the pastoral society of the area and the people responded positively to him. By settling clan feuds, the pastoralist saw him as an awliya (saint) who had been sent among them, he gained himself the reputation of a peacemaker. In the first period the British administration welcomed him to exercise authority and saw him on the side of the law as he prevented clan raids. But his aims to mediate and unify clans were to gain their support in the fight against the infidels. His aspirations soon turned to oppose the colonial interests. In fact, an incident that happened around this time, in 1899, was a turning point in the relations between the Sayid and the British authority. A British administrative constable Ilaalo, went to the Darwish settlement and sold his gun to the Sayid. On his return to Berbera, the constable reported to the authorities that his gun had been stolen by the Sayid. The case prompted the British Counsel to send a letter to Sayid Maxamed ordering to surrender the stolen gun immediately but instead on 1th September 1899 Sayid Maxamed replied in a letter challenging British rule in the country. The defiance brought the Sheikh to the attention of the British authorities. That episode was to change British attitude towards the Sayid and his movement. The era of conflict between the Darwish movement and the colonial powers which was to blast two decades had begun. 3
    • In August 1898 the Darwish occupied Bura-o, the centre of British Somaliland, and through this, Sayid Maxamed established control over the watering places of the Habar Yoonis and the Habar Tol- jecle. He succeeded in making peace between the Habar Yoonis and the Habar Tol-jecle, and between Dhulbahante and Habar Tol-jecle. A huge assembly was held in Bur-o at which Sayid Maxamed urged the congregation of Habar Yoonis and Habar Tol-jecle to make jihad (holy war) against the Abyssinians, British and Italian who had come to colonize the Somali territory. Further development happened during this period. Suldaan Nuur Ammaan, sultan of the Habar Yoonis clan, felt uneasy about the leadership of Sayid Maxamed. He could do little to stop the development and therefore sought British help to stop it. Knowing this, the Sayid undermined the sultan's leadership by persuading the Habar Yoonis to depose their leader and replace him with one who was favourable to his cause. With the aim of obtaining leadership favourable to his cause within the Somali clans, this trend became one of the principal policies of the Sayid. Shortly afterwards, the Darwish raided a Qadiriya settlement at Sheikh, a small town between Berbera and Bura-o, and massacred its inhabitants. Panic spread throughout Berbera the prospect of an imminent Darwish attack. The British were alarmed by the situation and they took the Sayid's operations seriously. But by the end of 1899, the British were occupied in the Boer War and could do little to contain the spread of the Darwish movement in British Somaliland, which had badly affected their trade with the interior of the territory under their administration. The British authorities in Berbera urged their government to take action, finally London consented to raise a local levy of troops that would attempt to suppress the spread of the Darwish movement. During the same period Sayid Maxamed preached the Salahiya philosophy, especially the practice of tawassul, the meditation of saints for those faithful to Allah. He taught chanting in praise of Sheikh Maxamed Salah by singing quot;Shay Lillah Sheikh Maxamed Salah.quot; He called the Darwish the adherents of his Salahiya dariqa (order) by giving a white turban (duub cad) which was also customary sufi traditional costume. Within a short time many pastoral societies followed the dariqa. In 1898 the Darwish followers reached more than 5000 men and women with 200 rifles. In the middle of April 1898 the Darwish moved their base to Dareema-caddo, a watering place northwest of Buuhoodle. Within short time the Darwish grew in men, power and wealth. Because of this growth, it became necessary for Sayid Maxamed to institutionalise the movement by creating four main governmental apparatuses, (1) at the top there was the ministerial Council (qusuusi) which presided over affair of state, (2) there were also bodyguards (gaar-haye) who were responsible for the security of senior members. These conscripts were mainly from people on whom Sayid could depend, such as former slaves whom he had adopted as sons, and people from the riverine clans such as the Reer Baarre,[21] (3) the regular army (Maara-weyn) which was organised into seven regiments: Shiikh-yaale, Gola-weyne, Taar-gooye, Indha-badan, Miinanle, Dharbash and Rag-xun. Each regiment with its commandant (muqaddim) varied from between 1000 to 4000 men, and (4) the civilian population (reer-beede) consisting mainly of people from clans who followed the Darwish movement. The state was fashioned on the model of the Salahiya brotherhood with strict hierarchical and rigid centralization of a religious order. The cohesive force of the Darwish state polity was based on religious ideology. This was a radical departure from the clan alliance's politics, the effects of which will be discussed at the end of this chapter. By forming a standing army the movement had to face pressing needs such as food and other logistical needs for the troops. In the first period they were supported by voluntary charity (siyaaro) which Muslims are required to give to religious men. However, the needs of the army augmented with the enlargement of the movement. Thus the Darwish began to lobby for more help for the movement, on the other hand they spread rumours that anybody who did not help the Darwish, in the Jihad struggle, was not Muslim and must be killed and his property must be confiscated.[22] 3.1 quot;You Defiedquot; (Waad-xujowday) Penal Decree On the legal front, Sayid Maxamed introduced for the first time a rudimental forms of a penal decree such as the famous quot;you defiedquot; (waad-xujowday) for those who did not obey the code of the dariqa. There was an episode that tells of a wealthy man called Firin Qodax Faahiye who refused to pay a man who worked for him as a geel-jire (camelman) his earnings were one-camel every year as was the tradition. To retaliate the camelman escaped with a horse that belonged to Firin and took refuge in the xarun. Firin went after the camelman and when he reached the xarun of the Darwish he claimed his horse back. Sayid Maxamed who had been informed by the camelman asked Firin to pay the camelman's earnings. Firin replied, quot;let him go to the administration if he has a case against me.quot; This infuriated Sayid Maxamed and 4
    • announced to Firin, quot;if you choose the infidel's justice rather than the Islamic law, you are infidel. You defied (waad-xujowday) the Islamic code, therefore, the law condemns you to capital punishment.quot;[23] Firin Qodax Faahiye was the first man who was executed by the Darwish. The execution of Firin was a sign from the centralised system that the Darwish had decided to rule the Nugaal area. This was a new practice that the pastoral society had not known before. Traditionally the Somali people loathed totalitarianism and suspected any form of centralised rule. Sayid Maxamed claimed to have divine connections and that he had been selected for the mission to quot;throw the infidels into the sea.quot; His claim was welcomed positively in the pastoral society. He then planned to build his hierarchical authority by compelling his followers to address him as quot;Father Masterquot; (Aabbe sayidii). This was a sign of the hierarchical authority he sought to impose on the traditional egalitarian society who addresses one other as quot;cousinquot; (ini-adeer). This attitude of Sayid Maxamed has been seen as a tactic to drag people under his command to gain political power outside the traditional clan system and not for the cause of Allah. This was a strategy that created rivalry from nearly all clan leaders. Some followed him initially with caution but soon many conflicts developed. One of these leaders was Garaad Cali Garaad Maxamuud, of the Bah-Ararsame Dhulbahante clan, whose people lived in Nugaal. 