100 Shantanu KrishnaThe Chi-square test was used to test the significance of the differences of the results.With regards to the attitude question which is based on a Likert scale, the t-test al-lowed to determine the differences of the means. The results were then interpreted,put into context with the gift giving literature and findings were used to explain towhat extent and in what ways there is a cross cultural difference in monetary gift giv-ing behaviour. Limitations and recommendations have been drawn and areas of inter-est for future research are indicated.Gift GivingLiterature ReviewGift giving is defined as the “voluntary transfer from one person to another withoutcompensation” (McGrath, 1995). This old custom, which occurs in all societies, isnowadays an integral part of our daily life. Gift giving is not only an economic trans-action, but a process of high-context communication that conveys rich, symbolicmeanings and is a medium for social interaction and personal expression (Wang et al.,2001; Allan, 2003). With the average US household spending 4% of its budget ongifts (Park, 1998) it is an industry that cannot be neglected. Despite the worldwide spread of gift giving, Waldfogel (1993) argues that non-monetary gifts make little sense from an economical point of view and are a source ofpotential deadweight loss. Since gift decisions are always made by someone else thanthe final customer, the recipient’s preferences might not be met with the non-monetary gift. A monetary gift, which can take the form of cash, vouchers or cheques,avoids this deadweight loss. This reduction of deadweight loss can partly explain whyvouchers have become increasingly popular as gifts. According to Scammon et al. (1982) four primary functions of gift-giving can beidentified. One function is gift giving as communication between gift giver and re-ceiver. As gifts are often means of showing respect and honour for the recipient thechoice of the “right” gift is very important for the giver in order to transfer the desiredmessage from the giver to the recipient. Furthermore, gifts can be used to communi-cate how important somebody is to the giver and the choice of the gift provides in-formation about him. In order to prevent a misunderstanding in the gift giving com-munication givers are likely to choose gifts which are considered to be accepted bythe society and are therefore “safe” (Scammon et al., 1982). Another function of giftgiving is the facilitation of social exchange. This is particularly relevant on gift givingoccasions and often serves as a symbol of social support. When gift giving is seen asan obligatory reciprocal exchange between two people it is an economic exchange.Finally, gifts are also given as a mean of socialisation. In this context gifts are givento people in order to express social connection and symbolise relationship in rites(Scammon et al., 1982; Ertimur, B. and Sandikci, O. 2005). Self-gratification hasbeen identified as a fifth function of gift giving by Mick and DeMoss (1990). Theyargue that people buy “something nice” for themselves in a number of different cir-cumstances such as when feeling depressed or wanting to reward themselves. Even though most gift giving studies concentrate on women, research in genderdifferences has been undertaken. Fischer and Arnold (1990) showed that women are
Monetary Gift giving Comparison between Chinese 101more involved in Christmas gift shopping than men. McGrath (1995) supports thesefindings as she argues that women have more intimate exchange relationships thanmen. Gift giving is a practice which is very sensitive to the cultural, ethical and legalenvironment and therefore varies across different cultures (Wang et al., 2001).Hofstede’s (1983) model gives insights into the differences between the Chinese andthe British culture. In the Chinese culture, an individual is inherently connected toothers and fosters relationships through reciprocity, sentiment, and kinship network(Joy, 2001). Chinese philosophical thought is largely influenced by Confucianism andemphasises that people should align their behaviour with their social roles to maintainharmony in interpersonal relationships (Allan et al., 2003). These traditional valuesemphasize the importance of compliance to social norms over individual recognitionand achievement and of family security and affiliation (Wang et al., 2001). In otherwords, the Chinese experience themselves as interdependent and willing to make sac-rifices for maintaining communal harmony (Joy, 2001). Looking at the influence of the culture on gift giving, Wang et al. refer to Yau(1988, 1994 cited in Wang 2001) who identified three concepts in the Chinese giftgiving culture. The first one is the concept of face which implies that the giver looseshis face when offering a gift which does not match to the recipients standing in life orprestige. The concept of GuanXi refers to gift giving as a process