3.2 The killing of Garaad Cali Garaad Cali Garaad Maxamuud of the Bah-Ararsame lineage of the Dhulbahante clan was one of the Somali clan leaders whose people lived in part of Nugaal. Garaad Cali felt uneasy at the expanding power of the Sayid within his matrilineal relatives, the Dhulbahante. Towards the end of 1899, Sayid Maxamed sent a delegation to convince the Garaad to join him and his people in the Darwish movement. Garaad Cali refused and replied, quot;Let the Sheikh deal with religious affairs but other affairs of the people and clans are not his domain. There are no infidels in Nugaal. We are not going to those (infidels) who are at the coast and in the towns.quot;[24] In the land that Sayid Maxamed sought to build his power were his maternal kin thus the people expected him to follow the footsteps of his father who was a Quran teacher. On his return, Sayid Maxamed was expected to be a Quran teacher and sheikh among the pastoral society and not as a leader of the people who were not his paternal kinsmen. Sayid Maxamed sent another delegation to the Garaad inviting him to the xarun (headquarters). With reluctance Garaad Cali accepted to meet Sayid Maxamed in his xarun. In the heated debate which followed Garaad Cali emphasised his position, quot;I am the ruler of Nugaal and its people. Their management is mine and I expect everybody to respect it.quot;[25] A challenge of leadership between the two men followed: a traditionalist one against the introduction of a new system into the country by the Darwish, a practice alien to the pastoral society. Garaad Cali sent a letter to Boqor Cismaan of the Sultanate of Majeerteen in Boosaaso in the northeastern part of the Somali peninsula, requesting his support.[26] He sent another letter to the British Consul-General at Berbera asking for help[27] against Sayid Maxamed. The resulting hostility prompted Sayid Maxamed to dispatch a group of Darwish to assassinate the Garaad. The killing of Garaad Cali astonished the Somali clans and destabilized the Darwish.[28] This incident proved to be one of the most catastrophic miscalculations made by Sayid Maxamed. Many of his followers left the dariqa angered by the carnage of the Garaad. Only a few the groups of his maternal kin, the Cali Geri, stood fast with him. By losing the support of the Nugaal people and following the instability caused by the killing of Garaad Cali, Sayid Maxamed and his followers were forced into the Ogaadeen, among his paternal kin. 3.3 The Darwish's Move to Western Somaliland The Somalis' rejection of Christianity stemmed mainly from a sentiment felt towards their centuries' old enemy, Abyssinia. This was at the same time as Abyssinia was expanding its empire over Western Somaliland. During his first period of the struggle, the Sayid's ultimate aim was not the British but the Abyssinians who caused more suffering to the Somalis of Western Somaliland and the Oromo people than the European colonialists. Unlike the Europeans, the Abyssinian colonisers had no industrial power base to finance their marauding armies, they lived upon the property of the conquered people. In fact, the reason behind Menelik's southern conquests was his need to get more resources for his huge armies.[29] In the years between 1890 and 1897, the Western Somaliland Somalis saw devastating pillage by the Abyssinians, in which, 100.000 heads of cattle, 200.000 camels and about 600.000 sheep and goats were looted from the pastoralists.[30] 5
    • Meanwhile in Western Somaliland Sayid Maxamed was reorganising his force in Haradigeed in the heart of Maxamed Subeer country (Ogaadeen clan). He started preaching and settled disputes between various lineages in the Ogaadeen. This gave Sayid Maxamed a good reputation. To further gain power Sayid Maxamed married the daughter of a prominent Maxamed Subeer, Ogaadeen clan. In return he gave his sister to one of the Maxamed Subeer elders, Cabdi Maxamed Waal. This type of marriage was the political marriage that the Sayid used to bind ties with the local people, and became one of his most sophisticated political devices. Learning of Sayid Maxamed's reorganization in Western Somaliland, the British informed the Abyssinians about Sayid's plans and movement. A force had been sent to the area where Sayid Maxamed had gained support. While en route the Abyssinian forces looted and harassed the nomads. The looted herds were taken to Jigjiga. The pastoral society appealed to the Sayid. On 5 March 1890, the Darwish attacked Jigjiga and killed 230. Although the Darwish sustained heavy losses, they took with them the animals looted by the Abyssinians from the pastoral Somalis in Western Somaliland.[31] In June of the same year the Darwish raided the Ciida-gale lineage of the Isaaq clan-family settlements in Gaaroodi, a small watering place between Oodweyne and Hargeysa in the Northwest region. In the raid they took booty of two thousand camels. The attack, named after a full moon night quot;Dayax-Weerar,quot; had negative effects on the Darwish movement. It was the first assault that the Darwish had made against fellow Muslims. The contingent of the Darwish was led by Shariif Cabdullaahi Shariif Cumar this astonished the pastoral Somalis. The Somali society believes the shariif to be a pious clan descended directly from the prophet Maxamed. An observer sang: When the Shariif leads the robber-band And the learned Sheikh raid the people mercilessly, And the herds are seized with approval and the blessing of a Sayid Would that I lived long enough To witness the end of all these events![32] The storming of Jigjiga enhanced the prestige of the Darwish as they were seen to be the defenders of the pastoral clans against the domination of their hated Abyssinian enemies. On the other hand the Dayax- Weerar attack against Ciida-gale had negative consequences, especially, as the Isaaq clan had to seek help from the British authorities. However, Sayid Maxamed later expressed regret about the raid.[33] Sometime later hostility grew between the pastoral Maxamed Subeer and the Darwish the cause being clan rivalry as the Maxamed Subeer lineage felt as if it were being subjected to quot;the hegemony of the Sayid's small Bah-Geri lineage whom they traditionally despised.quot;[34] They felt they were being subjected into the submissive position, submissive to the autocratic reigns of the Sayid. The conflict had been triggered by the killing in the xarun of Shire-Dhabarjilic Xasan-Jiijiile, a Maxamed Subeer elder, who refused to bring to the dariqa his sub-lineage. The matter was aggravated when the body of Shire was mutilated by running horses over it.[35] This was against an Islamic fellow and it enraged the Maxamed Subeer's kinsmen. In retaliation, they planned secretly to kill Sayid Maxamed and his Qusuusi council. The plan known as the Plot of Gurdumi[36] took for many months to plan but at the last minute it was aborted by chance. The Sayid escaped unhurt but one of his closest advisers, a Qusuusi member Aw-Cabbas, fell under the spears of the conspirators. In the resulting fighting, the Darwish gained the upper hand over Maxamed Subeer and inflicted heavy losses. The Darwish retaliated later against the Maxamed Subeer nomads by looting their herds. During the looting, known as Garab-cas, the Maxamed Subeer lineage lost much of their property. After sometime the Maxamed Subeer lineage sent a peace delegation (ergo), 32 of their most able men, to Sayid Maxamed who had moved with his followers to Dhiito, east of Gurdumi. One of the peace delegations, Cabdi Maxamed Waal, was the husband of Toox-yar Cabdulle Xasan, sister of the Sayid. The plot of Gurdumi was the first attempt on the life of Sayid Maxamed by his kinsmen and it left him psychologically scarred. Rancour induced him to arrest the ergo (peace delegation) and tie them with fetters and anklets. Then he sent a message to the Maxamed Subeer that their men's release was conditional on payment of the blood money (diyo) of Aw-Cabbas, two guns that he lost in the fighting of Gurdumi and a hundred camels for each man.[37] The Maxamed Subeer could not pay three thousand three hundred camels for the release of their relatives as the Darwish had inflicted heavy damage on their property during the Garab-cas pillage. Three deadlines ended without conclusion and at the last deadline Sayid Maxamed ordered the peace delegation to be executed. This enraged Maxamed Subeer and to save themselves from 6