for building rela-tionships throughout individuals in professional and public lives. The last concepts isthe already mentioned concept of reciprocity which implies the returned gift giving atan appropriate time of a gift with at least the same value what is expected in return(Wang et al., 2001). As a result of these three concept, Park (1998) concludes thatbecause of group conformity and face-saving needs, there is a high degree of socialpressure in the Asian gift-giving behaviour. In contrast to that the British culture is characterised by a very high degree of in-dividualism (Hofstede, 1993). Ties between individuals are therefore much looser, thelevel of loyalty is lower and the conformity with the group is less important in the UKthan in collectivistic cultures such as China. According to Park (1998) this influencesand explains differences in gift giving between individualistic and collectivistic cul-tures. Belk (1984) states that cross cultural differences in concepts of self, affect atti-tudes in the gift-giving behaviour. In western cultures it is common to asses the iden-tity of self based on individual characters such as different symbols of individualstatus whereas in other cultures the theories of self are developed more by the viewthat people make part of a cohesive whole. In cultures where identity tends to be col-lectivistic, gift giving has the three function of establishing and sustaining social link-ages, limiting envy through sharing and giving to extended self (Belk 1984). In con-trast to that, in individualistic societies gift giving helps transmitting the self conceptoutside the family. This means that in these cultures gift giving is more an action thatreflects the giver’s concepts of self than enhances an identity which is based on thegroup (Park 1998). Differences of gift giving behaviour between cultures can be seen in both, thepersonal and the business environment (Arunthanes et al., 1994). With the in-
102 Shantanu Krishnacreasing globalisation of today’s world, the understanding of gift giving conceptsin different cultures becomes more and more important, in particular for busi-ness relationships. In the British culture, relationships are developed after the busi-ness is done whereas in China the relationships are developed before the business isestablished (D’Souza, C. 2003). Giving gifts in China is therefore seen as compulsoryfor the establishment of business and personal relationships. Contrary to that, gifts inthe British business context are often not well accepted and can even be seen as aform of bribery (D’Souza, 2003). Other than differences in the motivations of gift giving, the literature suggests thatthe types of gifts also vary across cultures. According to Liao and Huang (2006), a redenvelope containing cash is a very common gift in China that is socially accepted andeconomically supports the receiver. Ting et al. (2005) even suggest that most Chinesethink a monetary gift is not only convenient but also substantial, whereas a receiver isdifficult to satisfy with a non-monetary gift. Therefore cash is seen as a gift for whatthe gift search effort is low and which avoids loosing the giver’s face by choosing thewrong gift item (Park, 1998). In the UK, an enormous amount of money is spent on gifts which are generally ofnon-monetary character (Prendergast and Stole, 2001). The reason for non-monetarygift giving is that the thought counts more than the actual value of the gift. The donoris expected to spend time on searching for an appropriate gift for the recipient (Pren-dergast and Stole, 2001; Belk, R. 1976). Waldfogel (1993) states that in individualis-tic countries, monetary gifts are often seen as impersonal, reflect the donor’s lack ofpersonal knowledge of the receiver and show little willingness to spend time to findan adequate gift. According to Predergast and Stole (2001) people give non-monetarygifts to illustrate to what degree they know the personal preferences of gift receiver.Therefore the symbolic value of the gift has more importance than its economic value(Ertimur and Sandikci, 2005). As a result of these factors monetary gifts often appearas inappropriate and impersonal. They are usually given only in certain contexts suchas weddings or when the desires and needs of the recipient are not well known (Er-timur and Sandikci, 2005).Research objectives(1) This upcoming research is primarily concerned with a comparative study of the British and Chinese monetary gift-giving behaviour.(2) Analysing whether the monetary gift giving behaviour would differ because of cross-cultural differences between the two countries.MethodologyResearch approach and designThe design and execution of the research is of high importance in order to capture thedifferences in the cross-cultural monetary gift-giving behaviour. A combination of anexploratory and conclusive research approach was determined to meet the researchobjectives.