    • further reprisals they asked the Abyssinians for help.[38] The killing of a peace mission is one of the worst crimes in pastoral tradition. The act of executing the delegation damaged the reputation of the Darwish, one elder described them as quot;sick wolves led by a mad sheikh.quot;[39] The event, named after the fetters and anklets tied to the delegation, was another set back to the very cause of the Darwish movement and went down in Somali history as one of the saddest events. The incident forced the Somali clans in the Abyssinian dominated area to ask for help from their centuries' old enemies. A Somali proverb says, quot;Stones cannot go far but word can,quot;[40] the news of Gonda-gooye reached the corners of the Somali peninsula very quickly. A combined force of Abyssinians and Maxamed Subeer Ogaadeen attacked the Darwish, and consequently forced them to flee to the east back into the Nugaal valley, which they had left two years previously after a bloody confrontation with Dhulbahante. 3.4 The Return of Darwish into the Nugaal Valley Italian Somaliland consisted of three political regions: the Benaadir coast, the Majeerteen Sultanate on the tip of the Horn and the Hobyo (Obbia) Sultanate of Sultan Cali Yuusuf Keenadiid. The Sultanates of Majeerteen and Hobyo developed very effective political organizations with measures of centralized authority over relatively large territories but their polity was based on tribal affiliation. The return of the Darwish into Nugaal created panic among the clans under the British protectorate. Early in 1901 the British colonial authorities felt their interest were under threat if the Darwish expanded their influence in the region. Therefore, they decided to organise military action to wipe them out at once. However, what they estimated to eradicate with one expedition, resulted in twenty years of war with the loss of almost one third of the Somali population. The Darwish was a natural military organization that was ingenious in guerrilla warfare, drawing their enemy to ideal terrain and striking at will. The British, sometimes with their allies, sent one expedition after another. The first expedition sent out from Bura-o on 22 May 1901 consisted of 21 officers of the British and Indian armies, and a levy of 1500 Somalis. Between 1900 and 1904 four British expeditions were sent against the Darwish. Well-known battles were Afbakayle that took place on 3 June 1901, Fardhidin on 16 July 1901, Beerdhiga (Eeragoo) on 4 April 1901, Cagaar-weyne (Gumburo) in April 1903, Daratoole on 22 April 1903, Jidbaale on 10 January 1904 and Ruugga (Dulmadoobe) 9 August 1923.[41] During the first period the Darwish won many battles because many factors such as their knowledge of guerrilla warfare, knowledge of the territory, their adaptability to the environment, their belief that they were fighting a jihad (holy war) and just war, and their well organised military. However, after many successes over the intruders, they changed their tactics of guerrilla warfare to conventional warfare. This was a change of strategy that proved fatal for them. On 9 January 1904 at the plains of Jidbaale, a watering place north of Laas Caanood, in British Somaliland, they sough head on confrontation with the British, headed by General Charles Egarton. In the following battle, the Darwish lost nearly 7000 to 8000 dead and wounded.[42] With the British forces on their heels, the fleeing Darwish headed to the Majeerteen Sultanate in the northeast. On their way they send a message to Boqor Cismaan, hoping to gain his support. Sayid's relation with Boqor Cismaan had been marred by a failed political marriage to his daughter, Qaali.[43] Meanwhile, the British contacted the Italian consulate in Aden to press Boqor Cismaan not to give the Sayid sanctuary. Boqor Cismaan gave way to the Italian and British pressure, and declined to give refuge to the frustrated Darwish. This action angered Sayid Maxamed as he was undergoing a terrible time, a time when many of his followers were deserting. Fighting erupted between the Darwish and the forces of Boqor Cismaan. The Darwish forces were obliged to head for Ilig, a strategic place on the Indian Ocean. 3.5 The Reconstruction of the Darwish In Ilig the Darwish forces and their followers, who had experienced bad times, found peace and time to recover from the loses in manpower and wealth in the war with the British. Actually, it was nearly a decade later when Sayid Maxamed restarted his campaign to call the jihad against the colonialists. He attracted the loyalty of major clans such as the Warsangeli of the powerful Harti clan, Cumar Maxamuud and Ciisa Maxamuud, both of Majeerteen Harti clans. Since in Islam a man is allowed to marry no more than four wives at a time, to ease his political marriage, Sayid Maxamed had to marry and divorce frequently. These relations opened the way for the Sayid to ask for wife the sister of Maxamuud Cali Shire, the son of the powerful Garaad Cali Shire of Warsangeli, and the sister of Islaan Aadan of the Cumar Maxamuud lineage of the Majeerteen clan as his wives, and indeed, he did marry both women. The alliance of these clans helped Sayid Maxamed to reconstruct his forces. The association with the Warsangeli clan 7
    • gave him access to Laas Khoray (Maakhergoosh), a door to the Arabian peninsula to import firearms and ammunition. The importation of firearms and ammunition contradicted the Ilig Agreement of 1905 (see bottom). By knowing that the colonialists could not be defeated by force, the Sayid changed his strategy to use words as arms. As words, spoken or written, have been the most powerful means of communication in all mankind's society,[44] he consummately used skilfully the communicative functions of Somali verse. He repeatedly sought to gain in verse what he had not succeeded in acquiring with arms. When he lost a battle, he dipped into his reservoir of rhymes to encourage his shattered army.[45] He designed his verse to enhance his cause, to encourage his followers or scorn and discredit his enemies. However, by scorning his enemies, he sometimes excessively used to preach the pastoral ethos like an quot;epigram that borders on the obscene.quot;[46] The period in Ilig was, in fact, the period during which he composed his best poems by dexterously using Somali language that is well noted for its richness of vocabulary. Sayid Maxamed was a quot;literary masterquot;[47] and he used the medium of poetry as high powered propaganda warfare. As poetry is the principle medium of mass communication, his mastery of the art of poetry won him the reputation of being the greatest Somali poet, and earned him the title quot;master of eloquence.quot;[48] In the opinion of Samatar, The Sayid appealed to a traditional code of ethics that he knew would strike a responsive chord in the hearts of the stroked: the notion of unbending defiance in the face of calamitous circumstances, a theme he often stressed in his poems... Yet these tactics, [which] he designed to hold the ranks of the faithful together, concealed the real shift in strategy that the Sayid was initiating in the light of grim realities.[49] The adversity of many years gave vitality to Sayid Maxamed's personality, he was persisting in the face of overwhelming odds. In spite of his totalitarianism and storming character, his tyranny was directed towards a noble end.[50] 4 FROM MOVEMENT TO STATE After four years of fighting, the British expeditions found they could not annihilate the Darwish as they had believed. In 1904 because of financial troubles and opposition at home, they had been compelled to change tactics and make peace with the Darwish through the Italians, who had not militarily confronted the Darwish before. Xaaji Cabdille Shixiri, of the Habar Tol-jecle Isaaq clan-family, who was a Darwish confidant, became the mediator between the Italians and the Darwish. Xaaji Cabdille Shixiri met with Cavaliere Giulio Pestolozzi, the Diplomatic Representative of the Italian Government at Aden where he took a letter for the Mullah. Craving for respite, the Sayid accepted negotiation with the Italians who proposed that he rule the territory from Ayl and Garacad on the Indian Ocean and from Nugaal into the interior. The agreement included a condition to release Sultan Yuusuf Cali Keenadiid, the Sultan of Hobyo (Obbia), who had been deposed by the Italians after he refused to allow British forces to disembark at Hobyo with the intention of attacking the Darwish from the east while other British forces fought with the Darwish in Cagaarweyne (Gumburo) battle on 17 April 1903. Sultan Yuusuf Cali had been deported to Assab in Eritrea in 1903.[51] After tumultuous negotiations an agreement was reached on the 5 March 1895.[52] Giulio Pestolozzi signed for Italy, Britain and Abyssinia. Recognition to govern his followers, religious liberty and freedom of trade except in arms and slaves,[53] were granted to the Sayid. By assigning the Nugaal Valley to Darwish rule, Italy planned to eliminate the threat of the Darwish influence in their dominion in Benaadir.[54] By contrast, this policy had little effect as the Biyamaal and Wacdaan clans where the first clans who received the Darwish message and rebelled against the Italian rule. The Ilig agreement gave the Sayid a period of respite to recover his strength and influence. He built his forces and, in breach of the treaty, imported arms on an unprecedented scale. He set a well-coordinated strategy to sabotage the colonial administration and to terrorize and destabilize clans that he saw as loyal to the British and Italian rule, those under Majeerteen and Hobyo Sultanates, and Ogaadeen Somali clans, by sending roving bands of raiders (bur-cad).[55] They invaded Mudug to establish contact with Bah-Geri on the upper Shabeelle and extended their attacks to the Hobyo Sultanate. The acts of indiscriminate raiding, seizing and plundering property of fellow Muslims, and the act of breaking a solemn treaty even with infidels were seen as dishonourable and alienated Sayid Maxamed from many Somali clans. 8