Monetary Gift giving Comparison between Chinese 103Questionnaire designA questionnaire was developed in SNAP based on secondary research and the out-comes of the exploratory qualitative research. Its aim is to generate the necessary datato answer the research question mentioned above. Using the same questionnaire forboth Chinese and British respondents ensured the validity of any comparisons of dif-ferent respondents’ answers. The questionnaire contains closed and scaling questions only. Open-ended ques-tions were avoided due to their drawback of being difficult to analyse and interpret(Wilson, 2006). As recommended by Wilson (2006) the design of the questionnaire follows a fun-nel sequence going from general to specific questions. Wordings and phrases werekept simple and straightforward in order to avoid any ambiguity.Sampling design and interviewsAccording to the research objectives and instructions from the Marketing departmentthe target population for the research has been defined as all Chinese and BritishStrathclyde University students, no matter what age, course of study or sex they were.A further criterion, the necessity of a participant to be either a British or Chinese citi-zen, was introduced by the researchers. In addition, a participant had to give theirconsent to conduct the interview. If any of these criteria were not fulfilled, the inter-view was not continued. To identify the target group, screening questions were developed where partici-pants were asked about their nationality in addition to whether they wanted to partici-pate in the interview. Because of budget and time constraints, a convenience non random samplingmethod was adopted (Wilson, 2006), as the most accessible members of the popula-tion of interest were selected. In accordance with the guidelines stipulated by theMarketing department the sample of respondents was restricted to a total of 50 per-sonal interviews inside the University of Strathclyde.AnalysisOverview of ResultsAfter completing 50 questionnaires the data was entered into SNAP and exported toSPSS. SPSS was used to analyse the data rather than SNAP because of SNAP’s re-stricted analysis capabilities. SPSS offers a wider range of possibilities to analyse thedata and portray the results. Chi-square analyses, t-tests, Cronbach’s coefficient Alpha and a correlation testwere performed comparing the two cultures where appropriate on the gift giving vari-ables. Several significant differences could be identified in gift giving behaviour be-tween respondents from the two countries.Monetary gift givingUsing a Chi-square procedure, the first three questions were compared across genders,age, nationality and years of work experience. No significant differences have been
104 Shantanu Krishnafound on any of the analysed variables. The results have to be interpreted with cau-tion, as there were warnings that more than 20 percent of cells had expected valuesless than five. Most British and Chinese students prefer to give non-monetary giftswhile there is no clear preference of kind of gifts received. The majority of people ofboth cultures tend to receive non-monetary gifts. While using a Chi-square procedure to compare what kind of monetary gifts peo-ple usually give across genders, age, nationality and years of work experience, sig-nificant differences were found for nationality and work experience. Chinese citizensmore often give cash directly as a gift than their British counterparts, who tend to givevouchers or avoid monetary gifts. (Chi-square=9.934, df=1, p<.01). In addition, eve-ryone with more than two years work experience has given monetary gifts to others,while more than a half of the people who do not have any work experience have nevergiven monetary gifts (Chi-square 10.979, df=2, p<.01). Monetary gift giving and non-monetary gift giving to different people on dif-ferent occasions. The following analysis will focus on what kind of gifts (monetary or non-monetary) are given to whom and on what occasions. Graph 1 shows that the proportions of the kind of gifts given, varies between theBritish and the Chinese gift givers. British people prefer to give less monetary giftsand more non-monetary gifts than Chinese. It was also noticed that the majority ofgifts in Britain are non-monetary and one third of the gifts given are monetary inChina. Graph 1: Types of gifts given by Chinese and British people. Another difference concerns the receiver of a monetary gift. In the Chinese cul-ture, family members more often receive monetary gifts than in the British culture(Chi-square 5.867, df=1, p<.05). Graph 2 shows that the total number of British andChinese people that give gifts to their family members is the same. However Britishpeople are more likely to give non-monetary gifts to their family, whereas Chinese
Monetary Gift giving Comparison between Chinese 105have a preference to give more monetary gifts. This portrays the strong family bondsin a collectivistic culture such as China. Graph 2: Types of gifts given to family members for Chinese and British people. It is interesting to note that, a difference in giving gifts to other family membersexists among people having a different length of work experience (Chi-square 9.180,df=2, p<.01). 86 percent of the respondents having no work experience tend to givenon-monetary gifts to other family members. For people having less than two yearswork experience, no clear preference of type of gift to family members can be identi-fied. Following that trend, the group of people having more than two years work ex-perience has a strong preference of giving monetary gifts. Based on the comparisonabove, it can be concluded that the more work experience people have, the more theyare inclined to give monetary gifts, no matter what culture they come from (Graph 3).Graph 3: Types of gifts given to other family members based on length of work ex-perience.