    • 4.1 The Attempted Coup of the Tree-of-Bad-Counsel[56] As the Darwish movement was based on religious ideology, many questioned Sayid Maxamed's religious convictions. The distrust received a new momentum when followers of the Sayid obtained a letter from the founder of Salahiya order, Sheikh Maxamed Salah who lived in the Arabian Peninsula. The letter has been secretly circulated among the Darwish and consequently it was a disastrous blow as Sheikh Maxamed Salah renounced Sayid Maxamed. The disavowing of Sheikh Salah generated grounds for many Darwish followers to see that Sayid Maxamed had lost his moral credibility to lead the Darwish movement. Following this episode, 600 Darwish held a secret meeting in Gubad, a watering place 30 miles south of Ayl on the Indian Ocean, to plot against Sayid Maxamed. The meeting, which took place under a tree, was to be called Canjeel Talawaa (the Tree-of-Bad-Counsel). Three proposals were raised in the discussion,[57] (i) To kill Sayid Maxamed and replace him with another sheikh who could continue the holy war; (ii) To remove from him the honour and responsibility of the Darwish and replace him with another sheikh; (iii) To completely cripple the Darwish movement by dragging out all Darwish clans. In the end the conspirators agreed to the last proposal and decided to desert en masse. One of the associates, Shire Cumbaal, changed his mind and alerted the Sayid. Consequently, fighting erupted between troops loyal to Sayid Maxamed and the clans of the conspirators. The fray deteriorated to a bloody civil war in which Sayid Maxamed's devotees emerged victorious but not before several Darwish clans, like Majeerteen and Dhulbahante, were decimated.[58] The loyal troops also slaughtered many holy men. The heartless slaughter of pious Muslims was the most heinous crime in Islamic teaching.[59] The Tree-of-Bad-Counsel divided and demoralized the movement as it eroded its moral basis. The incident demoralized and wounded the morale of the Darwish and it damaged the aims of the movement.[60] Sayid Maxamed relied increasingly on dictatorial methods to keep himself in power by summarily executing his rivals including prominent holy men. Many held in question the Sayid's moral standards. Following this incident, he started showing growing signs of insecurity. His sense of insecurity deepened as there were many attempts on his life. The worst came from one of his wives by food poisoning. By the end of 1909 the Darwish had moved to Caday-Dheero then two years later they moved to Dameero and later to Taleex. At Taleex, the heart of the Nugaal valley, the Darwish reunited and started to build their most strategic garrisons. Taleex was a strategic place as it was the centre between Haud, the Red Sea, the Indian Ocean, the Majeerteen Sultanate, the Hobyo Sultanate and British Somaliland. It was abundant in water and pasture. There the Darwish built four garrisons:[61] Silsilad could take two thousand fighters and five thousand animals, Falaad was the executive mansion for the Sayid and his advisers, Daawad was for guests and Eegi or Daar-Ilaalo was made as outpost for the xarun. Simultaneously the Darwish built seven other forts for the defence of Taleex.[62] These garrisons were situated at between 10 to 40 miles from Taleex and were named Daar-cad, Gacal-guule, Xalin, Dhumay, Geeda-mirale, Cawshaan and Nuguul. Outside Nugaal, the Darwish built 23 garrisons employed to guard the headquarters from British Somaliland, the Majeerteen and Hobyo sultanates, the Italians and Abyssinians.[63] They extended from Qardho to Jarriiban in the east, from Jiidali, Cirshiid and Shimbibiris in the north, from Kiridh and Qorraxay in the west (Western Somaliland) and from Beled-weyne and Shilaabo in Italian Somaliland. Although the building of the strategic fortresses gave the Darwish the appearance of supremacy in the area, it was also strategically disadvantageous, since it was a complete turnabout of the guerrilla warfare tactics that the Darwish had adopted in previous years. It gave their enemy a fixed target to attack and a defined territory for battle. In the earlier years the Darwish dragged their enemy into their own battle grounds. By 1913 the Darwish dominated the entire hinterland of the Somali peninsula. Trade with the hinterland was completely halted crippling the booming trade of coastal towns. The havoc created favourable conditions for the Darwish who were the only organized institution in the area. The tumult in the hinterland completely disrupted trade with the coastal towns and the decline of British prestige in British Somaliland followed. This prompted the British to revise their policy and to form a mobile force, the Camel Corps, to police the immediate hinterlands. The Camel Corps, under the command of the arrogant but capable colonel Richard Corfield, did put the immediate hinterland in order. In August 1913 a Darwish force led by Aw-Yuusuf Sheikh Cabdulle, the brother of Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle, raided a Habar Yoonis settlement near Bura-o and looted a vast herd of camels. A contingent of the Camel Corps chased the Darwish raiders. After hot pursuit the Camel Corps and the Darwish confronted in Dulmadooba, near Oodweyne in the east of British Somaliland. Fierce fighting resulted in which the British commander, Colonel Corfield, was killed. The victory of the Darwish enhanced the 9
    • prestige of Sayid Maxamed and following that event he composed the famous and brilliant poem quot;The Death of Richard Corfield.quot;[64] Following the breach of the Ilig Agreement of 1905 by Sayid Maxamed, the British government, after having spent more than five million pounds, had to assess the situation before any other alternatives were to be adopted. By mid 1909 there was heated debate in the British parliament about the lost men and money in British Somaliland.[65] The British authorities had only two options, either to abandon the Somali coast or to strike a peace agreement with the Mullah[66] . It has chose the latter by sending General Sir Reginald Wingate, the Governor-General of the Sudan, who was an expert in the Sudanese Darwish movement. He had been dispatched to British Somaliland with the aim of opening fresh mediation directly with the Darwish. However, Sir Wingate's mission became unsuccessful when Sayid Maxamed declined the British terms of peace. Following the failure of the Sir Wingate's peace initiative, in November 1909, the British authorities were forced to select the least costly policy short of complete abandonment of British Somaliland,[67] that of confining themselves to three coastal towns on the Red Sea: Berbera, Zeila and Bulhar.[68] To protect their subjects from the Darwish threat as they moved to the coastal area, they distributed firearms only to their quot;friendliestquot; dependants, the Isaaq clans,[69] thus leaving other clans who lived in the vulnerable area, such as the Dhulbahante clan, who had no treaty with the British.[70] The purpose of distributing arms was to persuade the Isaaq clans to organize themselves behind a leadership capable of counteracting the Darwish.[71] However, that policy incited a new wave of feuds and closing of accounts between various lineages and clans, and the interior lapsed into a bad situation. Soon the situation deteriorated due to a drought that affected a large proportion of the population. That period is known as quot;xaraama cunaquot; (the time of eating filth).