106 Shantanu Krishna Looking at the different occasions on which the British and Chinese give gifts(Graph 4), it becomes clear that there are more gift giving occasions in China. In addi-tion, on more of these occasions it is common to give monetary gifts than in Britain. Graph 4: Gift giving in different occasions. In the list of occasions, Baby Announcement is not applicable for Chinese onwhich, no British will give monetary gifts. On the other hand, British do not haveChinese New Year, Reception of University Offers, Child Birth / One month afterBirth, Teacher’s Day and Children’s Day. In the 17 occasions listed in the graph above, 12 of them were selected to compareacross country by using Chi-square tests (see Table 1). In this Chi-square test, thevariables of non-monetary gift, no gift and not applicable were recoded into a samevariable in order to avoid warnings. The excluded five gift giving occasions are theones where no monetary gifts are given at all. As shown in table one, there are significant differences in gift giving when some-one gets University Offers, housewarming and mothers day between British and Chi-nese. The results marked with an asterix have to be interpreted with prudence, as morethan 20 percent of the cells with expected count of less than five. It is important to point out that 60 percent of Chinese will give monetary gifts onchild birth or one month after birth, while British do not give gifts on such occasions(Chi-square 21.429, df=1, p<.001). On Chinese New Year, Chinese people exclu-sively give monetary gifts, whereas the British do not celebrate this occasion at all(Chi-square 28.125, df=1, p<.001).It is a Chinese custom to give monetary gifts in thetwo occasions for bringing luck to the receiver.
Monetary Gift giving Comparison between Chinese 107Table 1: Chi-Square Tests Matrix – Significance of differences of type of gifts givenbetween Chinese and British people on different occasions.Occasions Value df Asymp. Sig. (2-sided) WarningAnniversary 0.222 1 .637 *Birthday 0.136 1 .713Child Birth/ One month after Birth 21.429 1 .000Chinese New Year 28.125 1 .000Christmas 1.020 1 .312Fathers day 1.495 1 .221Funerals 15.789 1 .000Get University Offers 6.818 1 .009Graduations 0.166 1 .684Housewarming 5.357 1 .021Mothers day 5.556 1 .018Wedding 6.650 1 .010* More than 20% cells have expected count less than 5 For funerals, Chinese either give monetary gifts (48 percent) or nothing at all.This is an occasion where British people do not give gifts (Chi-square 15.789, df=1,p<.001). It seems that this is a way Chinese people give assistance to the families ofthe deceased and again stresses the high degree of collectivism which leads to a strongfamily and group cohension. Another distinct difference between the Chinese and the British culture is the typeof gifts given for a wedding (Chi-square 6.650, df=1, p<.01). 26 percent of Britishcitizens will choose a monetary gift for a newlywed couple whereas 88 percent of theChinese will give monetary gifts. Again, it is a tradition in China to give monetarygifts when attending a wedding, which not only means good luck but also is a form ofassistance for the newlywed people to form new families. Overall, Chinese people have more gift giving occasions and are more likely togive monetary gifts than the British due to the fact that for several occasions the tradi-tion demands a monetary gift.Motivations for gift givingSeven items in the questionnaire aimed to find the different motivations for givinggifts, especially monetary gifts for Chinese and British. The respondents were askedto give their opinion on certain statements. An inter-item correlation analysis wasconducted (Table 2) to find the correlation between the seven statements asked in the5-point Likert scale. The first three items (X1-X3) strongly reflect the Chinese valuesof face saving, reciprocity and group conformity whereas the last three items are moreapplicable to the British culture.
108 Shantanu Krishna Table 2: Inter-Item Correlation Matrix. X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7It is common in my cul-ture to give monetary 1 .405(**) .549(**) -0.035 0.019 0.238 0.058gifts. (X1)It is expected of me togive a monetary gift if I .405(**) 1 .465(**) .310(*) 0.174 0.141 0.097have received one previ-ously. (X2)There is a lot of socialpressure to give monetary .549(**) .465(**) 1 0.04 0.234 0.181 0.123gifts. (X3)I give monetary giftswhen I do not know the .635(* .503(* - -0.035 .310(*) 0.04 1preferences of the re- *) *) 0.118ceiver. (X4)I give monetary giftswhen I do not have .394(* 0.019 0.174 0.234 .635(**) 1 0.019enough time to look for a *)non-monetary gift. (X5)I think monetary gifts are - .394(*more valuable/ useful than 0.238 0.141 0.181 .503(**) 1 .409( *)non-monetary gifts. (X6) **)I value the thought and -effort behind a gift more 0.058 0.097 0.123 -0.118 0.019 .409(* 1than the value of it. (X7) *)** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).* Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed). The inter-item correlation matrix shows that respondents who agreed to X1 tend toagree also on the statements X2, X3 because the correlation between these statementsis significant. This stresses the fact that these three statements are strongly related.Respondents who tend to agree on the second items (X2) are likely to agree also onX1 and X3 and with a reduced significance also tend to agree to X4. People whoagreed on statement X3 are very likely to agree as well on X1 and X2. These correla-tions strongly stress the assumption that the first three statements reflect one specificculture, namely the Chinese. Statements X4 to X6 are strongly correlated again whichallows the assumption that these three statements build another block, which couldreflect the British gift giving behaviour. X7 shows very little overall correlation. Itbecomes clear that people who agreed on statement X7 tend to disagree on statementX6 due to the negative significant correlation. Therefore, people who value monetarygifts more than non-monetary gifts usually disagree on the statement that they valuemore the thought and effort behind a gift than the value of it. Consequently, motiva-tions for monetary gift giving behaviour can be divided into two blocks (X1-X3) and(X4-X6).
Monetary Gift giving Comparison between Chinese 109 Applying a reliability test the researchers tried to find out how the series of itemsin this question taken together are a reliable indication of the concept. The Likertscale question is designed to indicate and how the items can be related to the researchtopic. In order to achieve reliable results a Cronbach’s Alpha of a value above 0.7must be achieved. Taking all seven items (X1-X7 Inter-Item Correlation Matrix) used in the 5 pointLikert scale into consideration gives a reliability of α=.641. An α < .7 is regarded asmarginal, the researchers considered taking only items with “Cronbach’s Alpha ifitem deleted” lower than the current α (X1-X6). Therefore, the statement X7 was de-leted in order to increase the reliability of the items to an acceptable value of α >.7which leaded to an increase of reliability of the items (α = .703). This outcome doesnot surprise because looking back to the Correlation analysis it was already assumedfrom the inter-item correlation matrix that the last items shows little relationship withthe other items. The remaining six items (X1-X6) are perfectly related to the researchtopic and can be used as a reliable indication to explain the differences between Chi-nese and British gift giving behaviour. According to the outcome of the correlation and reliability analysis the researchersapplied a T-test focused only on the first six items (X1-X6). It is more common in theChinese culture to give monetary gifts than in the British culture (mean-china=1.80vs. mean-British=3.00, t(50)=5.041, p<.01). Expectations for reciprocal of monetarygifts are higher for Chinese people (mean-British =3.08 vs. mean-china=2.28,t(50)=3.065, p<.01). The main reason for this attitudes seems to be the Chinese tradi-tion and the social pressure present in collectivistic cultures. The reciprocity and thestrong group cohesion expressed in this behaviour are therefore characteristics of theChinese monetary gift giving behaviour and are strongly connected to the culture.This fact can also be explained by the high importance of the tradition in the Chineseculture (Mean –British=3.44 vs. Mean-china=2.28, t(50) =3.395, p<.01). Graph 5: Error Bars assessing attitudes.