[72] Because of the policy of withdrawing from the hinterland, the British undid the damage of excommunicating Sheikh Maxamed Salah[73] and the damage that Sayid Maxamed had sustained from the Tree-of-Bad-Counsel. It gave him a wonderful opportunity to flex his muscles by retaliating against clans whom he suspected were against his cause. In fact the worst affected were the Dhulbahante, the Habar Yoonis, the Habar Tol-Jecle (Isaaq) and the Ciisa Maxamuud sub-lineage (Majeerteen) clans who felt much of the Mullah's wrath.[74] The carnage of the Ciise Maxamuud is known as the quot;Bloodshed of Ilig Daldalaquot; where bundles of hundreds where thrown from the peak of the rocks of Ilig into the sea.[75] Towards the end of 1912 at least one third of the pastoral Somalis perished in the chaos.[76] On the diplomatic front, the Sayid made alliance with the new Abyssinian Emperor, Lij Iyasu, who acceded to the throne in December 1913. Emperor Iyasu was sympathetic to Islam and moved his court to Dire Dawa among his Muslim subjects.[77] He aspired to create a Muslim empire in North Africa. To fulfil his dream he proposed to make alliance with Sayid Maxamed. He probably supplied financial aid and arms to the Darwish, and sent a German arms technician, called Emil Kirsch, to Taleex to help the Darwish movement. The fear of an alliance of Abyssinian Muslims and the Darwish sent shivers through the European capitals as well through the Abyssinian orthodox church. Concern appeared to have been realised with the announcement of Iyasu's conversion to Islam in April 1916.[78] However, before he could consolidate his power, Emperor Iyasu was deposed on 27 September 1916. On another diplomatic front, Sayid Maxamed made an alliance with the Ottoman empire.[79] However, in 1917 the Italians apprehended Sheikh Axmed Shirwac Maxamed and found a document from the Turkish government giving assurance of their support and nominating Sayid Maxamed as the Amir of Somalia.[80] The diplomatic achievements, the Ilig Agreement, the British withdrawal from the hinterlands and the reconstruction of the Darwish authority in the heart of the country helped enhance the prestige of Sayid Maxamed throughout Somalia. However, there were also disadvantages as all this they made the Sayid over confident which naturally led him to underestimate the strategy his enemies. He over estimated the help he could receive from the Emperor Iyasu, who had only a short time left to lead, and from Turkey who was at its declining time in history. 4.2 The Annihilation of the Darwish State During the best days of the Darwish movement in the Nugaal Valley, Qusuusi (advisers) of the state recommended[81] changing their policy by stopping farming, and to halting trade with the coast as they believed this would avert enemy spies from to reporting about the Darwish. They suggested moving the headquarters to a location where rival informants could not spy on them. Nevertheless, Sayid Maxamed sanctioned the counsel without examining the consequences. Then, in mid 1918 the headquarters were 10
    • transferred to Mirashi[82], a mountainous place with difficult access for their enemies, but less strategic communication with their other settlements.[83] That policy proved detrimental to the Darwish tactics as it interrupted communication between their camps. During this period the Darwish knew little about their enemies' preparations.[84] While Darwish were in an isolated situation, the British built up their fire power, and included for the first time, the newly invented lethal weapon, aeroplanes, which they planned to use against the Darwish. On 21 January 1920, they attacked all Darwish bases in Taleex and Mirashi simultaneously by sea and air. This was a great surprise for the Darwish military leaders. Their plans never included a strategy to protect their bases against such mortal weapons. On 3 February 1920 the British captured Taleex, and the Darwish troops abandoned their forts in the Nugaal Valley and other parts before fleeing to Western Somaliland. In Western Somaliland they regrouped again but a natural disaster, smallpox broke out in the region and decimated the men and livestock. Meanwhile, the British governor despatched a peace delegation to Sayid Maxamed pressing him to surrender and in exchange allowing him to establish his own religious settlement in the west of British Somaliland. Nonetheless, Sayid Maxamed categorically refused to surrender, and to prove to the British authority that the Darwish were still capable of intimidating their subjects, they raided the Isaaq clansmen grazing their livestock near the Abyssinian border. The attack outraged Isaaq and with the help of the administration a force of Isaaq men led by Xaaji Warsame Bullaale, known also as Xaaji Waraabe, made a massive onslaught on the already feeble Darwish. After this fatal blow, Sayid Maxamed and some of his qusuusi members fled to Iimay, in the Arusi country in Abyssinia. After arriving in Iimay, the Sayid and his remaining companions started to build thirteen new garrisons but Sayid Maxamed did not live long enough to finish his plan to restart the Darwish movement. He succumbed to an attack of influenza on 21 December 1920 at the age of fifty-six. 5 CONFLICT BETWEEN STATE AND CLAN Before the arrival of colonialism in the Somali territory, Somali society led a decentralised way of life, however, the colonial powers demanded a way of life contrary to the traditional one. Subsequently, Somalis responded violently in reaction to this interference. Somali resistance to the foreign interference in their lives dates back to at least the years between 1528 and 1535. Under the command of Imam Ahmed Ibn Ibraahim al-Ghazi, known as Axmed Gurey (Gran the left-handed) Somali forces devastated and successfully rolled back the Abyssinian Empire. Only with the help of Portuguese[85] did the Abyssinians defeat the Muslim forces. As Euro-colonialists were usually of another faith, the Somali felt that the colonialists were trying to christianise their children. The resistance led by Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle was in response to this belief. What Sayid Maxamed inspired was nationalistic in essence, a tradition not seen in the Somali peninsula since Ahmed Gurey's (Ahmed Gran, the left-handed) war against Abyssinia in the sixteenth century. The opinions held by people about Sayid Maxamed vary widely. Africanists see him as an African nationalist hero who fought against colonial intrusion in his country. Many scholars of Darwish movements regarded his aim as a purpose[86] to expel Christian domination from his country. The colonial powers rated him simply as an eccentric sheikh by labelling him quot;Mad Mullah.quot; They assumed that he was simply from a small religious order or a clan leader whose political role lay within the internal Somali clan structure. The Somalis attitude towards Sayid Maxamed is somewhat ambivalent. Despite the tyrannical nature of his rule, Sayid Maxamed's burning passion was to liberate his country from the British, Italian, French and Abyssinian colonial powers. He sensed a threat from the colonialists to christianise his compatriots, therefore, he saw the Salahiya brotherhood as a quot;wayquot; through which he could increase his countrymen's devotion to Islam and to quot;kick out the infidels.quot; He never lost his vision to attain his primary goals which were explicitly explained in his political poems. But the circumstances made it difficult for him to worry about anything other than the organizational and military needs of the Darwish,[87] the effect of which will discussed below. His talented capacity was to convert the Salahiya brotherhood into a political movement thus fashioning the state on a strict hierarchical and centralised organization.[88] Although Sayid Maxamed carried on the struggle for two decades, why he failed to mobilize all the Somali clans against the colonialists is one concern. One view maintains that the compulsive approach of the Darwish policies contradicted the tradition of persuasion and convincing. Another school of thought postulates the intolerance of the movement towards the other Sufi orders. Whoever was not Salahiya was not recognised as Darwish, and was labelled as a supporter of the colonialists or infidels. This approach narrowed the idea of the Darwish simple as a faction of Islamic society in the country. This put the 11
    • Salahiya in a constant struggle with other religious orders such as the Qadiriya and Ahmadiya in the country. This view concludes therefore, that Sayid Maxamed's aim was more concerned with the Salahiya than Islam itself.[89] He called his followers Darwish (dervish) or ikhwaan (brother) and distinguished them from the clans who used to called themselves quot;Somalis.quot; His supporters attributed him three qualities that he shared with the Prophet Maxamed: the name, Maxamed, the age when he began his ministries; and the propensity to urge the jihad (holy war). Nevertheless, one of the indisputable convictions is that the Sayid was a national figure whose appeal aroused patriotic sentiments. In his task to create a national movement transcending clan divisions, he skilfully adopted his tactics to the realities of Somali life by employing all traditional devices of Somali politics: clan alliance, poetic crafts and political marriage.[90] He appeared as a symbol of Somali resistance to colonialism and inspired to create a state based on Somalism, therefore, a pan-Somali idea.[91] Even the adherents of the Qadiriya order could not rally openly against the Darwish for this could mean siding with Christian colonisers and would greatly damage their religious status. One of his qualities was that he never gave up his ideals even in the worse situation. In fact when the Darwish fled to Western Somaliland after their defeat in February 1920 the British sent a delegation asking him to surrender but he refused, adhering firmly to his ideals. The Darwish State was fashioned on the model of the Salahiya fellowship with a strict hierarchy and rigid centralization of a religious order. The state polity was based on religious ideology thus causing a radical departure from the clan alliance politics. Two qualities seemed to help him to surmount the difficulties he faced during the struggle: the religion that gave him legitimacy of leadership and the mastery of political oratory, which is the quot;vehicle of politics and the acquisition of political powerquot;[92] The religious power that he wielded was based on the principle of fellowship[93] which Martin defines as follows: (1) The brotherhood believed in the Prophet and his inspiration through the founder of the order. This is explained the tawassul of quot;Shay Lillaah Sheikh Maxamed Salah.quot; (2) The extension of power given to the leader was indisputable and complete. (3) The dikri ceremonies, the mystic chants, which bond the group and reciting together hymns, part of the Koran and Islamic literature. (4) The spiritual and emotional communion with Allah, the Prophet, and the spiritual leader. These processes link the mystic leader to his followers. (5) The brotherhood was voluntary therefore the member dedicated to their cause. (6) The order was organized into a collective spirit which facilitated a means of hierarchical organization. (7) Lastly by adopting the concepts of hijra and jihad as tactics, the two strategies that the Prophet used in times of pressure from the infidels. Despite knowing the need to develop the structure of his theocratic state, the Sayid established the Darwish in personal quality. This is the reason why the Sayid Maxamed was a contradictory figure, and the same cause is believed to be the reason behind the end of the Darwish movement after his death. One of the other causes which led to the collapse of the movement was that it was, by nature, a highly fluid national movement. He failed to unite Somalis against the colonialists because of the traditional Somali society which was too widely dispersed to form a political unit, and also because of the clannish rivalries. To accomplish his vows to fight the colonialists, he had to be a warrior chieftain and pursue a career contrary to the traditional Somali wadaad (holy man). As Sayid Maxamed founded his movement under the Salahiya banner, an order new to the Somali society, the puritanical Salahiya with the strong personality of Sayid Maxamed created an atmosphere of hostility towards the Qadiriya that was older and more widely accepted among the Somalis and quot;it blended well with the metamorphic social process in the Somali territories.quot;[94] Sayid Maxamed himself claimed to have divine connection, and that he was sent to expel the infidels who came to his country to christianise the children. He required his followers to address him as quot;Father Masterquot; (Aabbe Sayidii). This was a sign of hierarchical authority he sought to impose on the traditional egalitarian society who addresses one another as quot;ini-adeerquot; (cousin). There is a Somali maxim that says, quot;Abandoning customary conventions causes the curse of God.quot;[95] The new state system that Sayid Maxamed imposed on the pastoralist was resisted because of these beliefs. His attempt to create such polity required a new style of leadership contrary to what was known as traditional authoritarian behaviour. His concept, which was alien to the pastoral society, was an open confrontation with the Somali traditional authority system. Soon a challenge of leadership between Sayid Maxamed and Somali clan leaders followed. Many of these clan leaders felt uneasy about the new style leadership of the Sayid. Garaad Cali Garaad Maxamuud of the Bah-Ararsame lineage of the Dhulbahante clan was one of the Somali clan leaders whose people lived in part of the Nugaal Valley,[96] and one of the clan leaders whose people where affected by the new system. The conflict between Sayid Maxamed and Garaad Cali was a reaction to the 12
    • attempt of Sayid to influence the Dhulbahante clans. The Sayid aimed to have clan leaders loyal to his cause. Sometimes he undermined the leadership of those who where not sympathetic to his cause, such as that of the Habar Yoonis and Warsangeli. Worth mentioning is the episode that happened when Sayid Maxamed convinced the young Maxamuud Cali Shire, the eldest son of the aged Garaad Cali Shire of the Warsangeli clan, to take his father's place as leader of the clan.[97] Maxamuud Cali Shire became a sympathizer of the Darwish cause in early 1911 and during this time Sayid Maxamed influenced Maxamuud Cali Shire to challenge his father's leadership. When Maxamuud Cali Shire went back to his relatives and demanded that he should replace his ailing father, disarray was created within the Warsangeli. The argument was settled by proposing that the young Maxamuud Cali Shire should become Sultan of Warsangeli while his father could remain Garaad.[98] But after a short time Sultan Maxamuud (later Garaad Maxamuud) fell out with the Sayid and their relationship became sour. The reason that Sayid Maxamed was such a controversial figure was his indiscriminate raiding, seizing and plundering of the property of the Somali clans he suspected were not favourable to his cause. This behaviour poisoned his relations with the Somali clans and crippled his movement as, consequently, it alienated him from the clans who traditionally considered all crime against an individual as a crime against the clan to which the person belongs. Somalis believe the individual does not exist outside the clan. In the clan the individual enjoys a modicum of economic and political security.[99] All these actions were against the gist of the Darwish movement, it also estranged him from other religious orders such as the Qadiriya and Dandarawiya. The conflict stretched to such an extreme that the Darwish killed a Qadiriya representative in southern Somaliland, Sheekh Awees Biyooley (Sheikh Uways bin Maxamed al-Baraawa) in Biyooley, southern Somaliland, in 1909. The Darwish also razed a Qadiriya settlement in Sheikh, a small town between Berbera and Bura-o in British Somaliland. The Qadiriya was deeply rooted in the country when Sayid Maxamed started in his struggle 1890s. Somalis believe that pious men are people that must be respected and killing them is believed to be a nefarious act. The unsympathetic pogrom of pious Muslims was the most abominable offence in Islamic teaching.[100] The veteran Darwish Ismaaciil Mire believed that the cause that led to the collapse of the movement was the indiscriminate killing of holy men.[101] Sayid Maxamed and his followers blamed the clans for the conflict and they maintained that they were on the side of truth and righteousness,[102] and those opposed them were supporters of the infidels, therefore, infidels themselves. The opponents of the Darwish accused their actions of being non-Muslim, therefore, bid-ci (heretic).