110 Shantanu Krishna A further outcome of the T-test was that Chinese and British showed very similaropinions in the statements X4-X6. These three items were describing behaviourslikely to characterise the British gift giving culture. As no differences have beenfound, it must be assumed that British values, such as valuing a non-monetary gifthigher and only resort to monetary gifts under certain circumstances, have either be-come universal or were adopted by Chinese students living in Britain through the ac-culturation process. These outcomes strongly support the assumptions made in thecorrelation analysis where X1-X3 showed a high inter-item correlation as well as X4-X6.Conclusion and Future DirectionsThis study has investigated the cultural differences between the British and the Chi-nese culture mainly focusing on their monetary gift giving behaviour. The results givean idea of the cultural differences in terms values of Confucian collectivism and indi-vidualism. Contrary to Chinese, British projected the individualistic characteristics,which are also reflected in the kind of gifts they like to buy and their motivationalaspect behind the purchase of a gift. There also exists a striking contrast between both the cultures in the type of giftsgiven and the occasions on which those gifts are given. Chinese people prefer givingmonetary gifts to their relatives, friends and other people and have much more occa-sions to give those gifts than the British people. Although there are occasions onwhich British people also give monetary gifts like, graduations, Birthday and wed-dings, it was quite interesting to note that the motivational aspect behind giving themonetary gift between the British and the Chinese people, was quite different. ForBritish people, it was usually the lack of time to purchase a non-monetary gift orless knowledge of the liking of a particular person/couple but for Chinese people, giv-ing a monetary gift signifies not only good luck but is also is taken as an assis-tance for the newlywed couple to build a family. Another individualistic pattern of British culture which came out from thestudy was that, there is less pressure for group conformity in the UK and giftsare given on the basis of whether personal gain for the receiver can be achieved.In China however, gift giving is an expression of love and affection. It is seen asan occasion of developing and containing good personal relationships in the privateand the public life which are of high importance, which is a clear example of thecollectivistic behaviour of Chinese culture. An important finding from the study said, that the Chinese students do face a lotof social pressure to give monetary gifts, and thus people who are into some kind ofjob, and are earning are the only ones in both the cultures who give Monetary gifts. This topic is of growing importance, as international activities and people’s mobil-ity are extensively increasing. Although, by examining the monetary gift giving pat-tern of Chinese and British students does not give sufficient insight into the complex-ity of the monetary gift giving behaviour, further exploration of this topic is required.Possible future fields of research would be to examine differences in the monetary giftgiving behaviour considering generational differences. Furthermore, it is assumed that
Monetary Gift giving Comparison between Chinese 111there are differences in monetary gift giving in a gender context which would be aswell an interesting future field of research. Marketers can also use the finding from this study about the motivational and themonetary aspect of gift giving in Chinese and British Culture, to promote gift vouch-ers in big cultural festivals, party gatherings and occasions such as Chinese New year,where a lot of monetary gifts are exchanged between the Chinese people. Also, theresearch can come useful to the top management of the business firms across UK andChina to develop much more cordial & strong business relationships to attain a com-petitive edge in the foreign land.Bibliography  Allan, K.K.C., Luther (Trey), D. and Alex, S.L.T. 2003. ‘The art of gift giving in China’. Business Horizons, 46 (4), 48-49.  Arunthanes, W., Tansuhaj, P. and Lemak, D. J. 1994. ‘Cross-cultural Business Gift giving, A new Conceptualization and Theoretical Framework’. Interna- tional Marketing Review, 11 (4), 44-55.  Belk, R. W. 1984. ‘Cultural and historical differences in concepts of self and their effects on attitudes toward having and giving’. Advances in Consumer Research, Volume 11, 754-763.  Belk, R. W. 1976, ‘Its the Thought that Counts: A Signed Digraph Analysis of Gift-Giving’. Journal of Consumer Research, 3(3), 155-162.  D’Souza, C. 2003. ‘An Inference of Gift-Giving within Asian Business Cul- ture’. Asia Pacific Journal of Marketing and Logistics, 15, 27-38.  Ertimur, B. and Sandikci, O. 2005. ‘Giving Gold Jewelry and Coins as Gifts: The Interplay of Utilitarism and Symbolism’. Advances in Consumer Re- search, Volume 32, 322-327.  Fischer, E. and Arnold, S.J. 1990. ‘More than a Labor of Love: Gender Roles and Christmas Gift Shopping’. Journal of Consumer Reserarch, 17 (3), 333- 345.  Hofstede, G. 1983. ‘The cultural relativity of organizational practices and theories’ Journal of International Business Studies (pre-1986), Fall 1983, 14, 75-89.  Hofstede, G. 1993. ‘Cultural constraints in management theories’ The Execu- tive, February 1993, Vol. 7, No. 1, 81-94. Jolibert, A. J. P., Fernandez-Moreno, C. 1983. ‘A Comparison of French and Mexican Gift Giving Practices’. Advances in Consumer Research, Vol. 10, 191-196. Joy, A. 2001. ‘Gift giving in Hong Kong and the continuum of social ties’. Journal of Consumer Research, 28 (2), 239-256. Liao, S. and Huang, Y.-H. 2006. ‘The Effects of Individual and Joint Gift Giv- ing on Receipt Emotions’. Journal of American Academy of Business, Cam- bridge, 10 (1), 160-166.
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