[103] Contracting political alliances by marriages was one of Sayid Maxamed's political devices. He asked for nearly all the clan leaders’ daughters or sisters as spouses. To accommodate his political nuptials he had to divorce and marries continuously as Islam allows a man to marry only four wives at a time. This type of marital life frustrated his spouses until one of them, Dhiimo, attempted to poison his food. After this episode insecurity stalked him everywhere and consequently secluded him from his advisers. The logistical need and other pressing need of huge standing troops require continuous supply. To cope with these demands the Darwish collected voluntary charity (siyaaro), which Muslims are required to give to religious men. In the first few years' donations appeared to flow without many problems but when relations with clan’s soured supplies were cut. Then a new decree was passed by the Darwish that said whoever did not help the Darwish was not Muslim, must be killed and his property confiscated. The seizing of property seemed to have become one of the resources of the movement. The announcement alarmed many clans and it created a situation where clans were compelled to defend themselves and to ask for help from the colonialist authorities. In June 1890 a Darwish contingent raided the Ciida-gale lineage of the Isaaq clan-family settlements in Gaaroodi, between Oodweyne and Hargeysa in the Northwest region. In the raid they looted two thousand camels. The incursion named after a full moon night quot;Dayax-Weerarquot; had negative effects on the Darwish movement as it was led by commander Shariif Cabdullaahi Shariif Cumar. The Somali society believes shariif to be pious people who are directly descendent from the prophet Maxamed. People could not expect such acts from pious men and it astonished them. The policy of looting and plundering clans suspected of not being in favour of the jihad created the impression that what Sayid Maxamed intended was to institutionalise quot;the devil's norms,quot; thus contradicting his cause. He introduced the law of talon within the Darwish. Whoever wronged among the Darwish had to face the quot;you defiedquot; (waad xujowday) provision. This code of rules was completely alien to the Somali practice of treating crime according to clan context. 13
    • The inter-clan adversary was another factor that weakened and handicapped the Darwish movement as clans pulled out from the movement if they detected that their rival clans had more chances within the organisation. The Somalis see the individual through his clan, therefore, Sayid Maxamed was seen as an Ogaadeen sheikh and whatever he did they expected him to be liable to his clan but this proved false, as his organisation transcended clan interests. This was a complete departure from the traditional alliances of clan politics. For Somalis to comprehend such a social system was unimaginable. What Sayid Maxamed was aiming at was beyond the comprehension of clans then. They did not know who was liable for the Sayid's mistakes since his enemies included his own Ogaadeen relatives. The fighting between Sayid Maxamed and the clans may be interpreted as a conflict between state and clanism, in which the state was overwhelmed by the reality of the social polity. 6 CONCLUSION 6.1 Darwish Nationalism and Modern Somali Nationalism The Somalis remained encompassed by the kinship system for centuries, even at the advent of the formation of the Somali state. The same manifestation has been seen in ancient societies where they were deeply antagonistic to any strong inclination of individualism.[104] Any one who behaves independently as an individual they call quot;one who stands alonequot; (goonni u goosi). This evidence still exists today. One thing seems clear, the Somali stays Somali by pressing the drive towards individualisation and what the Darwish demanded was a state system where the individual depends on the state and not the clan. This evolution needs time and conditions where process of social change could take place and individualism could breed. Modern Somali nationalism that springs from the very nature of their culture and nurtured from a feeling of national consciousness is also the result of the reawakening of the effect of external influence such as the establishment of an alien government, and the impact of the Second World War.[105] The feeling of national consciousness and rejection of colonial domination correlates with Darwish nationalism. However, where Darwish nationalism envisaged a state fashioned on the model of Salahiya brotherhood with strict hierarchical and rigid centralization of a religious order, modern Somali nationalism conceived a unitary republic with a representative democratic form of government. The cohesive force that the Darwish state polity was based upon was religious ideology whereas the modern Somali state's ideology was based on Somalism, an ideology that reflected the sharing of the people of common national consciousness.[106] The politics of the clan requires that nobody belongs to Somali society unless he/she belongs to the descent structure therefore the kinship group.quot; [107] In fact, the creation of an independent Somali Republic on 1th July 1960 was only the beginning of their struggle for national unity as the republic was formed by those Somalis formerly ruled by Italian and British colonial powers, thus excluding those Somalis living in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Djibouti, [108] who attained their sovereignty from France in June 1977. The creation of the Republic was not an ends itself but a means to attain the task of putting all Somalis under a single state. [109] This fact constituted quot;a dilemma where Somalia remains a nation in search of a state.quot; [110] The concept of the 'unification of all Somalis' became the crux of the hope of the Somali people. 14
    • NOTES [1]. For the treaty see Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.188-189. [2]. I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), p.73. [3]. Many parts of this writing I took from Abdisalam M Issa-Salwe, The Collapse of The Somali State: The Impact of The Colonial Legacy, (London: Haan Associates, 1994). [4]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), Wasaaradda Hiddaha iyo Tacliinta Sare, Akadeemiyaha Dhaqanka, Muqdishu, 1976, p.4. Others believe he was born in 1864. [5]. Traditionally, Somalis name season after events or its effect. Gobaysane was famous for its abundance. [6]. Sayid Maxamed's mother was from the numerically superior Cali Geri, a Dhulbahante sub-lineage. Later on his maternal lineage became the nucleus of his followers. [7]. Haj is one of the five pillars of Islam. Every Muslim is required to do haj, in Mecca, at least ones in his lifetime. [8]. Salihiya is an offshoot of Ahmadiya order. [9]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op.cit., p. 8. About the mandate is in dispute. Others believe that the other hajis who accompanied him in the haj recommended him to represent Salihiya in Somalia. [10]. I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p.63. [11]. Bradford G. Martin, Muslim Politics and Resistance to Colonial Rule: Shaykh Uways Bin Muhammed Al-Baraawi and the Qadiriya Brotherhood in East Africa, Journal of African History, 10,3 (1969) pp.471-186. [12]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op.cit., p.9. There is another version of how the Sayid acquired this epithet. It says when he left Mecca, he passed the port of Aden. The sheikh had a skirmish with an English officer. An interpreter named Cali Qaaje explained to the officer by saying, quot;Sir, pardon, he Mad Mullah.quot; [13] . Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p.106. [14]. Ahmadiya was founded by Ahmad bin Idris Al-Faasi (1760-18-37) in Mecca. [15]. Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.106. The Qadiriya order was founded by Sheikh 'Abdul-Qadir Jilani (d. AD 1166) and buried in Baghdad. It was divided into two groups: Zayla'iya, named after its founder Sheikh Abdul-Rahman Az-Zayli'i (died in 1883), in the north. Uwaysiya named after its founder Sheikh Uways Bin Mahammad al-Baraawa killed in 1909 by the Darwish forces in Biyooley in the south Somaliland. [16]. Ahmed I. Samatar, Socialist Somalia: Rhetoric and Reality, (London Zed Books Ltd, 1988), pp.26-27. [17]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.10. [18]. Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.106. [19]. Ibid, p.107. [20]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.12. Aw-Gaas Ahmed was the one who put the attention of the administration about Sayyid Mohammed's intention, by saying quot;This sheikh is planning up something. If you do not arrest him now, you will look for him very far.quot; (Wadaadkaasu waxbuu soo wadaa. Haddaan haatan la qabanna meel fog baa laga dooni doonaa). [21]. Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.120. [22]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.23. [23]. . Ibid., p.22. [24]. Ibid., p.25. In Somali, quot;Wadaaku wixii diin ah ama diintayku lug leh ha xukumo. Wixii reer ah ama dadka Nugaal deggan xaalkooda ah dhaafo. Dhulkayaga gaalo ma joogto, tan xeebaha iyo magaalooyinka lagu sheegayana dagaal ku doonan mayno.quot; [25]. Ibid., p.25. quot;Nugaal iyo dadka deggan anaa Boqor u ah. Taladooda nin iiga dambeeya maahee ninna uga dambayn maayo!quot; [26]. Ibid., p.25. quot;Wadaad Ogaadeen ah oo dariiqo aan dhulka laga aqoon wata ayaa dunidii waalay, dadkiina kaxaystay. Dab iyo askarba ii soo dir.quot; [27]. I.M. Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa op. cit., p.70 [28]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op.cit., p.26. [29]. Margery Perham, The Government of Ethiopia, (Evanston, Illionios: North Western University Press, 1969), p.161. [30]. Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.110. [31]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.28. [32] . Somali version: Col Shariif, waceysiyoo, caalin reero dhacaaya; Cilmi geel lagu qaado, Sayidkii calmanaayow; Cimri yuu kuysimaayoo, ciribteeda ogaada! The English version quoted in Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.119. [33] . Ciida-gale ma daaroo, an danqabi maayo; Duubiyey calaamayn, Diiriyaanu xididnoo; Dayax weerar jeer hore rag baa igu dukhuuloo. See Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.29. [34]. Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.121. [35]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.31. [36]. A seasonal lake in the heart of the Western Somaliland. [37]. Sayid Maxamed intended to impose Maxamed Subeer to pay for the blood money of their ergo. Traditionally blood-fine of a man is 100 camels. Sayyid Mahammad asked more than one hundred camels for the blood-fine of Aw-Cabbas. This makes more than 3300 camel for the release 32 peace delegation. [38]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.36. [39]. Sheikh Maxamed Xuseen, Field notes, Busia, Uganda, 14 August 1989. My translation from Somali, quot;Dawaco waalan oo uu hogaaminayo wadaad waalan.quot; [40]. Quoted in Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., pp.24-56. [41]. See Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., pp.41-102. [42]. Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.155. [43]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.63. 15
    • [44]. Maxamed D. Afrax, Culture and Catastrophe in Somalia: The Search for a New Discourse, Paper presented at The Somali Chal- lenge: Peace, Resources and Reconstruction, Geneva on 10-14 July 1992, pp.15-34. [45]. Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.181. [46]. Quoted in Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.153. [47]. B. W. Andrezejewski and I. M. Lewis, Somali Poetry: an Introduction, (Oxford: University of Oxford, 1964), p.74. [48]. Spencer J. Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, (Oxford: the Clarendon Press, 1952) p.34. [49]. Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.143. [50]. I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p.82. [51]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., pp.117-118. In this occasion the Sayyid said, quot;Talyan Koofiyad weynow, dabadeed aadykalaantoo. Kidibkii aad shubtee, Keenadiid ma waddaa?quot; Translated in English, O Italian with big hat, talk later. What ever you, did you bring with you Keenadiid?quot; [52]. For the treaty see Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.188-189. [53]. For more detail of the agreement see Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895- 1921), op. cit. [54]. Robert L Hess, Italian Colonialism in Somalia, (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1966) p.134. [55]. Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.208. [56]. I am using here the translation of Canjeel Talawaa quoted in Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit. [57]. Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.187. [58]. id S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.128. [59]. id, p.101. See also Cali Jaamac's poem quoted in Said S Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, (1982), op.cit., pp.148-149. [60]. Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.209. [61]. Ibid., p.204. [62]. Ibid., p.206. [63]. Ibid., 206. [64]. For the full text of the this poem see B. W. Andrezejewski and I. M. Lewis, Somali Poetry: an Introduction, op. cit. [65]. Jardine, The Mad Mullah of Somaliland, op.cit., p.189. [66]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.158. [67]. Saadia Touval, Somali Nationalism: International Politics and the Drive for Unity in the Horn of Africa, op.cit., p.54. [68]. The order might have been from W. Churchill, the then Under Secretary of State for Colonies who came to visit Berbera. See Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.166. [69]. I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p.76. [70]. Ibid. p.76. [71]. I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p.76. [72]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.164. [73]. Robert L Hess, Italian Colonialism in Somalia, op. cit., p.140. [74]. Ibid., p.141. [75]. Siciid Maxamed Guure, Field note, Iskushuban, (Bari region), Somalia, March 1977. [76]. I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p. 77. [77]. Ibid., p.78. [78]. Robert L Hess, Italian Colonialism in Somalia, op. cit., p.146. [79]. For the agreement see Francesco Caroselli, Ferro e Fuoco in Somalia, (Roma: Sindicato Italiano Arti Grafiche Editore, 1931), p.224. For more detail see also Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895- 1921), op. cit., pp.242-246. [80]. I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p.78. [81]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.260. [82]. Ibid., pp.261-262. [83]. Ibid., p.262. [84]. Ibid., p.206. [85]. Isabel Burton, ed., First Footsteps in East Africa by Captain Sir Richard F. Burton, (London: Tylston and Edwards, (London: Tylston and Edwards, 1894), Vol.I. p.10. [86]. Martin (1976) quoted in Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.117. [87]. I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p. 81. [88]. Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.186. [89]. Ibid., p.117 [90]. I M Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p.82. [91]. See Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille, op. cit., p.198. [92]. Said S. Samatar and David D. Laitan, Somalia: Nation in Search of a State, op. cit., p.36. [93]. Martin (1976) quoted in Ahmed I. Samatar, Socialist Somalia: Rhetoric and Reality, op. cit., pp.25-26. [94]. Quoted in Ahmed I. Samatar, Socialist Somalia: Rhetoric and Reality, op. cit., p.34. [95]. My translation of Caado laga tago cara Alla ayey leedahey.quot; [96]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., p.25. [97]. Field note, from tape recorder by Aw-Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Lusaka, Zambia, July 1990. [98]. Ibid. [99]. Said S. Samatar and David D.Laitan, Somalia: Nation in Search of a State, op. cit., p.45. [100]. Ibid., p.164. See also Ali Jama poem quoted in Said S Samatar (1982) pp.148-149. [101]. Ibid., p.177. 16
    • [102]. Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise, Taariikhdii Darwishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, (1895-1921), op. cit., pp.209-210. [103]. Ibid., p.210. [104]. Eli Sagan, At the Dawn of Tyranny: The Origins of Individualism, Political Oppression, and the State, (London: Faber and Faber, 1985), p.362. [105]. Saadia Touval, Somali Nationalism: International Politics and the Drive for Unity in the Horn of Africa, op. cit., p.83-84. [106]. Ibid, p.73 [107]. Said S. Samatar and David D.Laitan, Somalia: Nation in Search of a State, op. cit., p.31. [108]. Roland Oliver and Michael Crowder, edit. The Cambridge Encyclopedia, p.250 [109]. Cabdisalam M Ciise-Salwe, The Collapse of Somali National State: the Colonial Factor, Paper presented at the conference on Paix et Reconstruction en Somalie, Paris, 15-17 April 1993, p.4. [110]. S. Samatar and A. Laitan, Somalia: Nation in Search of a State, op. cit., p.129 17
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